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[OKEHAMPTON,  JULY,  1895.] 




All  rights  reserved. 

[  2  ] 

The  Editor  is  requested  by  the  Council  to  make  it  known 
to  the  Public,  that  the  Committees  and  Authors  alone  are 
responsible  for  the  facts  and  opinions  contained  in  their 
respective  Reports  and  Papers. 

It  is  hoped  that  Members  will  be  so  good  as  to  send  to  the 
Editor,  the  Rev.  W.  Harpley,  Clayhanger  Rectory,  Tiverton, 
not  later  than  16th  January,  1896,  a  list  of  any  errata  they 
may  have  detected  in  the  present  volume. 

'7-  /r-j/" 
.7  4  7*  a 

[  3  ] 


List  of  Officers 

Places  of  Meeting,  &c. 

Rules  . 

Bye-Laws  and  Standing  Orders 

Report  . 

Balance-Sheet       . 

Property  . 

Selected  Minutes  of  Council  appointing  Committees 

President's  Address 

Obituary  Notices — John  Roberts  Chanter — Edward  Fisher — Winslow 
Jones — William  Layers — Mrs.  Tanner-Davy 

Fourteenth  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Devonshire  Verbal  Provin 
cialisms.     F.  T.  Elworthy 

Thirteenth  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Devonshire  Folk-Lore.  P.  F.  S 

Thirteenth  Report  (Second  Series)  of  the  Committee  on  the  Climate  of 
Devon.     P.  F.  S.  Amery  .  .  . 

8econd  Report  of  the  Dartmoor  Exploration  Committee  . 

Okehampton  Beginnings.     R.  N.  Worth,  F.o.s. 

Sport  on  Dartmoor.     W.  F.  Collier    .  •  . 

Okehampton  Castle.     R.  N.  Worth,  f.g.s. 

Recent  Repairs  to  the  Castle  at  Exeter.     Sir  J.  B.  Phear,  ma.,  f.g.s. 

Manors  in  Bratton  Clovelly.     Rev.  T.  W.  Whale,  m.a.     . 

The  Devonshire  Domesday.  II.  The  Devonshire  Domesday  and  the 
Geldroll.    Rev.  Oswald  J.  Reichel,  m.a.,  b.c.l.,  f.s.a. 

An  Enquiry  as  to  the  Genuineness  of  the  Parish  Accounts  of  Milton 
Abbott,  forjthe  year  1588,  as  given  in  the  Monthly  Magazine,  or 
British  Begister,  for  the  year  1810.     Rev.  C.  H.  Taylor,  m.a. 


















Dartmoor  and  the  County  Council  of  Devonshire.     W.  F.  Collier 

Samuel  Stoddon.     George  M.  Doe      •                .                ...  222 

A  Short  Chapter  from  the  Story  of  Torbay,  1667.  P.  Q.  Karkeek,  M.R.c.8.  226 

The  Frosts  of  1855  and  1895,  as  Observed  at  Teignmouth.     W.  C. 

Lake,  m.d.     .                .                .                .                ...  234 

Professorial  and  Amateur  Research  in  South  Devon.     A.  R.  Hunt, 

SI. A.,  F. L.H. ,  F.G.S.           •                      .                      .                      .                 .            •  «w 

Notes  on  the  Geology  of  Okehampton.     R.  N.  Worth,  f.o.s.       .        .  297 

Devonshire  Briefs.     Parti.     T.  N.  Brushfield,  m.d.         .  .        .311 

Sydenham.     Mrs.  G.  H.  Radford        .                .                ...  358 

The  Barnstaple  Parish  Registers.     Joseph  Harper             .            .        .  362 

Domesday  Identifications — The  Hundreds.     R.  N.  Worth,  f.g.s.         .  374 

Hulham  Manor.     A  Sketch  Historical  and  Economic.     Rev.  Oswald 

J.  Reichel,  m.a.,  b.c.l.,  f.s.a.     .                .                ...  404 

The  Stone  Rows  of  Dartmoor.     Part  IV.     R.  N.  Worth,  f.g.s.  .         .  437 

Index  to  Personal  Names  in  Westcote's  View  of  Devonshire  in  1630, 

and  his  Devonshire  Pedigrees.     A.  B.  Prowse,  m.d.,  f.r.c.8.       .  443 

List  of  Members                   .               .                .                ...  487 


Plan  of  Merrivale  Antiquities 

Plan  and  Bird's-eye  View  of  Merrivale  Antiquities  (2  plates) 
"  Fallen  Cromlech  "  at  Merrivale 
Barrow  at  Merrivale 
Shapley  Common  Huts  (4  plates) 
Cupboard  in  Hut  at  Shapley 
Plan  of  Okehampton  Castle 
Herring-bone  Work,  Exeter  Castle 
Athelstan's  Tower,  Exeter  (elevation) 
„  „  (section) 

»  »  (plan) 

Rev.  S.  and  Wm.  Stoddon 

License  of  Samuel  Stodden 

Facsimile  of  Brief 

Map  of  Hulham  Manor 
















[   5   ] 



The  Right  Hon.  LORD  HALSBURY. 


The  Worshipful  the  Mayor  of  Okehampton, 
S.  P.  B.  NEWCOMBE,  Esq. 

P.  F.  B.  BELLEW,  Esq. 


Rev.  J.  F.  CLARKE,  b.a. 

C.  GEEN,  Esq.,  J.p. 

W.  H.  HOLLEY,  Esq.,  j.p. 

J.  BYERS  LEAKE,  Esq.,  j.p. 

J.  DUMVILLE  LEES,  Esq.,  j.p. 

W.  LETH BRIDGE,  Esq.,  j.p. 
C.  J.  C.  LUXMORE,  Esq. 
Professor  Sir  F.  POLLOCK,  Bart., 

M.A.,  LL.D. 

Rev.  F.  W.  SAULEZ,  m.a. 

E.  B.  SAVILE,  Esq. 

Col.  WHITE-THOMSON,  c.b.,  j.p. 

C.  B.  WOOLLCOMBE,  Esq.,  j.p. 

fton.  &reaftum. 
P.  F.  S.  AMERY,  Esq.,  j.p.,  Druid,  Ashburton. 

Son.  Loral  ^treasurer. 
W.  BURD  PEARSE,  Esq.,  Okehampton. 

Ikon.  Serrrtarp. 
Rev.  W.  HARPLEY,  m.a.,  f.c.p.s.,  Clayhanger,  Tiverton. 

fcon.  Local  Secretary. 
J.  D.  PRICKMAN,  Esq.,  Okehampton. 

ACLAND,  8ie  H.  W.  D. 
AMERY,  J.  8. 
AMBRY,  P.  P.  8. 
BURNS.  J.  8. 
COTTON.  R.  W. 
DOE,  O.  M. 
DREDGE,  J.  I. 


HALL,  T.  M. 
HAMILTON,  A.  H.  A. 
HARRIS,  8.  G. 
HEX,  F.  8. 
HUNT,  A.  R. 
LAKE,  W.  C. 
MARTIN,  J.  M. 
PEARSE,  W.  B. 
PHEAR,  Sir  J.  B. 
POLLOCK,  Sir  F. 

PROWSE,  A.  B. 
RADFORD,  Mrs.  G. 
ROWB,  J.  B. 
8HAPLAND,  A.  E. 
8HELLY,  J. 
8PRAGUE,  F.  8. 
STEBBING,  T.  R.  R. 
TAYLOR.  C.  H. 
TROUP,  Mrs. 
WHALE,  T.  W. 
WOODHOU8B,  H.  B.  8. 
WORTH,  R.  H. 
WORTH,  R.  N. 

[   6   ] 




Place  of  Meeting. 

1862.  Exeter 

1863.  Plymouth 

1864.  Torquay 

1865.  Tiverton 

1866.  Tavistock 

1867.  Barnstaple 

1868.  Honiton 

1869.  Dartmouth 

1870.  Devonport 

1871.  Bideford 

1872.  Exeter 

1873.  SlDMODTH 

1874.  Teignmouth 

1875.  Torrington 

1876.  a8hburton 


1878.  Paignton 

1879.  Ilfraoombe 
1SS0.  Totnes 
1881.  Dawlish 
1S82.  Crediton 

1883.  Exmouth 

1884.  Newton  Abbot 

1885.  Seaton 

1886.  St.  Maryohuroh 

1887.  Plympton 

1888.  Exeter 

1889.  Tavistock 

1890.  Barnstaple 

1891.  Tiverton 

1892.  Plymouth 

1893.  Torquay 

1894.  South  Molton 

1895.  Okehampton 


Sir  John  Bowring,  ll.d.,  f.r.s. 
C.  Spence  Bate,  Esq.,  f.r.s.,  f.l  s. 
E.  Vivian,  Esq.,  m.a. 

C.  G.  B.  Daubeny,  m.d.,  ll.d.,  f.r.s.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Botany,  Oxford. 
Earl  Russell,  k.g.,  k.q.o.,  f.r.s.,  &c 
W.  Pengelly,  Esq.,  f.r.s.,  f.g.s. 
J.  D.  Coleridge,  Esq.,  q.c,  m.a.,  m.p. 
G.  P.  Bidder,  Esq.,  c.e. 
J.  A.  Froude,  Esq.,  m.a. 
Rev.  Canon  C.  Kingsley,  m.a.,  f.l.s.,  f.g.s. 
Right  Rev.  Lord  Bishop  of  Exeter. 
Right  Hon.  S.  Cave,  m.a.,  m.p. 
Earl  of  Devon. 
R.  J.  King,  Esq.,  m.a. 
Rev.  Treasurer  Hawker,  m.a. 
Ven.  Archdeacon  Earle,  m.a. 
Sir  Samuel  White  Baker,  m.a.,  f.r.s.,  f.r.g.8. 
Sir  R.  P.  Collier,  m.a. 

H.  W.  Dyke  Acland,  m.a.,  m.d.,  ll.d.,  f.r.s. 
Rev.  Professor  Chapman,  m.a. 
J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Esq.,  f.s.a.,  f.l.s. 
Very  Rev.  C.  Merivale,  d.d.,  d.c.l. 
Rev.  T.  R.  R.  Stebbing,  m.a. 
R.  F.  Weymouth,  Esq.,  m.a.,  d.lit. 
Sir  J.  B.  Phear,  m.a.,  f.g.s. 
Rev.  W.  H.  Dallinger,  ll.d.,  f.r.8.,  f.l.s.,  &c. 
Very  Rev.  Dean  Cowie,  d.d. 
W.  II.  Hudleston,  Esq.,  m.a.,  f.r.s.,  f.g.s., 

f.l.s.,  &c. 
Lord  Clinton,  m.a. 
R.  N.  Worth,  Esq.,  f.g.s. 
A.  H.  A.  Hamilton,  Esq.,  m.a.,  j.f.,  c.c. 
T.  N.  Brushfield,  m.d. 
Sir  Fred.  Pollock,  Bart,  m.a. 
Lord  Halsbury. 

[  7  ] 


1.  The  Association  shall  be  styled  the  Devonshire  Association 
for  the  advancement  of  Science,  Literature,  and  Art. 

2.  The  objects  of  the  Association  are — To  give  a  stronger 
impulse  and  a  more  systematic  direction  to  scientific  enquiry  in 
Devonshire ;  and  to  promote  the  intercourse  of  those  who  cultivate 
Science,  Literature,  or  Art,  in  different  parts  of  the  county. 

3.  The  Association  shall  consist  of  Members,  Honorary  Members, 
and  Corresponding  Members. 

4.  Every  candidate  for  membership,  on  being  nominated  by  a 
member  to  whom  he  is  personally  known,  shall  be  admitted  by 
the  General  Secretary,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  General 
Meeting  of  the  Members. 

5.  Persons  of  eminence  in  Literature,  Science,  or  Art,  connected 
with  the  West  of  England,  but  not  resident  in  Devonshire, 
may,  at  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Members,  be  elected  Honorary 
Members  of  the  Association;  and  persons  not  resident  in  the 
county,  who  feel  an  interest  in  the  Association,  may  be  elected 
Corresponding  Members. 

6.  Every  Member  shall  pay  an  Annual  Contribution  of  Haif- 
a-guinea, or  a  Life  Composition  of  Five  Guineas. 

7.  Ladies  only  shall  be  admitted  as  Associates  to  an  Annual 
Meeting,  and  shall  pay  the  sum  of  Five  Shillings  each. 

8.  Every  Member  shall  be  entitled  gratuitously  to  a  lady's  ticket. 

9.  The  Association  shall  meet  annually,  at  such  a  time  in  July 
and  at  such  place  as  shall  be  decided  on  at  the  previous  Annual 

10.  A  President,  two  or  more  Vice-Presidents,  a  General 
Treasurer,  and  one  or  more  General  Secretaries,  shall  be  elected 
at  each  Annual  Meeting. 

8  RULES. 

11.  The  President  shall  not  be  eligible  for  re-election. 

12.  Each  Annual  Meeting  shall  appoint  a  local  Treasurer  and 
Secretary,  who,  with  power  to  add  to  their  number  any  Members 
of  the  Association,  shall  be  a  local  Committee  to  assist  in  making 
such  local  arrangements  as  may  be  desirable. 

13.  In  the  intervals  of  the  Annual  Meetings,  the  affairs  of  the 
Association  shall  be  managed  by  a  Council,  which  shall  consist 
exclusively  of  the  following  Members  of  the  Association,  excepting 
Honorary  Members,  and  Corresponding  Members  : 

(a)  Those  who  fill,  or  have  filled,  or  are  elected  to  fill,  the  offices 
of  President,  General  and  Local  Treasurers,  General  and  Local  Secre- 
taries, and  Secretaries  of  Committees  appointed  by  the  Council. 

(b)  Authors  of  papers  which  have  been  printed  in  extenso  in 
the  Transactions  of  the  Association. 

14.  The  .Council  shall  hold  a  Meeting  at  Exeter  in  the  month 
of  January  or  February  in  each  year,  on  such  day  as  the  General 
Secretary  shall  appoint,  for  the  due  management  of  the  affairs  of 
the  Association,  and  the  performing  the  duties  of  their  office. 

15.  The  General  Secretary,  or  any  four  members  of  the  Council, 
may  call  extraordinary  meetings  of  their  body,  to  be  held  at 
Exeter,  for  any  purpose  requiring  their  present  determination,  by 
notice  under  his  or  their  hand  or  hands,  addressed  to  every  other 
member  of  the  Council,  at  least  ten  clear  days  previously,  specifying 
the  purpose  for  which  such  extraordinary  meeting  is  convened. 
No  matter  not  so  specified,  and  not  incident  thereto,  shall  be 
determined  at  any  extraordinary  meeting. 

16.  The  General  Treasurer  and  Secretary  shall  enter  on  their 
respective  offices  at  the  meeting  at  which  they  are  elected;  but 
the  President,  Vice-Presidents,  and  Local  Officers,  not  until  the 
Annual  Meeting  next  following. 

17.  With  the  exception  of  the  Ex-Presidents  only,  every 
Councillor  who  has  not  attended  any  Meeting,  or  adjourned 
Meeting,  of  the  Council  during  the  period  between  the  close 
of  any  Annual  General  Meeting  of  the  Members  and  the  close 
of  the  next  but  two  such  Annual  General  Meetings,  shall  have 
forfeited  his  place  as  a  Councillor,  but  it  shall  be  competent  for 
him  to  recover  it  by  a  fresh  qualification. 

18.  The  Council  shall  have  power  to  fill  any  Official  vacancy 
which  may  occur  in  the  intervals  of  the  Annual  Meetings. 

19.  The  Annual  Contributions  shall  be  payable  in  advance,  and 
shall  be  due  in  each  year  on  the  day  of  the  Annual  Meeting. 

RULES.  9 

20.  The  Treasurer  shall  receive  all  sums  of  money  due  to  the 
Association ;  he  shall  pay  all  accounts  due  by  the  Association  after 
they  shall  have  been  examined  and  approved ;  and  he  shall  report 
to  each  meeting  of  the  Council  the  balance  he  has  in  hand,  and 
the  names  of  such  members  as  shall  be  in  arrear,  with  the  sums 
due  respectively  by  each. 

21.  Whenever  a  Member  shall  have  been  three  months  in  arrear 
in  the  payment  of  his  Annual  Contributions,  the  Treasurer  shall 
apply  to  him  for  the  same. 

22.  Whenever,  at  an  Annual  Meeting,  a  Member  shall  be  two 
years  in  arrear  in  the  payment  of  his  Annual  Contributions,  the 
Council  may,  at  its  discretion,  erase  his  name  from  the  list  of 


23.  The  General  Secretary  shall,  at  least  one  month  before  each 
Annual  Meeting,  inform  each  member  by  circular  of  the  place  and 
date  of  the  Meeting. 

24.  Members  who  do  not,  on  or  before  the  day  of  the  Annual 
Meeting,  give  notice,  in  writing  or  personally,  to  the  General 
Secretary  of  their  intention  to  withdraw  from  the  Association, 
shall  be  regarded  as  members  for  the  ensuing  year. 

25.  The  Association  shall,  within  three  months  after  each  Annual 
Meeting,  publish  its  Transactions,  including  the  Kules,  a  Financial 
Statement,  a  List  of  the  Members,  the  Report  of  the  Council,  the 
President's  Address,  and  such  Papers,  in  abstract  or  in  extenso, 
^ad  at  the  Annual  Meeting,  as  shall  be  decided  by  the  Council. 

26.  The  Association  shall  have  the  right  at  its  discretion  of 
printing  in  extenso  in  its  Transactions  all  papers  read  at  the  Annual 
Meeting.  The  Copyright  of  a  paper  read  before  any  meeting  of 
the  Association,  and  the  illustrations  of  the  same  which  have  been 
provided  at  his  expense,  shall  remain  the  property  of  the  Author ; 
hut  he  shall  not  be  at  liberty  to  print  it,  or  allow  it  to  be  printed 
elsewhere,  either  in  extenso  or  in  abstract  amounting  to  as  much  as 
one-half  of  the  length  of  the  paper,  before  the  first  of  November, 
next  after  the  paper  is  read. 

27.  The  Authors  of  papers  printed  in  the  Transactions  shall, 
within  seven  days  after  the  Transactions  are  published,  receive 
twenty-five  private  copies  free  of  expense,  and  shall  be  allowed  to 
have  any  further  number  printed  at  their  own  expense.  All 
arrangements  as  to  such  extra  copies  to  be  made  by  the  Authors 
with  the  Printers  to  the  Association. 


10  RULES. 

28.  If  proofs  of  papers  to  be  published  in  the  Transactions 
be  sent  to  Authors  for  correction,  and  are  retained  by  them 
beyond  four  days  for  each  sheet  of  proof,  to  be  reckoned  from  the 
day  marked  thereon  by  the  printers,  but  not  including  the  time 
needful  for  transmission  by  post,  such  proofs  shall  be  assumed  to 
require  no  further  correction. 

29.  Should  the  extra  charges  for  small  type,  and  types  other 
than  those  known  as  Roman  or  Italic,  and  for  the  Author's  correc- 
tions of  the  press,  in  any  paper  published  in  the  Transactions, 
amount  to  a  greater  sum  than  in  the  proportion  of  ten  shillings 
per  sheet,  such  excess  shall  be  borne  by  the  Author  himself,  and 
not  by  the  Association ;  and  should  any  paper  exceed  four  sheets, 
the  cost  beyond  the  cost  of  the  four  sheets  shall  be  borne  by  the 
Author  of  the  paper. 

30.  Every  Member  shall,  within  three  months  after  each  Annual 
Meeting,  receive  gratuitously  a  copy  of  the  Transactions. 

31.  The  Accounts  of  the  Association  shall  be  audited  annually, 
by  Auditors  appointed  at  each  Annual  Meeting,  but  who  shall  not 
be  ex  officio  Members  of  the  Council. 

[  11  ] 


1.  In  the  interests  of  the  Association  it  is  desirable  that  the 
President's  Address  in  each  year  be  printed  previous  to  its 

2.  In  the  event  of  there  being  at  an  Annual  Meeting  more 
Papers  than  can  be  disposed  of  in  one  day,  the  reading  of  the 
residue  shall  be  continued  the  day  following. 

3.  The  pagination  of  the  Transactions  shall  be  in  Arabic 
numerals  exclusively,  and  carried  on  consecutively,  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  each  volume;  and  the  Transactions  of 
each  year  shall  form  a  distinct  and  separate  volume. 

4.  The  General  Secretary  shall  bring  to  each  Annual  Meeting 
of  the  Members  a  report  of  the  number  of  copies  in  stock  of  each 
•  Part '  of  the  Transactions,  with  the  price  per  copy  of  each  '  Part ' 
specified;  and  such  report  shall  be  printed  in  the  Transactions 
next  after  the  Treasurer's  financial  statement. 

5.  The  General  Secretary  shall  prepare  and  bring  to  each 
Annual  Meeting  brief  Obituary  Notices  of  Members  deceased 
during  the  previous  year,  and  such  notices  shall  be  printed  in  the 

6.  An  amount  not  less  than  80  per  cent  of  all  Compositions 
received  from  existing  Life-Members  of  the  Association  shall  be 
applied  in  the  purchase  of  National  Stock,  or  such  other  security 
as  the  Council  may  deem  equally  satisfactory,  in  the  names  of 
three  Trustees,  to  be  elected  by  the  Council. 

7.  At  each  of  its  Ordinary  Meetings  the  Council  shall  deposit  at 
interest,  in  such  bank  as  they  shall  decide  on,  and  in  the  names  of 
the  General  Treasurer  and  General  Secretary  of  the  Association,  all 
uninvested  Compositions  received  from  existing  Life-Members,  all 
uninvested  prepaid  Annual  Subscriptions,  and  any  part,  or  the 
whole,  of  the  balance  derived  from  other  sources  which  may  be  in 
the  Treasurer's  hands  after  providing  for  all  accounts  passed  for 
payment  at  the  said  Meeting. 

b  2 


8.  The  General  Secretary,  on  learning  at  any  time  between  the 
Meetings  of  the  Council  that  the  General  Treasurer  has  a  balance 
in  hand  of  not  less  than  Forty  Pounds  after  paying  all  Accounts 
which  the  Council  have  ordered  to  be  paid,  shall  direct  that  so 
much  of  the  said  balance  as  will  leave  Twenty  Pounds  in  the 
Treasurer's  hand  be  deposited  at  Interest  at  the  Capital  and  Counties 
Bank,  Ashburton. 

9.  The  General  Secretary  shall  be  authorized  to  spend  any  sum 
not  exceeding  Ten  Pounds  per  annum  in  employing  a  clerk  for 
such  work  as  he  finds  necessary. 

10.  The  General  Secretary  shall,  within  one  month  of  the  close 
of  each  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Association,  send  to  each  Member 
newly  elected  at  the  said  Meeting  a  copy  of  the  following  letter : — 

Devonshire  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  Literature, 

and  Art. 

Sir, — I  have  the  pleasure  of  informing  you  that  on  the  of 

July,  ,  you  were  elected  a  Member  of  the  Association  on  the 

nomination  of 

The  copy  of  the  Transactions  for  the  current  year,  which  will  be  for- 
warded to  you  in  due  course,  will  contain  the  Laws  of  the  Association. 
Meanwhile  I  beg  to  call  your  attention  to  the  following  statements  : — 

(1)  Every  Member  pays  an  Annual  Contribution  of  Half  a  Guinea, 
or  a  Life  Composition  of  Five  Guineas. 

(2)  The  Annual  Contributions  are  payable  in  advance,  and  are  due 
in  each  year  on  the  day  of  the  Annual  Meeting. 

(3)  Members  who  do  not,  on  or  before  the  day  of  the  Annual 
Meeting,  give  notice  in  writing  or  personally  to  the  General  Secretary 
of  their  intention  to  withdraw  from  the  Association  are  regarded  as 
Members  for  the  ensuing  year. 

The  Treasurer's  Address  is — P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Esq.,  Druid,  Ashburton. 
— I  remain,  Sir,  your  faithful  Servant, 

Hon.  Sec. 

11.  The  reading  of  any  Report  or  Paper  shall  not  exceed  twenty 
minutes,  or  such  part  of  twenty  minutes  as  shall  be  decided  by  the 
Council  as  soon  as  the  Programme  of  Reports  and  Papers  shall 
have  been  settled,  and  in  any  discussion  which  may  arise  no  speaker 
shall  be  allowed  to  speak  more  than  ten  minutes. 

12.  Papers  to  be  read  to  the  Annual  Meetings  of  the  Association 
must  strictly  relate  to  Devonshire,  and,  as  well  as  all  Reports 
intended  to  be  printed  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Association,  and 
prepared  by  Committees  appointed  by  the  Council,  must,  together 
with  all  drawings  intended  to  be  used  in  illustrating  them  in  the 
said  Transactions,  reach  the  General  Secretary's  residence  not  later 
than  the  24th  day  of  June  in  each  year.  The  General  Secretary 
shall,  not  later  than  the  7th  of  the  following  July,  return  to  the 
Authors  all  such  Papers  or  drawings  as  he  may  decide  to  be  unsuit- 


able  to  be  printed  or  to  serve  as  illustrations  in  the  said  Transac- 
tions, and  shall  send  the  residue,  together  with  the  said  Eeports  of 
Committees,  to  the  Association's  printers,  who  shall  return  the 
same  so  that  they  may  reach  the  General  Secretary's  residence  not 
later  than  on  the  14th  day  of  the  said  July,  together  with  a  state- 
ment of  the  number  of  pages  each  of  them  would  occupy  if  printed 
in  the  said  Transactions,  as  well  as  an  estimate  of  the  extra  cost  of 
the  printing  of  such  Tables,  of  any  kind,  as  may  form  part  of  any 
of  the  said  Papers  and  Eeports ;  and  the  General  Secretary  shall 
lay  the  whole,  as  well  as  an  estimate  of  the  probable  number  of 
Annual  Members  of  the  Association  for  the  year  commencing  on 
that  day,  before  the  first  Council  Meeting  on  the  first  day  of  the 
next  ensuing  Annual  Meeting,  when  the  Council  shall  select  not  a 
greater  number  of  the  Papers  thus  laid  before  them  than  will,  with 
the  other  documents  to  be  printed  in  the  said  Transactions,  make 
as  many  sheets  of  printed  matter  as  can  be  paid  for  with  the  sum 
of  60  per  cent,  of  the  subscriptions  for  the  year  of  the  said 
probable  number  of  Annual  Members,  and  any  part  or  the  whole 
of  such  balance,  not  derived  from  Compositions  of  existing  Life 
Members,  or  from  prepaid  Annual  Subscriptions,  as  may  be  lying 
at  interest,  as  well  as  that  which  may  be  iu  the  Treasurer's  hands ; 
this  '  sum '  shall  be  exclusive  of  the  extra  cost  of  the  printing  of 
such  aforesaid  Tables,  which  have  been  approved  and  accepted  by 
the  Council,  provided  the  aggregate  of  the  said  extra  cost  do  not 
exceed  6  per  cent,  of  the  said  subscriptions ;  exclusive  also  of  the 
printers'  charge  for  corrections  of  the  press ;  and  also  exclusive  of 
the  cost  of  printing  an  Index,  a  list  of  Errata,  and  such  Resolu- 
tions passed  at  the  next  Winter  Meeting  of  the  Council,  as  may  be 
directed  to  be  so  printed  by  the  said  Winter  Meeting;  and  the 
number  of  Papers  selected  by  the  Council  shall  not  be  greater  than 
will,  with  the  Eeports  of  Committees,  make  a  Total  of  40  Eeports 
and  Papers. 

13.  Papers  communicated  by  Members  for  Non-Members,  and 
accepted  by  the  Council,  shall  be  placed  in  the  Programme  below 
those  furnished  by  Members  themselves. 

14.  Papers  which  have  been  accepted  by  the  Council  cannot  be 
withdrawn  without  the  consent  of  the  Council. 

15.  The  Council  will  do  their  best  so  to  arrange  Papers  for 
reading  as  to  suit  the  convenience  of  the  authors ;  but  the  place  of 
a  Paper  cannot  be  altered  after  the  Programme  has  been  settled  by 
the  Council 

16.  Papers  which  have  already  been  printed  in  extenso  cannot  be 
accepted  unless  they  form  part  of  the  literature  of  a  question  on 
which  the  Council  has  requested  a  Member  or  Committee  to 
prepare  a  report. 


17.  Every  meeting  of  the  Council  shall  be  convened  by  Circular, 
sent  by  the  General  Secretary  to  each  Member  of  the  Council  not 
less  than  ten  days  before  the  Meeting  is  held. 

18.  All  Papers  read  to  the  Association  which  the  Council  shall 
decide  to  print  in  extenso  in  the  Transactions,  shall  be  sent  to  the 
printers,  together  with  all  drawings  required  in  illustrating  them, 
on  the  day  next  following  the  close  of  the  Annual  Meeting  at  which 
they  were  read. 

19.  All  Papers  read  to  the  Association  which  the  Council  shall 
decide  not  to  print  in  extenso  in  the  Transactions,  shall  be  returned 
to  the  authors  not  later  than  the  day  next  following  the  close  of 
the  Annual  Meeting  at  which  they  were  read;  and  abstracts  of  such 
Papers  to  be  printed  in  the  Transactions  shall  not  exceed  one- 
fourth  of  the  length  of  the  Paper  itself,  and  must  be  sent  to  the 
General  Secretary  on  or  before  the  seventh  day  after  the  close  of 
the  Annual  Meeting. 

20.  The  Author  of  every  Paper  which  the  Council  at  any  Annual 
Meeting  shall  decide  to  print  in  the  Transactions  shall  be  expected 
to  pay  for  all  such  illustrations  as  in  his  judgment  the  said  Paper 
may  require. 

21.  The  printers  shall  do  their  utmost  to  print  the  Papers  in  tho 
Transactions  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  read,  and  shall  return 
every  Manuscript  to  the  author  as  soon  as  it  is  in  type,  but  not 
before.  They  shall  be  returned  intact,  provided  they  are  written 
on  loose  sheets  and  on  one  side  of  the  paper  only. 

22.  Excepting  mere  verbal  alterations,  no  Paper  which  has  been 
read  to  the  Association  shall  be  added  to  without  the  written 
approval  and  consent  of  the  General  Secretary ;  and  no  additions 
shall  be  made  except  in  the  form  of  notes  or  postscripts, 
or  both. 

23.  In  the  intervals  of  the  Annual  Meetings,  all  Meetings  of 
the  Council  shall  be  held  at  Exeter,  unless  some  other  place  shall 
have  been  decided  on  at  the  previous  Council  Meeting. 

24.  When  the  number  of  copies  on  hand  of  any  '  Part '  of  the 
Transactions  is  reduced  to  twenty,  the  price  per  copy  shall  bo 
increased  25  per  cent. ;  and  when  the  number  has  been  reduced  to 
ten  copies,  the  price  shall  be  increased  50  per  cent,  on  the  original 

25.  The  Association's  Printers,  but  no  other  person,  may  reprint 
any  Committee's  Report  printed  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Associa- 
tion, for  any  person,  whether  a  Member  of  the  said  Committee,  or 
of  the  Association,  or  neither,  on  receiving,  in  each  case,  a  written 
permission  to  do  so  from  the  Honorary  Secretary  of  the  Association, 


bat  not  otherwise;  that  the  said  printer  shall  pay  to  the  said 
Secretary,  for  the  Association,  sixpence  for  every  fifty  Copies  of 
each  half  sheet  of  eight  pages  of  which  the  said  Report  consists ; 
that  any  number  of  copies  less  than  fifty,  or  between  two  exact 
multiples  of  fifty,  shall  be  regarded  as  fifty ;  and  any  number  of 
pages  less  than  eight,  or  between  two  exact  multiples  of  eight, 
shall  be  regarded  as  eight ;  that  each  copy  of  such  Reprints  shall 
have  on  its  first  page  the  words  "  Reprinted  from  the  Transactions 
of  the  Devonshire  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 

Literature,  and  Art  for with  the  consent  of  the  Council  of 

the  Association,"  followed  by  the  date  of  the  year  in  which  the 
said  Report  was  printed  in  the  said  Transactions,  but  that,  with  the 
exception  of  printer's  errors  and  changes  in  the  pagination  which 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable,  the  said  Reprint  shall  be  in  every 
other  respect  an  exact  copy  of  the  said  Report  as  printed  in  the 
said  Transactions  without  addition,  or  abridgment,  or  modification 
of  any  kind. 

26.  The  General  Secretary  shall,  within  one  month  after  each 
Annual  General  Meeting,  inform  the  Hon.  Local  Treasurer  and  the 
Hon.  Local  Secretary,  elected  at  the  said  Meeting,  that,  in  making 
or  sanctioning  arrangements  for  the  next  Annual  General  Meeting, 
it  is  eminently  desirable  that  they  avoid  and  discourage  everything 
calculated  to  diminish  the  attendance  at  the  General  and  Council 
Meetings,  or  to  disturb  the  said  Meetings  in  any  way. 

27.  The  Bye-Laws  and  Standing  Orders  shall  be  printed  after 
the  *  Rules  '  in  the  Transactions. 

28.  All  resolutions  appointing  Committees  for  special  service  for 
the  Association  shall  be  printed  in  the  Transactions  next  before 
the  President's  Address. 

29.  Members  and  Ladies  holding  Ladies'  Tickets  intending  to 
dine  at  the  Association  Dinner  shall  be  requested  to  send  their 
names  to  the  Hon.  Local  Secretary  on  forms  which  shall  be  pro- 
vided ;  no  other  person  shall  be  admitted  to  the  dinner,  and  no 
names  shall  be  received  after  the  Monday  next  before  the  dinner. 

30.  Members  admitted  by  the  General  Secretary  during  the 
interval  between  two  Annual  General  Meetings,  and  who  decide 
when  admitted  to  compound  for  the  Annual  Contributions,  shall 
be  entitled  to  receive  the  publications  of  the  Association  during 
the  Association's  year  then  current,  provided  their  compositions  are 
paid  not  later  than  the  last  day  of  January,  but  shall  not  be  thus 
entitled  if  their  compositions  are  paid  between  that  date  and  the 
next  Annual  General  Meeting  of  the  Association. 

[  16  ] 


As  presented  to  the  General  Meeting,  at  Okehampton,  July  30th,  1895. 

The  Thirty-third  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Association  was 
held  at  South  Molton,  on  Tuesday,  July  31st,  and  following 
days.  A  spacious  suite  of  rooms  in  the  Municipal  Buildings 
was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  members,  proving  most 
central  and  convenient.  After  a  meeting  of  the  Council, 
held  at  2  p.m.,  there  was  a  formal  reception  of  the  Association 
in  the  Town  Hall,  by  Mr.  Dudley  J.  C.  Bush,  in  the  absence 
of  the  Mayor  (Mr.  A.  E.  Shapland)  through  a  family  bereave- 
ment. Mr.  Bush,  on  behalf  of  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and 
inhabitants  of  the  Borough,  gave  a  most  cordial  welcome  to 
the  members  of  the  Association,  which  was  acknowledged  by 
Dr.  Brushfield,  the  retiring  President,  in  a  few  well-chosen 

At  4  p.m.  the  General  Meeting  was  held.  At  8  p.m. 
Sir  Frederick  Pollock  delivered  his  Introductory  address 
to  a  fairly  good  company,  assembled  in  the  Old  Assembly 

On  Wednesday,  at  11  a.m.,  the  reading  and  discussion  of 
the  following  Programme  of  Papers  commenced,  and  was 
continued  until  4  p.m.  There  was  throughout  a  good  attend- 
ance, and  the  discussions  were  well  sustained. 

Nineteenth  Report  of  the  Committee)  .  Broohiruj  t^^  F«  .     FI  s 
on  Scientific  Memoranda        .        .)J'  ^roofnn9  *****  *.s.A.,  *-"• 

Twelfth  Report  of  the  Committee  on  \  p   «  «    a  mM~. 
the  Climate  of  Devon    .        .        m  )  *  *  S.  Amcry. 

Twelfth  Report  of  the  Committee  on  )  pm  ]?m  gt  Amery, 
Devonshire  Folk  Lore  .  J 

Sixth  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Devon- )  jt  Brooking  Rowe,  f.s.  a.,  f.l.s. 
shire  Records         .        .        .        .  j 

^tSs&SS:  Dartmo?r  Erplora: }  ** s-  ******  «.*• 

Early  Days  in  South  Molton         .         .UN.  f  Forth,  f.o.s. 


Some  suggestions  to  aid  in  identifying  )  «     n*wald  J  Reiehel  m  a   r  r  i 
the  place-names  in  the  Devonshire  \  JCeo'  ^"f*  J' lieichel'  M-^8-0-1" 

—       *      -  \  F.8.  A. 

H.  T.  Carpenter,  m.a.,  ll.m. 

Domesday  *         F,S  A* 

Furze  of  Moreshead 

Exploration  of  the  HutCirclesinBroadun )  R ^  Bumard, 
Ring  and  Broadun 

Hot  Circles  at  Tavy-Cloave  . 

Dartmoor  for  Devonshire 

Rev.  S.  Baring-Qould,  M.A. 
W.  F.  Collier. 

Index  to  Risdon 
Personal  Names 

Clerical  and  Social  Life  in  Devon  in  1287     The  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Brownlow,  D.  D. 

Chorston  Ferrers  and  Brizham  Records 

of  Briefs— 1722  to  1827,  and  1706    Rev.  S.  O.  Harris,  m.a. 
to  1766  ..... 

"* ^ih<>fAllS»inte,EastBndleigh)  J  T  N  Brushfield>  M.D. 

The  Stone  Rows  of  Dartmoor,  Part  iii     R.  N.  Worth,  F.o.s. 

The  Leoca  or  Lug  of  Domesday   .        .  {  ^>-OmwMJ.  ^iclul,  M.A.,  B.C.L., 

The  Blowing -np  of  Great  Torrington  ^  a  M    ,  n 
Church,  16th  February,  1645         .  J  **'  MarK  Lfoe' 

The  Rev.  Matthew  Mundy,  i.  ii.  iii.  iv.    Mrs.  Frances  B.  Troup. 

The  Churchwardens'  Accounts  of  East)  m   «r  »«„,0j,^7j  %,  ^ 
Budleigh f  T.  N.  Brushfield,  m.d. 

Residents  in  the  Three  Towns  in  1522-3    R.  N.  Worth,  f.g.s. 

The  Hundred  of  Hartland  in  the  Geld  )  Rev.  Oswald  J.  Reichel,  m.a.,  B.C. L., 
Roll       .         .         .         .  .         .  )  F.8.A. 

^Survey  of  Devon-  j  AHhyr  B  ^^^  M^  p  R  s 

A  List  of  Plants  growing  wild  in  the  )  Miss  Helen  Saunders  (communicated 
Parish  of  South  Molton  and  some  5         Z.^v^^^^l\ 
neighbouring  Parishes  .        .        .  J         **  *»>  W*  Har^^  M'A->' 

In  the  evening,  at  7  p.m.,  the  Annual  Dinner  was  held  in 
the  Assembly-room  of  the  George  Hotel,  covers  being  laid 
for  about  fifty.  The  President,  Sir  Frederick  Pollock,  occupied 
the  chair.  The  dinner  was  excellent,  and  reflected  much 
credit  on  the  host,  Mr.  S.  P.  Kellan. 

On  Thursday,  at  10  a.m.,  the  reading  and  discussion  of 
papers  was  resumed,  and  continued  till  about  2  p.m.,  when 
the  concluding  General  Meeting  was  held,  followed  by  a 
Meeting  of  the  Council. 

On  Friday  there  was  an  excursion  to  the  Doone  Valley. 
The  weather  was  superb,  and  a  most  enjoyable  day  was 
spent.  Four  breaks  were  provided,  and  these  were  taken  in 
charge  by  three  members  of  the  Local  Committee.  A  start 
was  made  at  10  o'clock  from  the  Town  Hall,  and  between 
thirty  and  forty  found  places  in  the  breaks.  The  first  halt 
was  at  North  Molton ;  here  the  members  were  received  by 


Dr.  Spicer,  and  conducted  over  the  church.  The  Register, 
dating  from  1539,  was  examined  with  interest,  and  the  fine 
old  screen  of  carved  oak  was  much  admired.  Dr.  Spicer 
provided  a  charming  refection,  and  showed  some  interesting 
antiquities  found  in  a  barrow  in  the  neighbourhood.  A  vote 
of  thanks  having  been  accorded  to  Dr.  Spicer  and  his 
daughter  for  their  kind  and  graceful  hospitality,  the  party 
proceeded  to  Simonsbath.  Here  luncheon  was  indulged  in. 
Simonsbath  Church  was  next  visited.  Beyond  the  fact  that 
the  edifice  is  about  1200  ft.  above  the  sea  level,  nothing  was 
found  to  delay  the  departure  to  the  Doone  Valley.  A  drive 
to  Brendon  "  Two-gates,"  and  a  rather  trying  walk  of  two  or 
three  miles  across  the  Moor,  but  bravely  undertaken  and 
accomplished  by  the  ladies  present,  brought  the  party  to  the 
famous  home  of  the  Doones.  Here  the  stronghold  of  the 
Doones — Lorna's  kitchen  and  oven,  the  water-slide,  and 
other  points,  real  and  imaginary,  mentioned  by  Blackmore  in 
Zorna  Docme,  were  noted,  and  a  return  was  made  to  Simons- 
bath. After  tea  Dr.  Brushfield,  Vice-President,  proposed  a 
vote  of  thanks  to  the  Committee,  and  trusted  they  would 
convey  the  sincere  thanks  of  the  Association  to  those  who 
had  so  generously  provided  for  their  entertainment.  He 
wished  to  thank  the  Mayor  for  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the 
day's  proceedings.  His  kind  and  genial  manner  had  done 
much  to  make  the  expedition  the  success  it  had  been.  "  This 
day,"  he  said,  "  has  been  one  of  the  pleasantest  the  Associa- 
tion has  ever  spent."  The  Mayor  having  acknowledged  the 
vote  in  a  few  graceful  words,  a  return  was  then  made,  and 
South  Molton  reached  at  10  p.m. 

It  having  been  decided  that  the  next  Annual  Meeting 
should  be  held  at  Okehampton,  the  following  were  elected 
officers  for  the  occasion : 

President :  The  Eight  Hon.  Lord  Halsbury.  Vice- 
Presidents  :  The  Worshipful  the  Mayor  of  Okehampton, 
S.  P.  B.  Newcombe,  Esq. ;  P.  F.  B.  Bellew,  Esq. ;  CoLBickford; 
Eev.  J.  F.  Clarke,  b.a.  ;  C.  Geen,  Esq.,  j.p.  ;  W.  H.  Holley, 
Esq.,  J.P. ;  J.  Byers  Leake,  Esq.,  j.p.  ;  J.  Dumville  Lees,  Esq., 
J.P. ;  W.  Lethbridge,  Esq.,  j.p.  ;  C.  J.  C.  Luxmore,  Esq. ; 
Professor  Sir  F.  Pollock,  Bart.,  m.a.,  ll.d.  ;  Eev.  F.  W.  Saulez, 
m.a.  ;  E.  B.  Savile,  Esq.;  Col.  White-Thomson,  c.B.,  j.p.; 
C.  B.  Woollcombe,  Esq.,  J.P.  Hon.  Treasurer :  P.  F.  S.  Amery, 
Esq.,  J.P.,  Druid,  Ashburton.  Hon.  Local  Treasurer:  W. 
Burd  Pearse,  Esq.,  Okehampton.  Hon.  Secretary :  Eev.  W. 
Harpley,  m.a.,  f.cp.s.,  Clayhanger,  Tiverton.  Hon.  Local 
Secretary :  J.  D.  Prickmau,  Esq.,  Okehampton. 


The  Council  have  published  the  President's  Address, 
together  with  Obituary  Notices  of  members  deceased  during 
the  preceding  year,  and  the  Reports  and  Papers  read  before 
the  Association;  also  the  Treasurer's  Report,  a  list  of 
Members,  and  the  Rules,  Standing  Orders,  and  Bye-Laws; 
they  have  since  added  an  Index,  kindly  prepared  by 
Mr.  R.  N.  Worth,  and  a  Table  of  Corrections. 

A  copy  of  the  Transactions  and  Index  has  been  sent  to 
each  member,  and  to  the  following  Societies:  The  Royal 
Society,  Linnaean  Society,  Geological  Society,  Anthropological 
Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  Royal  Institution 
(Albemarle  Street),  the  Society  of  Antiquaries,  Devon  and 
Exeter  Institution  (Exeter),  Plymouth  Institution,  Torquay 
Natural  History  Society,  North  Devon  Athenaeum  (Barn- 
staple), Royal  Institution  of  Cornwall  (Truro),  the  Library  of 
the  British  Museum,  the  British  Museum  (Natural  History, 
Cromwell  Road),  the  Bodleian  Library  (Oxford),  and  the 
University  Library  (Cambridge). 

[  20  ] 

Treasurer's  Report  of  Receipts  and  Expenditure 


£    *.  d. 

Arrears  of  Contributions  for  1892-93 
Arrears  of  Contributions  for  1893-94 
Annual  Contributions  for  1894-95 
Prepaid  Contributions  for  1895-96 

Life  Compositions 

Sale  of  " Transactions" — 

3  copies  for  1863  . 
1      ditto      1864  . 



1865  . 



1866  . 



1867  . 



1868  . 



1870  . 



1876  . 



1878  . 



1879  . 



1892  . 



1893  . 

Sale  of  "  Devonshire  Domesday  " 
2  copies  of  Part        I. 
1      ditto    Part      II. 



Part    III. 



Part     IV. 



Part       V. 



Part     VI. 



Part  VII. 

Sale  of  Indexes 

Dividends  on  Consols  to  July  30th,  1895 

Balance  due  to  Treasurer 

Annual  Contributions  unpaid,  due  July  25th,  1893  . 
Ditto  ditto  July  31st,  1894    . 

1   1 


9  19 


149    2 


20    9 


1R0    1Q 







0    6 


0    3 


0    7 


0    6 


0  12 


0    6 


0    6 


0  15 


0  12 


0    7 


0    8 


0  16 





0    4 


0    4 


0    8 


0    3 


0    4 


0    2 


0    5 









7  19 





















I  have  examined  the  foregoing  Accounts  with  (he  Vouchers,  and  found  them 

correct,  this  27th  day  of  July,  1895. 

(Signed)  ROHERT  C.  TUCKER, 

A  udUur. 

[   21   ] 

during  the  year  ending  30*A  Jvly,  1895. 


Balance  due  to  Treasurer,  July  31st,  1894 
Brendon  and  Son — 

Printing  "Transactions,"  vol.  xxvi. 

Packing  and  Postage 

Index  and  Postage,  vol.  xxv. 

Cards,  Circulars,  and  Notices 


Poole,  South  Molton,  Programmes 
Hoc  General  Secretary,  Petty  Expenses 
Hon.  General  Secretary's  Assistant 
Hon.  General  Treasurer,  Petty  Expenses 
Hire  of  Room  for  Winter  Meeting 
Bank  Charges  on  Temporary  Overdraft 
L.  B.  Varder,  Printing  Notices  . 

142    7  9 

13  15  0 

4  10  0 

6  13  0 

0    4  3 

42  18    8 

167  10  0 

0    8  6 

5  11  1 

5    0  0 


5  6 

6  0 
2  11 

7  6 

1*226  10    2 


P.  F.  S.  AMERY,  Hon.  General  Treasurer. 

[   22   ] 
Statement  of  the  Property  of  the  Association,  July  30th,  1895. 

tli 8  original  price."— 
ii  of  f.tOO.    Tb«  TOIL 

[   23   ] 



Passed  at  the  Muting  at  Okehampton. 
JULY,  1895. 

9.  That  Dr.  Brushfield,  Rev.  W.  Harpley,  Sir  J.  R  Phear,  Mr. 
J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mr.  A.  H.  A.  Hamilton,  and  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth 
be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  considering  at  what  place  the 
Association  shall  hold  its  Meeting  in  1897,  who  shall  be  invited 
to  be  the  Officers  during  the  year  beginning  with  that  Meeting, 
and  who  shall  be  invited  to  fill  any  official  vacancy  or  vacancies 
which  may  occur  before  the  Annual  Meeting  in  1896;  that  Mr. 
Harpley  be  the  Secretary ;  and  that  they  be  requested  to  report 
to  the  next  Winter  Meeting  of  the  Council,  and,  if  necessary,  to 
the  first  Meeting  of  the  Council  to  be  held  in  July,  1896. 

10.  That  Mr.  J.  S.  Amery,  Mr.  F.  Brent,  Mr.  Robert  Burnard, 
Rev.  W.  Harpley,  Dr.  Brushfield,  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mr.  H. 
B.  S.  Woodhouse,  and  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth  be  a  Committee  for  the 
purpose  of  noting  the  discovery  or  occurrence  of  such  Facts  in  any 
department  of  scientific  inquiry,  and  connected  with  Devonshire, 
aa  it  may  be  desirable  to  place  on  permanent  record,  but  which 
may  not  be  of  sufficient  importance  in  themselves  to  form  the 
subjects  of  separate  papers ;  and  that  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe  be 
the  Secretary. 

11.  That  Mr.  P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Mr.  G.  M.  Doe,  Mr.  D.  0. 
Evans,  Rev.  W.  Harpley,  Mr.  P.  Q.  Karkeek,  Mrs.  Radford,  Mr. 
J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mrs.  Troup,  and  Mr.  H.  B.  Woodhouse  be 
a  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  notes  on  Devonshire 
Folk-Lore ;  and  that  Mr.  P.  F.  S.  Amery  be  the  Secretary. 

12.  That  Dr.  Brushfield,  Lord  Clifford,  Mr.  A.  H.  A.  Hamilton, 
Mr.  J.  Hine,  Mr.  J.  Shelly,  and  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth  be  a  Com- 
mittee to  prepare  a  Report  on  the  Public  and  Private  Collections 
of  Works  of  Art  in  Devonshire ;  and  that  Mr.  J.  Shelly  be  the 


13.  That  Mr.  J.  S.  Amery,  Dr.  Brushfield,  Mr.  F.  T.  El  worthy, 
Mr.  F.  H.  Firth,  Mr.  P.  O.  Hutchinson,  Mr.  P.  Q.  Karkeek, 
Dr.  W.  C.  Lake,  and  Mrs.  Troup  be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose 
of  noting  and  recording  the  existing  use  of  any  Verbal  Pro- 
vincialisms in  Devonshire,  in  either  written  or  spoken  language ; 
and  that  Mr.  F.  T.  Elworthy  be  the  Secretary. 

14.  That  Mr.  P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Dr.  Brushfield,  Mr.  Burnard, 
Mr.  P.  0.  Hutchinson,  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mr.  R.  Hansford 
Worth,  and  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth  be  a  Committee  to  collect  and 
record  facts  relating  to  Barrows  in  Devonshire,  and  to  take  steps, 
where  possible,  for  their  investigation ;  and  that  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth 
be  the  Secretary. 

15.  That  Mr.  J.  S.  Amery,  Mr.  F.  H.  Firth,  Rev.  W.  Harpley, 
Mr.  R.  C.  Tucker,  and  Mr.  T.  W.  Windeatt  be  a  Committee  for 
the  purpose  of  making  the  arrangements  for  the  Association  dinner 
at  Ashburton  in  1896,  and  that  Mr.  T.  W.  Windeatt  be  the 

16.  That  Mr.  James  Hamlyn,  Mr.  A.  Chandler,  and  Mr.  P.  F. 
S.  Amery  be  a  Committee  to  collect  and  tabulate  trustworthy  and 
comparable  observations  on  the  climate  of  Devon ;  and  that  Mr. 
A.  Chandler  be  the  Secretary. 

17.  That  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop  Brownlow,  Dr.  Brushfield, 
Mr.  R.  W.  Cotton,  The  Very  Rev.  the  Dean  of  Exeter,  Rev.  J. 
Ingle  Dredge,  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mr.  E.  Windeatt,  and  Mr. 
R.  N.  Worth  be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  and 
reporting  on  any  Manuscripts,  Records,  or  Ancient  Documents 
existing  in,  or  relating  to,  Devonshire,  with  the  nature  of  their 
contents,  their  locality,  and  whether  in  public  or  private  hands; 
and  that  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe  be  the  Secretary. 

18.  That  Rev.  G.  B.  Berry,  Mr.  R.  Burnard,  Rev.  S.  Baring- 
Gould,  Mr.  J.  D.  Pode,  Mr.  J.  Brooking  Rowe,  Mr.  R.  Hansford 
Worth,  and  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth  be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose  of 
exploring  Dartmoor,  and  that  the  Rev.  S.  Baring-Gould  be  the 




Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — There  are  a  great  many  phrases 
which  are  convenient  and  even  useful  in  application,  though, 
peradventure,  a  strictly  critical  examination  of  them  might 
suggest  that  they  do  not  rest  on  a  very  logical  foundation. 
The  logical  prohibition  to  allow  division  in  such  wise  that 
the  divided  members  t(se  invicem  continent"  might  seem 
to  render  your  charter  open  to  objection :  but  there  may  be 
subdivisions  of  one  great  subject,  just  as  there  may  be 
different  sized  shelves  in  your  library,  which  do  not 
necessarily  correspond  to  different  subjects,  or  subjects 
divided  from  each  other  by  any  very  precise  line.  It  is,  as 
I  suppose,  for  some  such  reason  that  in  view  of  the  subjects 
for  the  study  and  promotion  of  which  our  Society  exists, 
it  has  proclaimed  its  devotion  to  Literature,  Science,  and  Art, 
^ce  neither  Science  nor  Literature,  here,  can  be  truly  said 
to  be  exclusive  of  each  other. 

Nor,  indeed,  do  I  find  that  the  records  of  this  Association 
give  countenance  to  the  idea  that  its  interests  and  investiga- 
tions are  confined  within  the  narrow  limits  sometimes,  and 
inaccurately  as  I  think,  assigned  to  the  three  topics  in 

It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  History,  or  the  materials 
from  which  History  is  made  up,  should  be  excluded  from  the 
tovestigations  of  such  a  Society  as  this.  The  great  author  of 
modern  experimental  philosophy,  though  he  certainly  had  no 
midue  reverence  for  Antiquity — indeed,  he  tells  us  that  the 
too  great  reverence  for  Antiquity  has  kept  men  back  from 
progress  in  knowledge — yet  allows  that  they  are  as  planks  in 
*  shipwreck,  and  acknowledges  that  industrious  and  sagacious 
men  have,  by  their  investigation  of  some  things  which  he 

vol.  xxvil  c 

26  LORD  halsbury's  presidential  address. 

enumerates,  preserved  some  things  from  the  deluge  of  past 
ages.  But  I  think  that  the  passage  to  which  I  refer  is  too 
important  to  be  passed  over  by  reference.   It  is  as  follows : — 

"  Memorise  sunt  historia  inchoata,  aut  prima  et  rudia  historian 
lineamenta ;  antiquitates  vero  historia  deformata  sunt,  sive  reliquiae 
historiae,  quae  casu  e  naufragis  temporum  ereptae  sunt. 

"Memoriae,  sive  praeparationes  ad  historiam  duplicis generis  sunt; 
quorum  alteram  commentaries,  alteram  registra  vocare  placet. 
Commentarii  nudam  actionum  et  eventuum  seriem  ac  connexionem 
proponunt,  praetermissis  causis  reram  et  praetextibus,  initiis  quoque 
earundem  et  occasionibus,  consiliis  ibidem,  et  orationibus,  et  reliquo 
actionum  apparatu.  Talis  enim  est  propria  commentariorum  natura ; 
licet  Caesari,  per  modestiam  quandam  com  magnanimitate 
cod junc tarn  praestantissimae,  inter  eas,  quae  extant,  historiae  com- 
mentariorum nomen  indere  placuerit.  At  registra  duplicis  natures 
sunt ;  complectuntur  enim  aut  titulos  rerum  et  personarum,  in  serie 
temporum ;  quales  dicuntur  fasti  et  chronologize ;  aut  actorum 
solemnitates ;  cujus  generis  sunt,  principum  edicta,  senatuum 
decreta,  judiciorum  processus,  orationes  publico  habitae,  epistolaa 
publico  missae,  et  simila,  absque  narrationis  contextu  sive  filo 

"  Antiquitates,  sen  historiarum  reliquiae,  sunt  (uti  jam  diximus) 
tanquam  tabulae  naufragii,  cum,  deficiente  et  fere  submersa  rerum 
memoria  nihilominus  homines  industrii  et  sagaces,  pertinaci  quadam 
et  scrupulosa  diligentia  ex  genealogiis,  fastis,  titulis,  monumentis, 
numismatibua,  nominibus  propria  et  stylis,  verbornm  etymologiia, 
proverbiis  traditionibus,  archivis  et  instramentis,  tarn  publicis 
quam  privatis,  historiarum  fragmentis,  liboram  neutiquam  histori- 
corum  locis  dispersis;  exhis,  inquam,  omnibus,  vel  aliquibus, 
nonnulla  a  temporis  diluvio  eripiunt,  et  conservant.  Res  sane 
operosa,  sed  mortalibus  grata,  et  cum  reverentia  quadam  conjuncta; 
ac  digna  certe,  quae  deletis  fabulosis  nationum  originibus,  in  locum 
huju8modi  commentitiorum  substituatur ;  sed  tamen  eo  minus 
habeu8  auctoritatis,  quia  paucoram  licentise  subjicitur,  quod  paucis 
curoe  est."1 

I  am  not  so  much  concerned  with  the  division  which  the 
great  philosopher  whom  I  quote  makes  between  the  three 
heads,  into  which  he  divides  Civil  History,  as  with  the  part 
which  he  allows  to  Antiquities,  and  of  which  he  only  allows 
that  they  may,  or  some  of  them  may,  preserve  some  things 
from  the  deluge  of  time. 

It  is  against  this  insufficient  recognition  of  the  value  of 
the  labours  of  industrious  and  learned  men  that  I  wish  to 
say  a  few  words,  since  whatever  else  may  come  within  the 

1  Bacon's  Works,  vii.  130,  131. 


topics  which  form  the  watchwords  of  our  Society,  there 
can  be  no  denial  that  the  truth  of  what  has  passed  among 
men  and  its  exposition  in  later  times,  contributes  to  Science, 
Literature,  and  Art,  in  no  small  degree. 

Now,  in  each  of  the  subjects  to  which  Lord  Bacon  refers, 
there  is  to  my  mind  a  wealth  of  knowledge,  and  so  great 
a  check  to  error,  that  it  seems  appropriate  in  such  a  Society 
as  this  to  dwell  a  little  and  consider  how  much  these  things 
may  tell  us. 

Genealogies :  Speaking  in  this  county,  may  I  not  say  that 
many  of  them  furnish  materials,  not  only  for  a  history  of 
Devonshire,  but  for  a  history  of  England.  Eisdon,  Prince, 
and  Polwhdt  would  enable  one  to  give  a  living  history 
of  many  an  interesting  period  of  our  National  chronicles. 

Speaking  in  this  place  it  would  be  superfluous  to  go 
through  the  long  roll  of  Devonshire  Heroes,  Philosophers, 
Judges,  Authors — whose  names  have  become  entwined  with 
any  account  of  the  progress  of  the  Nation;  and  any  account 
of  their  lives  and  works  would  itself  form  no  inconsiderable 
addition  to  National  history. 

To  attempt  to  epitomise  such  a  Roll  would  be  to  offend 
against  one  of  Lord  Bacon's  own  protests,  that  historical 
epitomes  leave  but  the  useless  rubbish,  and  only  weaken 
and  destroy,  like  rust  and  moth,  the  annals  which  they  pro- 
fess to  represent. 

Only  in  later  times — much  later  indeed  than  the  period  of 
Lord  Bacon — have  we  begun  to  learn  how  much  may  be 
ascertained  from  the  dry  legal  documents,  some  of  which  for 
the  first  time  were  printed  in  1835. 

The  Selden  Society  in  the  year  1888,  published  Seleet 
Pleas  of  the  Grown,  extending  from  the  year  1200  to  the 
year  1225,  and,  fascinating  as  is  the  subject  (or  rather  mani- 
fold subjects),  with  which  those  Pleas  of  the  Crown  deal,  I 
must  not  enlarge  on  all  they  disclose,  not  only  of  the  state  of 
the  law,  but  also  of  the  state  of  Society,  since  the  material 
I  know  would  grow  under  my  hand,  and  become  too  un- 
wieldy for  management. 

Only  one  subject  I  will  mention,  because  I  have  to  men- 
tion it  in  another  connection  presently,  and  that  is  the  first 
complaint  in  a  Court  of  Law  against  what  we  have  known  as 

Again,  Coins :  I  daresay  most  of  us  are  familiar  with  the 

controversy  that  had  arisen  round  the  title  attributed  to 

o  2 

28  LORD  halsbuby's  presidential  address. 

Sergiu8  Paulus  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  dependent  upon 
the  question  whether  Cyprus  was  an  Imperial  or  Senatorial 
province  ?  But,  coins  dug  up  in  Cyprus  in  modern  times, 
have  settled  that  controversy,  and  established  the  accuracy  of 
St.  Luke's  designation. 

The  very  material  of  the  coin,  though  in  a  very  different 
region  of  thought,  is  not  without  its  importance.  It  con- 
sists of  the  red  copper  of  the  island,  and  we  learn  from 
Josephus  that  Herod  farmed  the  copper  mines  from  which 
that  material  was  extracted. 

Without  going  through  the  whole  catalogue  given  by  Lord 
Bacon,  it  is  manifest,  even  from  but  a  few  examples,  that  the 
story  of  "Eyes  and  no  Eyes"  receives  fertile  illustration 
from  such  topics  as  I  am  now  insisting  upon.  Etymology, 
and,  indeed,  the  study  of  Philology  generally,  is  such  an 
auxiliary  to  Literature,  in  its  more  limited  sense,  that  in 
Chatterton's  day  it  was  possible  to  get  many  dupes  to  a 
forgery,  which,  if  published  in  our  own  time,  would  probably 
have  been  exposed  by  a  letter  to  The  Times,  within  twenty- 
four  hours  of  its  first  publication. 

Those  who  have  read  that  most  delightful  book,  Trench  on 
Words,  will  not  lack  examples  of  what  a  history  lies  some- 
times hidden  in  a  single  expression.  But  we  do  not 
want  examples  in  our  own  times  of  the  proposition  that  the 
word  remains  current,  long  after  the  word  or  the  phrase  has 
lost  its  connection  with  the  history  which  gave  rise  to  its 

Why  is  a  policeman  called  a  Bobby  ?  or  why  was  he  called 
a  Peeler. 

Why  was  a  fourpenny  piece  called  a  Joey  ? 

Some  of  us  are  old  enough  to  recognise  the  names  of  Sir 
Robert  Peel  and  Mr.  Joseph  Hume  in  such  phrases,  but  it 
would  take  much  study  of  Political  and  Comic  Literature  to 
explain  to  the  enquirer  of  the  twentieth  century  what 
allusions  are  involved  in  these  expressions. 

Why  already  the  troubles  of  Captain  Boycott  and  his 
individuality  are  forgotten,  though  the  word  is  used  in  con- 
versation, aye,  and  even  in  Acts  of  Parliament,  without  an 
interpretation  clause  to  lead  us  to  the  history  which  the 
word  discloses. 

Of  course,  I  do  not  deny,  that  in  this  as  in  other  depart- 
ments of  human  knowledge,  the  error  which  is  incident 
to  them  all  has  made  its  appearance,  and  Mr.  Jonathan 
Oldbuck's  "  Pnetorium,"  or  "  Bill  Stumps  his  mark  "  have  had 


their  real  prototypes  in  Archaeological  investigations :  but  for 
all  that  the  laborious  search  for  records  of  the  past  has  been 
richly  rewarded  before  now;  and  the  scientific  use  of  the 
imagination  must  and  will  find  its  place  in  the  thousand 
conjectures  which  rise  to  the  mind  of  the  zealous  antiquary, 
before  he  gets  the  clue  which  guides  him  in  the  right  direction. 

I  have  thought  whether  as  applicable  to  names  I  could 
not  make  out  a  good  case  for  Okehampton  being  connected 
with  the  death  of  Hardicanute,  on  8  June,  1042. 

There  was  an  Oke-day,  or  Hoke-day  (it  was  spelled  both 
ways)  kept  as  a  festival  throughout  England,  on  the  fifteenth 
day  after  Easter.  That  there  was  such  a  festival  is  certain ; 
that  singular  customs  gathered  round  it  is  equally  certain ; 
though  whether  it  was  to  celebrate  the  massacre  of  the 
Danes  in  1002,  in  the  reign  of  Ethelred  II.,  or  the  death  of 
Hardicanute  forty  years  afterwards,  learned  men  are  not 
agreed ;  but  Oke  or  Hoketide  was  a  familiar  date  in  early 
English  history.  Oke  games,  Oke  collections,  Oke  cere- 
monies, Oke-Tuesday,  when  the  women  tied  the  men  with 
ropes,  are  all  things  known  and  treated  of  by  learned  men, 
and  if  occasionally  their  zeal  has  outrun  their  discretion  in 
the  conclusions  at  which  they  arrived,  it  has  been,  I  think, 
in  most  cases,  because  they  have  begun  with  their  conclusion, 
and,  having  started  with  their  theories,  they  did  not  examine 
them  to  see  whether  the  facts  supported  them,  but  treated 
the  facts  with  somewhat  cavalier  indifference  if  they  did 
not  accord  with  the  theory. 

Hampton  is,  we  all  know,  a  common  termination  for  an 
English  town,  and  the  absence  or  presence  of  the  letter  H  is 
certainly  a  matter  upon  which  no  reliance  can  be  placed:  but 
I  do  not  advance  my  theory;  I  have  not  investigated  my 
facts ;  and  in  the  face  of  my  own  warning  I  do  not  pro- 
pound the  theory  until  all  the  facts  have  been  thoroughly 
investigated.  But,  in  truth,  the  spirit  of  careful  and  minute 
investigation  is  the  real  life  and  essence  of  historical  and 
scientific  inquiry.  It  is  not  the  principle  of  rash  assumption 
without  labour,  or  of  that  aTaXanroopo?  £riTWL<mi$  aXrjOeias, 
of  which  Thucydides  speaks,  and  which  seems  to  leave  its 
victims  unable  to  understand  what  is  plain  and  manifest 
before  their  eyes. 

The  reading  of  the  hieroglyphic  language  may  furnish  an 
illustration  of  what  I  mean.  There  was  a  book  familiar 
enough  to  every  theological  etudent,  written  by  one  who, 


at  one  time  himself  an  Egyptian  priest,  had  explained  the 
great  key  which,  independently  of  any  such  hint,  Ghampollion 
the  younger  found  for  himself  with  infinite  labour;  and  this, 
be  it  remembered,  was  a  subject  upon  which  the  learned 
of  all  cultivated  nations  had  exercised  themselves,  and 
exercised  themselves  fruitlessly.  And  yet,  as  I  say,  the 
riddle  was  read  for  them,  if  they  had  but  had  eyes  and 
ears,  such  as  are  cultivated  by  the  laborious  and  saga- 
cious men  of  later  times. 

Now,  the  true  key  was,  as  most  here  are  aware,  that  so  far 
as  alphabetic  writing  formed  part  of  the  language,  the  initial 
letters  were  taken  of  the  objects  represented :  so  if  we  were 
spelling  a  cat  in  English  hieroglyphics  we  should  draw  a 
cow,  an  axe,  and  a  tree ;  a  dog  might  be  a  dart,  an  ox,  and  a 

Now,  Clemens  Alexandrinus  explained  that  hieroglyphics 
were  read  e/c  Trparrwv  crroixctcov.  Everybody  translated  these 
words  as  meaning  what  indeed  in  classic  Greek  they  do 
mean,  the  "first  elements,"  but  this  translation  explained 

After  Champollion's  discovery,  but  not  before,  it  occurred 
to  those  who  read  the  passage  that  the  word  (rroix^ia  in  the 
mouth  of  a  scholar  of  the  third  century  might  mean  letters, 
and  the  word  irpwrwv,  though  meaning  "  first  in  time  "  might 
also  mean  "  first  in  place,"  and  so  the  "  first  elements "  were 
rightly  changed  to  "  initial  letters  " — plainly  enough  when  we 
have  been  told  what  they  mean,  but  which  one  would  think 
ought  not  to  have  taken  fifteen  centuries  to  find  out  ? 

Of  Legends  I  will  only  instance  one:  Blue  Beard,  the 
delight  of  our  youth.  A  legend  as  told  but  having  too  true 
a  foundation.  Blue  Beard,  whom  we  have  known  with 
turban  and  scimitar,  was  a  Breton  knight,  and  no  Turk  at  all ; 
but  his  seven  wives  were  not  a  sacrifice  to  jealousy,  but  to 
the  mediaeval  superstition  of  obtaining  an  Elixir  of  Life. 
His  trial,  conviction,  and  punishment,  are  duly  recorded  in 
the  annals  of  Nantes,  and  may  be  examined  by  the  curious 
antiquary  to  this  day. 

But  not  only  names  of  persons,  but  names  of  things. 
What  wealth  of  theological  disquisition  is  involved  in  the 
phrase  *  corporal  oath  "  ?  Trace  it  out  to  the  "  corporate  " — 
the  cloth  in  which  the  Host  was  wrapped,  upon  which  it 
was  the  custom  to  swear,  and  then  consider  all  that  is 
involved  in  the  word  "  corporal" 


Talk  of  Gibraltar,  and  resolve  it  into  its  Arabic  elements 
as  the  Mountain  of  Tarik,  and  the  Moorish  invasion  of  Spain 
lies  before  you,  and  all  the  history  that  then  becomes  a 

We  have  seen,  in  very  recent  times,  the  mode  of  burial  in 
Egypt  disclosing  the  history  of  a  hitherto  unknown  people ; 
and  the  tablets  of  Tel  el  Amarna  revealing  something  like 
Consular  Beports  between  Syria  and  Egypt,  at  a  period  in 
which  crude,  superficial,  and  therefore  ignorant  incredulity, 
denies  the  existence  of  written  characters  at  all. 

We  have  all,  doubtless,  heard  of  the  discovery  of  Aristotle's 
lost  Treatise  upon  the  Constitution  of  Athens,  and  on  the 
back  of  it  is  written  a  farm  account  of  the  reign  of  Trajan. 
These  seem  to  me,  not  Lord  Bacon's  planks  in  a  shipwreck, 
but  dumb  witnesses  of  truth,  which  from  their  inflexibility 
are  the  inveterate  enemies  of  fable,  and  the  correctors  of 
erroneous  tradition. 

I  do  not  say  that  one  may  not,  sometimes,  justify  the  jibe 
of  Peter  Pindar,  who  treats  all  engaged  in  such  pursuits  as  I 
am  speaking  of,  as  silly  children  amusing  themselves  with 

Horace  Walpole  justified  his  leaving  a  Society  of  Anti- 
quaries because  they  had  discussed  "Whittington  and  his 

A  favourite  French  play  represents  the  ignorant  citizen 
digging  up  the  broken  relics  of  his  own  crockery,  which  an 
awkward  servant  had  buried  to  conceal  his  awkwardness,  and 
claiming  them  as  Roman  remains.  But  the  true  spirit  of 
research  is  just  what  is  wanted  to  remove  the  reproach  of  too 
readily  accepting  manufactured  antiquities. 

I  do  not  say  that  the  spirit  of  research  is  infallible.  I  do  not 
say  that  some  of  its  professors  do  not  make  very  absurd 
blunders.  I  have  admitted,  as  all  must  admit  of  human 
learning — that  it  may  err. 

Research  is  not  knowledge;  neither  is  it  like  the  super- 
natural power  of  seeing  a  great  deal  in  nothing,  which  some 
of  our  modern  fiction  attributes  to  the  professional  detective. 
Bat  it  is,  nevertheless,  a  clue  in  the  labyrinth  of  confused 
tradition,  a  guide  through  the  mists  of  party  misrepresenta- 
tion and  national  prejudices,  a  light  which  has  no  colour,  and 
which,  therefore,  casts  no  shade  of  its  own  over  the  facts 
which  it  discloses ;  or,  to  change  the  metaphor,  I  would  say 
it  is  more  like  the  subtle  test  of  the  analytical  chemist, 
which,  even  in  its  minutest  form,  is  able  at  once  to  detect 


the  admixture  of  alloy  in  the  mingled  ores  of  base  metal 
and  trua 

What  is  done  by  Associations  such  as  ours,  is,  I  think,  to 
cultivate  that  spirit,  and  to  bring  into  the  midst  each  theory 
in  turn  propounded  for  acceptance,  and  expose  it,  if  not  in 
the  furnace  of  affliction,  in  that  furnace  of  criticism  in  which 
all  that  is  not  genuine  melts  away,  and  leaves  behind  it  the 
firm  basis  of  Historical  and  Scientific  Truth. 

It  might  seem  that  what  I  have  been  saying  would  be 
more  appropriate  to  an  exclusively  Archaeological  Society  than 
to  one  whose  claims  seems  to  embrace  a  wider  area ;  but  I 
do  not  think  either  Science,  Literature,  or  Art  are  in  danger 
of  being  neglected  in  our  time,  and  as  a  great  philosophical 
teacher  of  Germany  said  in  his  lecture  on  the  vocation  of 
a  scholar,  "Culture  must  not  be  one-sided,  but  all-sided." 
Bale  and  Leland,  Dugdale,  Hearne,  were  voces  clamantes 
in  deserto;  and  what  I  am  endeavouring  to  insist  upon  is 
that  the  astonishing  discoveries  in  Egypt,  Asiatic  Turkey, 
and  India  have  hardly  received  their  due  meed  of  attention, 
and  have  not  been  recognised  in  the  light  they  have  shed  on 
much  that  constitutes  Science,  Literature,  and  Art 

Mr.  Flinders  Petrie,  Mr.  Naville,  Professor  Sayce,  have  I 
think  been  obscured  by  the  splendours  of  their  own  dis- 
coveries. Bonami,  Donaldson,  Mr.  George  Smith,  Mr. 
Pinches,  Mr.  Budge,  have  almost  disclosed  a  new  world. 

Nearly  half  a  century  ago,  a  French  scholar  and 
archaeologist,  Mr.  Vitet,  said :  "  In  truth  it  is  a  new  thing, 
entirely  new  and  original,  to  describe  and  classify  in  chrono- 
logical order  not  only  these  monuments  embedded  in  the 
earth,  and  the  sculptures  which  adorn  them,  but  all  the 
creations  of  the  art  and  industry  of  our  fathers,  even  the 
lightest  and  most  fragile."  After  a  just  testimony  to  those 
whose  perseverance  and  labour  had  searched  into  the  interior 
history  of  the  Middle  Ages,  deciphered  its  writing,  explained 
its  usages,  and  interpreted  its  laws,  he  says,  "But  in  one 
point  they  made  default,  they  did  not  look  at  its  monuments." 

How  was  it  that  they  were  not  brought  to  the  study  of  its 
monuments  ?  How  was  it  that  the  study  of  Palaeography, 
Heraldry,  and  Numismatics,  did  not  bring  them  to  the  study 
of  its  monuments?  Why  did  they  not  recognise  that  the 
monuments  are  to  past  ages,  what  writing  is  to  ideas  ? 

Mr.  Vitet  was  dealing  with  the  monuments  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  more  especially  those  in  his  own  country,  but  he 
glances  further  on  at  a  wider  field. 


Do  we  know,  for  instance,  he  says,  from  the  sixth  century 
to  the  time  of  the  Crusaders,  the  relations  between  the  East 
and  the  West  Even  if  one  only  were  to  consult  written 
records,  who  would  think  that  between  the  bazaars  of 
Byzantium  and  the  counters  of  Cologne,  between  the 
monasteries  of  Thessaly  and  the  cloisters  of  Auvergne  or 
Poitou,  there  existed  relations,  if  not  always  frequent,  at 
least  never  completely  interrupted. 

The  learned  will  not  believe  it  at  all,  but  the  monuments 
affirm  it,  and  it  is  the  monuments  which  are  right 

This,  then,  is  the  conclusion  which  I  seek  to  draw :  that 
Science,  Literature,  and  Art  should  lend  their  aid  to,  and  seek 
aid  from,  Archaeological  Research. 

The  field  is  becoming  wider  every  day. 

Mr.  Simpson,  in  a  paper  read  at  the  Ninth  International 
Congress  of  Orientalists,  held  in  London  five  years  ago,  read 
a  paper  on  Oriental  Art  and  Archaeology,  which  discloses 
the  astonishing  progress  of  Archaeology  in  the  East  An 
Archaeology  scientific  in  its  methods,  and  elegant  in  its 

Dr.  Leitner's  collection,  which  he  brought  to  the  South 
Kensington  Museum,  in  London,  and  his  own  learned  lectures 
on  the  objects  collected,  show  what  may  be  learned  from 
comparatively  insignificant  things  scientifically  treated.  But 
I  have  said  enough  to  make  my  point  clear,  and  the  Devon- 
shire Association  for  the  promotion  of  Science,  Literature, 
and  Art,  requires  no  stimulus  from  me,  to  emulate  in  the 
West  the  energy  and  skill  which  the  East  is  now  displaying, 
in  gathering  the  scattered  materials  for  a  more  scientific 
history  of  man  than  the  nineteenth  century  has  yet 

#bituarp  Notices* 


John  Roberts  Chanter  was  born  at  Bideford,  January 
5th,  1816,  being  the  son  of  Mr.  John  Chanter,  banker,  of 
that  town.  During  his  early  childhood  his  father  removed 
to  London,  and  he  was  left  in  the  care  of  his  uncle,  the 
Rev.  William  Chanter,  vicar  of  Hartland,  and  later  was 
taken  charge  of  by  his  maternal  uncles,  Messrs.  Edward 
and  Charles  Roberts,  solicitors,  of  Barnstaple.  After  com- 
pleting his  education  at  Exeter  Grammar  School,  he  was 
articled  to  his  uncle,  Mr.  Charles  Roberts,  and  ultimately 
became  a  partner  in  the  firm  of  Roberts,  Carter,  and  Chanter, 
solicitors.  Soon  after  the  death  of  these  partners,  Mr. 
Chanter  was  joined  by  Mr.  J.  P.  Ffinch,  and  a  few  years 
later  retired  from  his  practice  into  private,  but  ever  active 
and  useful  life.  A  man  of  excellent  ability,  great  energy, 
and  a  public  spirited  citizen,  Mr.  Chanter  threw  himself 
eagerly  into  public  life,  and  soon  exercised  great  influence 
in  municipal  affairs.  He  was  for  many  years  a  member  of 
the  Town  Council,  occupying  a  seat  on  the  alderman's  bench 
for  a  long  time,  and  serving  the  office  of  Mayor  with  dignity 
and  success.  But  it  was  in  scientific  and  literary  pursuits 
that  he  took  the  greatest  delight,  especially  in  those  of  an 
antiquarian  character.  His  publications  include  Incidents  in 
Barnstaple,  1865 ;  A  Literary  History  of  Barnstaple,  1866 ; 
Lundy  Island,  a  Monograph,  1877 ;  Memorials  of  St.  Peter's 
Church,  Barnstaple,  1882  ;  while  by  him  and  Mr.  Wain- 
wright,  headmaster  of  the  Grammar  School,  the  Barnstaple 
Borough  Records  were  calendared  and  described,  Mr. 
Wainwright  translating  and  editing  the  earlier  documents, 


and  Mr.  Chanter  undertaking  those  of  later  date.  These 
valuable  contributions  to  local  history  were  published  in  the 
North  Devon  Herald  and  North  Devon  Journal,  weekly  for 
about  three  years. 

Mr.  Chanter  became  a  member  of  the  Association  in 
1866.  In  the  following  year  the  annual  meeting  was  held 
at  Barnstaple,  and  he  was  elected  one  of  the  Vice-Presidents. 
The  success  of  that  meeting  was  largely  due  to  his  energy, 
activity,  and  hospitality.  He  became  a  member  of  the 
Council,  and  continued  so  until  his  decease.  He  also  served 
on  the  Committee  on  Devonshire  Becords,  a  Committee 
which  was  formed  at  his  recommendation.  For  many  years 
he  was  a  regular  attendant  at  the  annual  meetings,  and 
frequently  contributed  papers.  In  the  Transactions  will  be 
found  papers  by  him  on  the  following  subjects : — 

"  North  Devon  Customs  and  Superstitions,"  1867 ;  "  The 
Early  History  of  North  Devon,  and  Site  of  the  Supposed 
Cimbric  Town,  Artavia,"  1867 ;  "  A  History  of  Lundy 
Island,"  1871 ;  "  On  Devonshire  Lanes,"  1873 ;  "  The  Early 
Poetry  and  Poets  of  Devon,"  1874;  "Tawton,  the  First 
Saxon  Bishopric  of  Devonshire,"  1875 ;  "  Vestiges  of  an 
early  Guild  of  St.  Nicholas  at  Barnstaple,  a.d.  1303,"  1879 ; 
"An  Exchequer  Tally,  a  Barnstaple  Eecord  of  1622,"  1880  ; 
"  Cluniac  Houses  in  Devon,"  1888. 

On  the  second  Barnstaple  meeting,  in  1890,  Mr.  Chanter 
was  again  a  Vice-President.  Although  his  advancing  years 
and  failing  strength  prevented  him  taking  a  very  active  part 
to  the  proceedings,  yet  he  most  freely  dispensed  hospitality, 
and  contributed  largely  to  the  enjoyment  of  those  who 
attended  the  meeting.  He  died  at  his  residence,  Fort  Hill, 
Barnstaple,  July,  1895,  aged  83  years. 


Edward  Fisher,  of  Abbotsbury,  Newton  Abbot,  was  the 
son  of  Edward  Fisher,  of  Ashby  de  la  Zouch,  and  a  descen- 
dant from  Thomas  Fisher,  of  Caldecott  Hall,  Leicestershire. 
He  was  born  at  Ashby  in  1828.  He  was  a  devoted  student 
of  Archaeology  and  Architecture;  and  a  great  lover  of  art  in 
all  its  branches.  He  was  of  retiring  habits,  and  spent  much 
of  his  time  in  his  library  or  in  his  garden,  of  which  he  was 
yery  fond.  He  was  a  member  of  several  Archaeological 
Societies,  and  became  a  member  of  this  Association  in  1873. 
He  died  July  31st,  1875,  at  his  residence  at  Abbotsbury, 
aged  66  years. 



Winslow  Jones  was  many  years  ago  a  partner  in  the  firm 
of  Messrs.  Carew  and  Jones,  solictors,  of  Exeter.  The  prac- 
tice was  afterwards  carried  on  by  Mr.  C.  J.  Follett,  a  relative 
of  Sir  William  Follett,  and  now  by  Messrs.  Battishill 
and  Houlditch.  Mr.  Winslow  Jones  was  known  by  all 
the  citizens  of  Exeter  and  county  families  as  a  man  of 
distinguished  learning  and  great  honour.  He  took  a  con- 
siderable part  in  connection  with  the  visit  of  the  British 
Association,  in  1882,  for  which  the  Victoria  Hall  was  built. 
He  was  one  of  the  few  remaining  original  members  of  the 
Devonshire  Association,  and  from  its  commencement  in  1862, 
till  his  decease,  he  identified  himself  with  its  aims,  and  gave 
his  best  efforts  to  promote  its  efficiency  and  well  being. 
In  1883,  he  compounded  as  a  life  member.  He  contri- 
buted several  papers  at  the  annual  meetings  under  the 
following  titles:— 

"Memoranda  on  the  Lucombe  Oak  and  Governor  Hoi  will," 

"  The  Slanning8  of  Leye,  Bickleigh,  and  Maristow,"  1887  and 

"Thomas  Chafe,  of  Doddescott,  in  St  Giles-in-the-Wood 
(Brother-in-Law  of  Tristram  Eisdon,  the  Antiquary)"  1888. 

"ElizeHele,"  1889. 

"Font  in  Dolton  Church,  North  Devon,"  1891. 

"Sir  John  de  Sully,  KG.,"  1892. 

"  The  author  of  '  The  Worthies  of  Devon '  and  '  The  Prince 
Family,"  1893. 

Mr.  Winslow  Jones  was  always  ready  to  supply,  from  his 
rich  store  of  information,  help  to  others  engaged  in  literary 
work,  as  the  following  acknowledgments  of  literary  help  will 
testify : — 

"The  author  has  been  much  indebted  during  his  revision 
to  .  .  .  and  Winslow  Jones,  Esq.,  for  information  about  the 
West,  which  few  else  could  have  supplied."  (The  late  Eev. 
C.  W.  Boase,  in  his  Register  of  the  Hectors  and  Fellows  of  Exeter 
College,  2nd  Ed.,  1893). 

"For  special  family  history  he  has  not  seldom  consulted 
Winslow  Jones,  Esq." 

(The  same  in  his  New  Edition,  1894). 

Prebendary  Hingeston-Randolph,  in  all  the  volumes  he 
has  printed  of  the  Episcopal  Registers,  except  the  first, 


acknowledges  the  help  of   Mr.  Winslow  Jones.    In    the 
last  issue,  Bp.  Grandisson,  vol.  i.,  he  remarks : — 

"And  I  have  again  to  acknowledge,  with  gratitude,  the 
continued  help  of  the  many  kind  friends  who  have  assisted  me 
Wore  .  .  .  and  Mr.  Winslow  Jones  has  rendered  valuable 
service  in  helping  me  to  identify  the  names  of  Manors  and 
other  Estates  referred  to  more  or  less  obscurely  in  the  Regis- 

Some  of  the  most  valuable  papers  in  the  five  volumes 
of  Notes  and  Gleanings  (Exeter),  were  contributed  by  Mr. 
Winslow  Jones.  He  spared  no  pains  of  time,  travel,  or  cost, 
in  order  to  secure  strict  accuracy  in  all  the  work  he  under- 
took. He  was  remarkably  modest,  thoroughly  unaffected, 
full  of  thoughtful  kindness,  indeed  a  fine  specimen  of 
the  Christian  gentleman.  There  were  few  matters  of 
public  importance  in  the  city  in  which  he  had  no  part.  The 
Albert  Memorial,  Museum,  and  educational  affairs  generally 
received  his  hearty  support.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  presence, 
and,  until  within  the  last  year  or  two,  he  was  upright  as  a 
dart,  although  he  carried  the  weight  of  many  years.  He 
was  one  of  the  original  officers  of  the  1st  Eifle  Volunteers. 

For  some  years  before  his  decease  he  resided  at  Exmouth, 
where  he  died  July  30th,  1895,  aged  80  years. 


William  Lavers  was  born  at  Kingsbridge,  whence,  in  his 
youth,  he  removed  to  Plymouth,  where  he  was  articled  to  an 
eminent  firm  of  solicitors,  now  known  as  Messrs.  Eooker, 
Matthews,  Harrison,  and  Matthews,  of  Frankfort-street.  He 
^riy practised  with  much  success  as  an  advocate;  but  in 
1869  his  health  failed  him,  and  for  three  years  he  devoted 
himself  to  travelling,  both  in  Great  Britain  and  upon  the 
Continent.  Eeturning  home  he  was  advised  to  remove  to 
Torquay,  where  he  purchased  the  charming  residence  known 
88  Upton  Leigh,  in  Teignmouth  Eoad.  There  he  settled 
down  with  his  wife  and  sister,  the  former  of  whom  died  in 
June  last  year.  Shortly  afterwards  Mr.  Lavers  enlarged  the 
pounds  of  his  residence  to  their  present  area — eleven  acres 
""-and  devoted  himself  to  the  practice  of  floriculture,  of 
which  he  became  very  fond.  His  principal  hobby  was  the 
cultivation  of  orchids,  of  which  he  had  a  very  extensive 
and  valuable  collection,  and  many  of  which  he  annually 
displayed  at  the  exhibitions  of  the  Torquay  Horticultural 
Society.     Mr.  Lavers  was  very  philanthropic ;  among  many 


other  objects,  the  Torbay  Hospital  awoke  his  earliest  and 
keenest  interest.  In  1872  he  subscribed  £1000  for  the 
construction  of  the  North  wing,  this  handsome  gift  at  first 
being  bestowed  anonymously;  the  name  of  the  donor  was 
subsequently  revealed  by  the  merest  accident.  Mr.  Layers 
was  elected  a  Vice-President  and  a  life  governor  of  the 
Hospital.  Besides  being  an  annual  subscriber,  he  made 
handsome  donations  to  the  funds  at  various  intervals. 
Another  charitable  work  with  which  Mr.  Lavers  became 
closely  identified,  was  the  Erith  House  Institution  for  invalid 
ladies,  of  which  he  acted  as  joint  Hon.  Secretary  up  to  the 
time  of  his  death.  Of  the  Western  Hospital  for  Consumption 
he  was  also  a  generous  supporter.  To  satisfy  the  religious 
needs  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lower  Upton,  about  the  end  of 
1890  or  beginning  of  1891,  he  intimated  his  intention  of 
providing  a  site  for  the  erection  of  a  mission  house,  since  known 
as  S.  James',  and  towards  its  cost  of  £800  he  subscribed  £520, 
to  which  he  afterwards  added  £60  more ;  and,  with  his  friend, 
the  Eev.  Preb.  Wolfe,  he  bore  the  cost  of  the  organ. 

On  Nov.  12th,  1873,  Mr.  Lavers  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  Torquay  Natural  History  Society.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  Committee  in  1876,  from  1878  to  1881,  from  1885  to 
1888,  and  from  1890  to  1894.  He  was  Vice-President  in 
1877,  President  from  1881  to  1883,  and  a  Vice-President 
again  in  1884.  His  periodical  lectures  were  much  appre- 
ciated. As  President  of  the  Torquay  District  Gardeners' 
Association  he  delivered  two  instructive  lectures — one  upon 
orchids,  and  the  other  upon  the  peculiarities  of  seed  distribu- 
tion.   He  became  a  member  of  this  Association  in  1873. 

Mr.  Lavers  never  took  an  active  part  in  the  government  of 
Torquay ;  not  until  the  Watershed  controversy,  at  the 
beginning  of  1894,  was  he  known  to  appear  upon  the  plat- 
form to  speak  upon  a  town  question.  The  Town  Council's 
scheme  for  the  purchase  of  the  Watershed  found  in  him  one 
of  its  strongest  foes.  He  spoke  much,  and  well,  against  the 
proposal,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  stand  he  took  in 
opposition  did  much  to  overthrow  it. 

The  malady  from  which  he  suffered  increased  in  severity, 
and  after  May,  1894,  he  was  almost  entirely  confined  to  his 
residence.  He  maintained,  however,  his  genial  disposition  to 
the  last,  and,  as  long  as  he  was  able,  he  continued  to  delight 
in  escorting  his  many  visitors  to  Upton  Leigh  around  his 
beautiful  grounds  and  through  his  glass  houses.  The  end 
came  at  last,  after  much  patiently-borne  suffering,  on 
Saturday,  September   15th,  1894. 



Mrs.  Tanner -Davy  was  the  daughter  of  Mr.  James 
Schoolbred,  of  Tottenham  Court  Road,  London.  About  27 
years  ago  she  was  married  to  Col.  John  Tanner-Davy,  j.p., 
of  the  Manor  House,  Rose  Ash,  near  South  Molton,  who, 
for  some  years  was  Grand  Master  for  Devon  of  the  order 
of  Mark  Masons.    He  died  in  May,  1889. 

Mrs.  Tanner-Davy  joined  the  Association  in  1892,  as  a 
life  Member.  She  died  of  gastric  fever,  at  the  house  of  her 
brother,  Mr.  Walter  Schoolbred,  10,  Connaught  Place,  Hyde 
Park,  W.,  on  May  28th,  1895,  aged  60  years. 

She  was  a  woman  of  high  literary  attainments,  a  kind 
friend,  and  a  generous  donor  to  public  and  private  charities. 
These  she  dispensed  quietly ;  only  her  most  intimate  friends 
knew  that  she  gave,  because  she  seldom  added  even  her 
initials  to  her  money  gifts.  The  church  at  Bose  Ash  was 
indebted  to  her  for  many  valuable  additions  to  funds  for 
structural  purposes,  and  for  internal  fittings.  A  friend  writes 
of  her  thus : — "  During  a  close  intimacy  of  20  years,  I  never 
saw  anything  in  her  but  what  was  generous,  kind,  and  an 
intense  desire  to  add  to  the  comfort  and  happiness,  not  only 
of  those  near  and  dear  to  her,  but  to  everyone  who  suffered, 
or  was  in  any  way  afflicted  in  mind  or  body." 



Fourteenth  Report  of  the  Committee — consisting  of  Mr.  J.  S. 
Amery,  Mr.  F.  T.  Elworthy  (Secretary),  Mr.  F.  H.  Firth, 
Mr.  P.  0.  Hutchinson,  Mr.  P.  Q.  Karkeek,  Dr.  W.  C. 
Lake,  Br.  Brushfield,  and  Mrs.  J.  Rose  Troup — for  the 
purpose  of  noting  and  recording  the  existing  use  of  any 
Verbal  Provincialisms  in  Devonshire,  in  either  written  or 
spoken  language,  not  included  in  the  lists  published  in  the 
Transactions  of  the  Association. 

Edited  by  F.  T.  Elworthy. 

(Read  at  Okohampton,  July,  1895.) 

The  Fourteenth  Report  of  your  Committee  appears  at  a 
particularly  interesting  and  opportune  time.  Not  only  does 
it  mark  that  your  Committee  has  served  two  full  apprentice- 
ships, and  thereby  proved  itself  to  have  done  useful  and 
valuable  work,  but  it  comes  at  a  time  when  a  very  special 
effort  should  be  made  by  all  those  interested  to  gather  up 
the  many  fragments  that  remain.  Two  notices  of  great 
moment  to  all  who  have  taken  part  in  preserving  our 
provincialisms  have  recently  appeared.  One  is  that  the 
Dialect  Society,  which  has  served  over  three  apprenticeships, 
is  to  cease  to  exist  after  1896,  for  the  reason  that  the  seventy 
odd  volumes  it  has  produced  are  believed  to  contain  all  the 
material  likely  to  be  obtained  "from  any  part  of  the  country." 
The  other  is  that  the  end  for  which  the  Dialect  Society  was 
really  begun  now  appears  to  be  in  sight.  The  prospectus  of 
the  English  Dialect  Dictionary,  which  has  been  undertaken 
by  the  man  of  all  others  now  living  most  capable  of  carrying 
out  the   work  efficiently,  scientifically,  and  promptly,  has 


been  issued.  Dr.  Joseph  Wright,  Professor  of  Comparative 
Philology  at  Oxford,  estimates  that  this  great  work  will  be 
completed  in  eight  years,  say  seven  from  this  time,  provided 
1000  subscribers  have  been  obtained.  Of  that,  for  such  a 
work,  there  can  be  little  doubt. 

The  materials  collected  by  your  Committee  have  gone  to 
swell  the  mass  contained  in  the  publications  of  the  Dialect 
Society  and  of  others,  which  will  have  to  pass  through  the 
mill  of  editorship,  and  the  digestive  brain  of  the  final  compiler. 
The  amount  of  labour  undertaken  by  Dr.  Wright  can  only 
be  appreciated  by  those  who  have  had  some  experience,  and 
have  been  behind  the  scenes,  in  other  big  work  of  this  kind. 

The  value  of  the  Dialect  Dictionary  as  a  supplement  to,  or 
rather  the  complement  of,  the  great  English  Dictionary,  will 
be  not  simply  national,  but  international,  as  containing  the 
language  of  the  entire  people  using  that  tongue,  of  whom 
the  Empire  upon  which  the  sun  never  sets  includes  but  a 

These  considerations,  'so  far  from  leading  your  Committee 
to  close  their  labours,  seem  but  to  stimulate  them  in  urging 
all  observers  still  to  keep  careful  watch  for  the  many 
provincialisms  still  unrecorded,  and  to  remember  that  such 
expressions  as  they  deal  with  are  not  ail  old,  but  ever  new — 
that  fresh  words  are  day  by  day  being  invented  by  rustics,  as 
touch  as  by  journalists ;  and  history  teaches  that  the  dialect 
word  of  this  year  may  become  a  literary  one  in  the  next. 
All  interested,  therefore,  are  earnestly  cautioned  that  their 
work  is  by  no  means  ended. 

Your  Committee  could  have  wished  to  be  able  to  place 
*  fuller  list,  with  more  signs  of  active  work,  on  this  its 
fourteenth  statement. 

It  would  be  ungracious  and  ungrateful  to  close  this  Eeport 
without  affectionate  mention  of  the  name  of  the  founder  and 
fet  editor  of  the  Committee,  our  much-respected  friend  Mr. 
Pengelly,  who,  since  the  issue  of  the  last  lieport,  has  gone  to 
test  from  his  labours,  full  of  years  and  of  honour,  but  living 
still  in  the  memory  of  his  fellow-workers,  as  one  whose  life 
toay  be  summed  up  in  one  word — "  thorough." 

The  resolutions  under  which  this  Committee  are  empowered 
to  act,  together  with  instructions  to  be  followed  by  those 
willing  to  collect  materials,  also  a  considerable  list  of  books 
for  reference,  have  been  printed  in  full  in  previous  reports, 
down  to  the  tenth,  published  in  vol.  xviii.  1886. 

All  new  observers  who  are  interested  in  the  subject  are 
invited  carefully  to  peruse  them,  and  to  such  as  may  not  be 



in  possession  of  the  early  reports  containing  the  resolutions 
a  copy  will  be  gladly  forwarded,  on  application  to  the  Editor. 


Each  provincialism  is  placed  within  inverted  commas,  and 
the  whole  contribution  ends  with  the  initials  of  the  observer. 
All  remarks  following  the  initials  are  simply  editorial. 

The  full  address  of  each  contributor  is  given  below,  and  it 
must  be  fully  understood  that  he  or  she  is  responsible  only 
for  the  statements  to  which  his  or  her  initials  are  appended : 

R  P.  C.         =  R    Pearse    Chope,    107,   Ledbury    Road, 

0.  R  =  Rev.  0.  J.  Reichel,  A  la  Eonde,  Lympstone. 

F.  B.  T.         =  Mrs.  J.  Rose  Troup,  Offwell  House,  Honiton. 
A.  D.  T.        =  Rev.  A.  D.  Taylor,  Churchstanton  Rectory, 

H.  B.  S.  W.  =  H.  B.  S.  Woodhouse,  10,  Portland  Square, 


"'A/  or  'An/  before  note  of  number.  Probably  the 
scripture  passage  alluded  to,  but  not  quoted  in  the  Twelfth 
Report,  is  Luke  ix.  28,  'about  an  eight  days  after/  &c. — 
June,  1893.     H.  B.  S.  W." 

Certainly.  The  above  is  the  passage  referred  to  in  the 
Twelfth  Report. 

See  also  W.  Som.  Word  Book,  p.  1. 

"  Angle  -  twitch  =  the  common  earthworm  (J.  A.).  A 
variant  of  Angle-titch.  (Dialect  of  Hartland,  p.  24.)  From 
Carew's  Survey  of  Cornwall,  p.  26,  I  take  'His  baites  are 
flies  and  Tag-wormes,  which  the  Cornish  English  terme 
Angle-touches.'— June,  1894.     R.  P.  C." 

The  same  as  angle-dog,  see  Eleventh  Report,  but  an  older 
form,  by  no  means  Cornish  in  any  other  sense  than  as  English 
spoken  in  Cornwall. 

Ang.-Sax.  Angel-twecca ;  lit  "  a  hook-worm  or  worm  used 
as  a  bait  for  fishing." 

Wright's  Vocal.,  Zacontrapis,  Angeltwecca ;  Lubricus  (read 
Lumbricus),  Angel twicca,  ongeltwcecche;  Lurribricus,  renwyrm 
ud  angeltwicce. 

See  also  Promp.  Parv.,  Note,  p.  12. 

This  is  a  word  of  much  interest,  showing  how  original 
meanings  become  changed.  Angel,  or  angle,  originally  in 
Ang.-Sax.  meant  hamus,  a  hook — hence  the  fifteenth  century 
books  on  "fysshynge  with  an  angle,"  and  our  modern  word 


angling.  In  West  Somerset,  however,  this  meaning  is 
completely  lost;  the  twitch  is  dropped,  which  was  always 
annexed  to  it,  and  only  angle  remains;  this  is  now  the 
ordinary  term  for  an  earthworm ;  thus,  what  was  the  hook  is 
now  the  name  for  the  bait.     See  W.  Som.  Word  Book. 

Twitch,  or  touch,  in  this  sense  seems  only  to  have  been 
used  in  the  compound  angeltwecca,  and  rather  suggests  the 
twisting  or  wriggling  of  the  worm  on  the  hook — from  twiccian 
— whence  our  modern  twick,  or  to  twitch.   See  New  Eng.  Diet. 

"  Bagavel,  &c.  In  the  Exeter  Receiver-General's  Accounts, 
for  1752,  appear  the  terms :  '  Bagavel,  Chippingavel,  Beltin- 
gavel,  and  Wheelage/— Dec,  1893.     F.  B.  T." 

Bagavel  is  a  word  peculiar  to  the  customs  of  Exeter.  It 
was  a  tribute  (Ang.-Sax.  gafol)  granted  to  the  citizens  by 
charter  of  Edward  I.  They  had  thereby  the  power  of  taxing 
all  wares  brought  into  the  city  for  sale.  The  proceeds  were 
to  be  applied  to  the  repairs  and  general  maintenance  of  the 
borough  property. 

Of  the  meaning  of  gavel  in  all  these  words  there  is  no 
doubt.  We  have  gafol,  gafolgilda,  gafolrand,  gaful,  and 
gafule  in  Ang.-Sax.  (Wright's  Vocab.),  all  meaning  tax  or 
tribute ;  but  the  first  syllable  is  not  easily,  nor  certainly,  to 
be  explained.  It  is  probably  bag ;  i.e.  bag-gafol,  which 
would  imply  an  impost  upon  every  package  of  goods  of 
whatever  kind,  for  bag  signified  not  only  a  sack,  but  a  bundle, 
a  pack,  a  chest.  (See  New  Eng.  Diet.)  It  is  probable  that 
the  city  accounts  of  this  tax,  if  accessible,  would  throw  light 
upon  this  point.  Judging  from  analogy,  the  obvious  meanings 
of  Chippingavel  and  Beltingavel  show  that  the  object  taxable 
was  expressed  by  the  first  syllable.  It  is  therefore  safest  to 
accept  the  simplest  explanation,  if  reasonable.  At  the  same 
time  it  is  not  to  be  taken  as  certain,  because  similarity  of 
sound  makes  the  meaning  apparently  obvious.  After  all,  it 
might  turn  out  (though  not  likely)  to  be  boc-gafol;  i.e.  tribute 
payable  according  to  book,  otherwise  according  to  a  settled 

a  Bairge  =  the  top  face  or  outer  edge  of  a  gable.  A  mason, 
aged  about  50,  was  heard  to  say,  '  Us  shall  foace  vor  ha*  a 
new  bairge  refter  avore  us  kin  putt  the  roof  to  rights/  (J.  C.) 
The  '  bairge  refter '  is  the  rafter  outside  the  wall.  The  word 
'  bairge '  is,  I  think,  generally  applied  to  the  '  wads '  or 
bundles  (called  'bairge  wads')  to  which  the  thatch  of  a 
house  or  stack  is  secured  at  the  gables  by  'spears'  (spars) 
or  otherwise.     It  is  also  used  by  itself,  as  in  the  sentence, 

D  2 


'  Bring  the  thatch  well  down  over  the  bairge.' — August*  1894 
R  P.  C. 

Except  for  pronunciation,  this  word  can  hardly  be  con- 
sidered provincial. 

"  Bat  =  the  strip  of  land  between  two  trenches  in  a  ploughed 
field,  the  ridge  between  two  open  furrows  or  '  all-vores.' 
J.  T.  H.  informs  me  that  his  father  used  to  put  one  sort  of 
manure  on  one  'bat/  and  another  sort  on  the  next. — June, 
1895.     R  P.  C." 

In  Somerset  the  word  bat  is  applied  to  the  corners  or  ends 
of  the  field,  which  cannot  be  got  at  by  the  ' zool*  but  have  to 
be  dug  out  with  the  *  bisgy '  or  two-bill. 

See  W.  Som.  Word  Book,  p.  47. 

"  Bias.  A  woman  at  Horrabridge  expressed  first  her 
surprise  at  the  writer's  calling  on  her,  as  being  a  week  before 
the  expected  time;  and  secondly,  her  disappointment  that 
certain  things  she  had  expected  to  happen  had  not  come  to 
pass,  and  that  moneys  she  had  hoped  to  receive  had  not  been 
paid,  summing  up  the  whole  in  the  expression,  'It's  all 
against  my  bias/ — June,  1895.     H.  B.  S.  W." 

This  word,  by  no  means  uncommon  amongst  provincial 
speakers,  is  obsolete  in  literature,  in  the  sense  here  used. 

This  is  fully  dealt  with  in  the  New  Eng.  Diet.,  and  the 
above  phrase  falls  under  section  4 :  "  Set  course  in  any 
direction,  ordinary  'way/ 

"  From  or  out  of  the  bias.    Out  of  the  way. 
"  To  pat  out  of  or  off  one's  bias.     To  put  out,  disconcert, 
confuse,  put  into  disorder.     Obs." 

Devon  seems  to  have  supplied  the  last  writer  who  thus 
used  the  word,  according  to  the  New  Eng.  Did.,  but  the 
present  editor  has  a  strong  impression  that  Blackmore  has 
written  it  in  the  above  sense  in  one  of  his  novels. 
"  Yet  novelty  shall  lead  the  world  astray, 

And  turn  ev'n  Bishops  off  from  Wisdom's  bias; 
A  Mouse  shall  start  the  Lion  of  the  day — 
Witness  that  miserable  imp  Matthias." 

Wolcott  (Peter  Pindar),  Nil  Admirari. 

"  Black-butter  =  laver,  or  sea-lettuce,  which  is  eaten  as 
food.     Informants,  B.  P.  and  others. — June,  1892.     R  P.  C." 

Ulva  latissima,  and  Ulva  lactuca.  Prior,  Pop.  Names  of 
Brit.  Plants. 

"  In  Glamorganshire,  and  some  other  parts,  they  make  a 
sort  of  food  of  a  sea-plant,  which  seems  to  be  the  oyster- 
green,  or  sea-liver-wort     This  they  call  laver-bread.    Near 


St  David's  they  call  it  Llavan,  or  Llawnan ;  in  English 
black-butter."  Kennett  (Lansdowne  MS.,  No.  1033),  Britten. 

From  the  above  it  is  evident  that  the  same  name  prevails 
on  both  sides  of  the  Bristol  Channel — but  on  which  side  it 
was  first  applied  does  not  appear.  The  probability  is  that 
the  name  was  carried  from  Devon  to,  or  by,  the  English 
colony  in  Gower  and  Pembroke. 

Llavan,  &c,  is  not  in  ordinary  Welsh  dictionaries. 

"  Black-wobm  =  the  black-beetle,  or  cockroach.  (B.  P.)— 
June,  1892.     B.  P.  C." 

Hal.  says  this  is  black-bm  in  Salop,  black-bobs  in  Berks, 
black-clock  in  Yorkshire,  and  black-worm  in  Cornwall. 

"Brads  =  the  large  nails  formerly  used  by  wheelwrights  for 
securing  the  strakes  of  a  cart-wheel  to  the  felloes  (pron. 
vellies).  Informant,  B.  P.  Same  as  Steert.  W.  Som. 
Word  Book— June,  1892.    E.  P.  C." 

"  Bolt = a  bundle.    See  Wolgar.— June,  1894.    E.  P.  C." 
Hal.  gives  bolt  in  this  sense  as  East.    "  A  bolt  of  straw/1 

"Booby,  Booby-wad  =  1. — A  bundle  of  rags  used  for  smoking 
bees,  to  drive  them  away  from  the  spot  on  which  they  swarm. 
Example — '  Make  a  booby- wad,  Jan,  and  putt  'n  up  in  tree 
vor  zmauk  the  beggars  out.1  Informant,  J.  T.  H.  2. — A 
bundle  of  straw  used  for  setting  fire  to  furze,  peat,  etc. 
Example — 'Light  the  booby,  and  us  11  zoon  zet  the  vuz 
avire/    Informant,  T.  C— June,  1892.    E.  P.  C." 

"Break.  A  rat  was  caught  in  the  store-room,  and  the 
butler  exclaimed '  She's  broke  the  gin/  I  thought  he  literally 
meant  that  the  trap  was  broken,  but  found  afterwards  that 
broke  was  equivalent  to  '  sprung/ — Dec,  1893.    F.  B.  T." 

This  is  one  more  use  of  the  word,  not  to  be  found  in  the 
almost  numberless  and  exhaustive  list  in  the  New  Eng.  Diet. 
The  idea  is  of  course  derived  from  to  break,  in  the  sense  of 
to  change  or  alter  the  condition  of  continuity  of  any  object. 
It  is  quite  common  to  speak  of  a  beam  or  a  scale  breaking 
when  the  article  weighed  "turns  the  scale,"  so  the  rat,  having 
caused  the  lever  of  the  gin  to  go  down,  broke  the  gin. 

"Broth.  The  following  rhyme,  given  to  me  by  T.  C,  well 
illustrates  the  use  of  this  word  as  a  noun  of  plural  number : 

" '  When  the  broth  be  wit  [white], 
They  'm  fit ; 

When  the  broth  be  bowl'd  [boiled], 
They  'm  spowl'd  [spoiled]/ 




This  means  that  broth  must  not  be  allowed  to  boil,  but  must 
be  served  when  a  white  scum  forms  on  the  surface ;  that  is, 
just  before  the  boiling-point  is  reached. — June,  1895.  RP.C." 

See  W.  Som.  Word  Book,  p.  93. 

We  always  say  "  a  few  broth,"  rather  than  "  a  little." 

"  Bull-wollopper  =  cattle-dealer.  Abridged  from  The 
North  Devon  Herald  of  August  10,  1893:  A  certain  local 
scribe  was  '  had '  a  day  or  so  ago  by  one  of  his  friends.  A 
certain  young  farmer,  a  non-smoker  himself,  coyly  remarked 
that  he  could  oblige  him  with  an  ounce  packet  of  Wills'  Best 
Honey-dew,  if  he  would  kindly  accept.  The  servant,  at  her 
master's  bidding,  went  to  fetch  from  upstairs  the  precious 
weed.  Presently,  down  came  the  maid  with  the  famous  red 
and  gold  package.  A  certain  '  bull-wollopper  '  happened  also 
to  be  present,  and  his  eyes  were  also  enviously  directed 
towards  the  packet.  This  being  noticed  by  the  generous 
quill-driver,  he  offered  to  share  the  contents,  when  the 
cattle-dealer's  eyes  gleamed  and  sailed  round  his  head  like 
the  wooden  horses  at  a  steam -circus  with  delight.  The 
packet  being  cut  in  two,  was  found  to  be  a  dummy,  filled 
with  sawdust. — R  P.  C." 

"  By  =  of,  or  concerning ;  '  Notannaby  where/  Years  ago  I 
heard  this  compound  word,  or  phrase,  used  as  equivalent  to 
Not  that  I  know  of.  Is  not  the  use  of  by  for  of  in  this,  and 
in  the  commoner  lengthened  form,  '  Not  that  I  know  by/  the 
same  as  in  the  passage  in  1  Cor.  iv.  4,  '  I  know  nothing  by 
myself/  &c.  ?  In  looking  at  a  copy  of  Elizabeth's  Private 
Prayers,  p.  42,  I  found  a  note — 'Lo  all  thynges  be  fulfilled 
that  were  spoken  of  the  angel  by  the  Virgyn  Mari.  Thanks 
be  to  GOD/  In  the  above  sentence  of  and  by  are  inter- 
changed. The  Latin  'per  Angelum  de  Virgine  Maria/  Is  not 
this  really  another  instance  rather  of  the  old  meaning  of  by  ? 
Spoken  of  is  of  course  also  a  Biblical  phrase,  equivalent  to 
the  modern  spoken  by.  The  Middle  English  Diet  quotes, 
'Hit  is  awriten  bi  [of]  him/  {Horn,  i.  129.)— H.  B.  S.  W." 

These  several  uses  of  by  are  by  no  means  the  same ;  each 
one  is  treated  separately  in  the  W.  Som.  Word  Booky  but  far 
better,  and  at  greater  length,  in  the  New  Eng.  Diet. 

"  Not  that  I  know  by  "  is  the  same  as  the  more  polished 
"Not  that  I  know  of";  i.e.  concerning,  or  about.  The  same 
is  implied  in  the  sentence  "by  the  Virgin,"  while  the  ex- 
pression "spoken  of,"  immediately  preceding,  is  a  common 
form  used  in  the  early  seventeenth  century,  where  we  should 
now  say  "spoken  by." 


The  expression,  "  by  myself,"  in  1  Cor.  iv.  4,  and  probably 
the  quotation  "  that  is  awriten  by  him,"  mean  about,  in  the 
sense  of  against,  or  prejudicial  to.  This  use  of  by  is 
extremely  common:  "You  can't  zay  nort  by  her,"  "Never 
yeard  nort  by  un,"  mean  distinctly  against  her  or  his  reputa- 
tion. Whether  "awriten  bi  him"  means  this,  or  simply 
about  him,  can  only  be  decided  by  the  context 

"Chicket= cheerful.  A  farmer's  wife,  aged  about  80,  said 
twice  in  my  presence,  'Her's  a  nice  chicket  woman/ 
apparently  meaning  cheerful. — August  8,  1893.     R  P.  C." 

This  is  a  good  old  English  word,  which  ought  not  to  be 
lost  It  is  clearly  an  adjectival  form  of  the  older  French 
noun  chie.  This  latter  appears  to  have  been  re-imported  of 
late,  and  to  be  now  considered  as  slang  in  English,  because 
it  has  become  so  in  French. 

The  following  might  be  modern  Devon  speech:  "How 
blithe  wast  thou,  how  buxome,  and  how  chicket."  Boileau's 
Lutrin,  I  335,  A.D.  1682.  (New  Eng.  Did.) 

"  Comb  vore.  T.  C.  gives  me  the  following  explanation : 
'The  comb  vore  is  the  last  solid  one,  and  is  generally  much 
smaller  than  any  of  the  preceding  ones.  The  all  vore  finishes 
the  ridge  or  cut,  and  is  ploughed  a  very  little  deeper  than  the 
preceding  one,  on  the  opposite  side,  which  had  been  ploughed 
thinner  on  purpose,  so  the  comb  vore  and  all  vore  are  both 
ploughed  the  same  way,  not  in  opposite  directions/ — June, 
1895.    R  P.  C." 

All  vore  is  explained  in  the  Seventh  Report.  Comb,  in  the 
West,  generally  signifies  the  highest  part,  or  rather  the  ridge, 
as  of  a  roof.  In  this  latter  sense  it  is  so  used  in  America — 
notably  by  Mark  Twain.     See  W.Som.  Word  Book,  p.  151. 

All  Devon  people  understand  the  term  by  which  customary 
ditch  rights  are  limited,  even  in  the  Ordnance  maps — 
"  Three  feet  from  the  comb  of  the  hedge."  It  is  often  a  matter 
of  discussion  where  this  comb  is  precisely  situated ;  but  it  is 
generally  considered  to  be  an  imaginary  line  on  the  top  of 
the  slope  of  the  bank — by  no  means  the  centre  of  the  hedge — 
many  of  which  are  double,  and  all  have  a  comb  on  each  side. 

The  comb  vore,  or  furrow,  is  a  shallow  one  ploughed  in  the 
same  direction,  and  next  before  the  deeper  all  vore,  in  ploughing 
which  latter  the  soil  is  turned  up  upon  the  smaller  one,  so  as 
to  make  a  good  comb  or  ridge  to  the  "  bat,"  as  it  is  called  in 
North  Devon. 

These  farming-words  are  of  the  utmost  interest,  and  ought 
to  be  carefully  preserved. 


u  CoRBUT  =  a  deep  tub,  used  for  salting  meat.  It  is  similar 
to  a  Trendle  (q.v.),  but  is  smaller  and  deeper.  (T.  C.)  From 
an  account  of  a  sale  in  1868  I  take : 

" '  Oak  Corbut   .        .     12s.  6d.' 
—June,  1894.     R.  P.  C." 

This  is  most  probably  written  for  corbet,  i.e.  corvet,  a 
Devon  form  of  cuvette.  We  have  cuve  for  a  vat,  which  we 
write  in  the  West  keeve,  or  kieve.  Cf.  St  Niton's  Kieva 
Hence  a  shallow  vat  may  well  have  been  called  a  cuvet,  or 
corbet.     See  cuve,  cuvette — New  Eng.  Diet. 

"  Cracken  =  cracked.  A  farmer's  wife,  aged  about  60,  said 
to  her  servant,  '  Don't  bring  the  cracken  dish.'  I  have  heard 
others  use  the  same  expression. — June,  1892.     R.  P.  C." 

This  interesting  form  is  a  contraction  of  crackeden — an 
adjective  formed  from  the  p.  participle,  and  is  precisely 
analogous  to  "boughten"  bread.  It  is  not  the  participle 
itself,  as  in  the  strong  verbs,  such  as  stolen,  broken,  from  steed 
and  break. 

"  Crumpetty.  An  old  man,  who  has  for  years  had  a 
crippled  leg,  told  me  he  always  was  obliged  '  to  lie  crumpetty 
like.'  I  find  Murray  has  '  crump '  in  the  sense  of  '  crippley,' 
etc.,  but  not  '  crumpetty.'— June  26,  1894.     A.  D.  T." 

Crump  conveys  the  idea  of  bent,  crooked,  as  of  an  old  man 
bowed  with  years.  The  suffix  etty  is  a  very  common  adjectival 
form,  especially  in  the  West.  We  have  hopety,  drinkety, 
taffety,  and  many  others,  while  in  literature  we  find  fidgety, 
rickety,  etc. 

"  Dabrified  =  Flowers  that  were  partly  faded,  I  have  often 
heard  called  '  dabrified.'— June,  1893.     H.  B.  S.  W." 

This  is,  of  course,  daverified  or  become  davered.  See 
Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Reports. 

"  Dag  =  a  cutting,  generally  of  withy,  for  planting  in 
hedges,  etc.  Example :  '  I  shall  plant  th'  'adge  wai'  withy 
dags.'     Informant :  J.  T.  H.— June,  1892.     R.  P.  C." 

See  Barnes'  Dorset  Glossary  "A  small  projecting  stump 
of  a  branch." 

In  Somerset,  dag  is  mostly  used  with  end  as  an  adjective, 
meaning  the  pointed  or  straightest  end — as  the  dag-end  of  a 
sheaf,  or  of  a  faggot. 

"  Done  to  Jouds.  A  workman,  complaining  that  the  meat 
provided  for  his  dinner  was  overboiled,  remarked,  'Why,  'tis 
all  done  to  jouds.'— June,  1893.     H.  B.  S.  W." 

Hal.  gives  jowd,  a  jelly,  Devon ;  jowds,  rags,  Devon. 


"  Dummel.  In  Jefferies'  Toilers  of  the  Field,  page  95,  there 
is  a  passage  descriptive  of  the  farm  labourer  who, '  about  six 
or  half-past  (he)  reaches  home  thoroughly  saturated,  worn 
out,  cross,  and  dummel.  This  expresses  the  dumb,  sullen 
churlishness  which  such  a  life  engenders.' — H.  B.  S.  W." 

Not  Devonshire. 

"  Frith.  In  a  lease  for  99  years,  determinable  upon  three 
lives,  made  by  Marshall  Ayer,  of  Venottery,  21  May,  30  Car. 
IL,  occurs  the  provision  that  on  the  death  of  each  life  a 
sum  of  30s.  is  to  be  paid  by  way  of  heriot  or  '  farlien.'  The 
same  lease  also  provides  that  the  lessee  is  to  have  '  fireboote, 
frith,  and  stakes '  without  waste.  What  does  '  frith '  mean 
here  ?— May,  1895.    0.  K." 

Usually  called  vreth.  Young  underwood  or  brushwood. 
Suitable  for  wreathing,  or,  as  we  call  it,  raddling.  In  Sussex 
this  is  called  Frith.  See  Parrish,  Sussex  Gloss.;  also  W. 
Som.  Word  Book,  s.v.  Vreath. 

"  Graveun  =  the  spawn  of  salmon.  From  The  North  Devon 
Herald  of  18th  Jan.,  1894 :  '  A  Barnstaple  net-fisherman 
writes:  Will  any  one  of  the  Taw  Protection  people  also 
answer  me  as  to  whether  the  rod-and-line  gentlemen  do  not 
destroy  more  salmon  in  March  and  April  by  catching  what 
they  call  "salmon  fry"  by  the  basketful  than  any  forty  boats 
and  nets  destroy  in  two  years?'  'Salmon  fry*  is  what  is 
commonly  called  '  salmon  gravelling.9 — B.  P.  C." 

"  Hedge-tacker = a  repairer  of  hedges.  (Pron.  adge-tackeO 
Informants :  T.  C. ;  B.  P.— June,  1892.     E.  P.  C." 
This  is  hedgfrrtaker,  i.e.  undertaker. 

"KNUCKS  =  the  game  of  knuckle-bones,  frequently  played 
with  winkle  shells  (called  wrinkle  shells,  locally).  Informant : 
J.  T.  H.— June,  1892.    E.  P.  C." 

"  Larch  =  to  awake  (?).  The  local  rhyme  about  the  cuckoo 
is  as  follows : — 

"  •  In  March  'a  begin'th  to  larch ; 
In  April  'a  zoun'th  his  bell ; 
In  May  'a  zing'th  both  night  an*  day ; 
In  June  'a  alter'th  his  toon ; 
And  in  July  away  'a  dith  vly.' 

"What  the  meaning  of  larch  is,  nobody  seems  to  know;  the 
word  may  be  a  mere  jingle  to  rhyme  with  March.  Informants: 
T.  C,  and  others. 


"  The  following  Devonshire  variants  are  given  in  NorthaH's 
English  Folk-Rhymes,  p.  267  : — 

"  *  In  March,  the  guku  beginth  to  sarch  ; 
In  Aperal,  he  beginth  to  tell ; 
In  May,  he  beginth  to  lay*  etc. 
"And  p.  269: 

" '  In  March,  he  sits  upon  his  perch,9  etc. 
—April,  1893.     R.  P.  C." 

The  above  three  versions  prove  that  the  word  rhyming 
with  March  is  an  indefinite  quantity.  To  lurch  is  quite  as 
good,  if  not  better  than  perch,  because  it  is  more  expressive, 
to  lurch  being  in  its  oldest  form  to  lurk,  or  lie  in  wait 
Hence  the  cuckoo  waits  in  March  before  he  sings. 

"Larra.  The  Receiver-General  of  Exeter's  Accounts  for 
1752  have— 

" «  Mr  Sam1   Di  y  -k*1™ 

M.&am.uix    5Q4      at6dprLarra        £12  12s.  0d.' 

"The  above  is  on  a  page  headed  'Racks  in  the  Great 
Shelly/  I  find  Hal.  gives  '  Laras,  any  round  pieces  of  wood 
turned  by  the  turners.  Devon.*  Possibly,  therefore,  Larras 
may  have  some  connection  with  this,  and  may  refer  to 
spindles  or  framework,  or  some  implement  used  in  serge- 
making.  Mr.  Campion,  however,  suggests  that  it  is  connected 
with  arras  =  tapestry,  and  that  they  paid  6d.  for  each  piece  of 
serge.— Dec,  1893.     F.  B.  T." 

In  the  above  connection  this  is  a  well-known  technical 
word.  A  rack  for  stretching  cloth,  of  the  kind  used  in  the 
last  century,  and  to  this  day  when  the  cloth  is  dried  out  of 
doors,  consists  of  three  parts — 

1.  The  "  posts  "  at  regular  intervals,  fixed  in  a  straight  line 
in  the  ground. 

2.  The  "  pollsheets  "  are  fixed  horizontally  upon  the  top  of 
the  posts,  having  a  continuous  line  of  rack  or  tenter-hooks 
to  hold  the  upper  edge  of  the  cloth. 

3.  The  "  larras,"  or  movable  bars,  jointed  together  between 
each  upright,  so  that  they  can  slide  up  or  down  upon  the 
post.  A  rack-larra  is  always  of  oak,  about  7  ft.  6  in.  long, 
and  sawn  about  5  in.  square.  There  is  a  corresponding  row 
of  hooks  in  the  larras,  and  when  the  wet  piece  is  in  its  place, 
the  larras  are  forced  down  with  a  lever  until  the  cloth  is  of 
even  width  and  of  the  required  breadth.  It  remains  in  the 
rack  until  dry. 

The  separate  bars  or  shuttles  of  a  gate  or  stile  are  called 
larras.     See  Sixth  Report ;  also  TV.  Som.  Word  Book. 


"  Lizzum  =  a  stripe  or  streak  (?).  Whilst  picking  snails  out 
of  the  crannies  in  his  garden  wall,  B.  P.  said,  'There's  a 
proper  lizzum  o'  mun.'  T.  C.  informs  me  that  a  Dorsetshire 
labourer  used  to  speak  of  corn  being  sown  in  lizzums,  mean- 
ing in  stripes  or  streaks. — June,  1892.    R  P.  C." 

A  lissum  is  usually  one  of  the  strands  of  a  rope ;  hence  a 
line ;  hence  a  straight  row. 

Hal.  has  Lissum — a  narrow  strip  of  anything.    Somerset 

"Looking  from  under  Brent  Hill.     From  Notes  and 

Queries,  8th  S.  iii.  433 :   '  It  strikes  me  that  "  looking  from 

under  Brent  Hill"  is  the  very  opposite  of  the  "sullen,  frowning 

[look]  of  one  in  ill  humour."     "  Brent "  means  without  a 

wrinkle.     Thus,  of  John  Anderson,  in  his  palmy  days,  Burns 

says,  "  his  locks  were  like  the  raven "  and  his  "  bonnie  brow 

was  brent"  (without  a  wrinkle).     Gazing  from  "under  Brent 

Hill"  is  looking  fondly  at  another,  as  a  loving  person  does 

when  he  turns  his  eyes  upwards  and  gazes  in  silent  admiration. 

In  what  Milton  calls  "  heavenly  contemplation,"  child  angels 

and  saints  so  gaze  with  upturned  eyes.' — See  Thirteenth 

Report,  p.  16.    R.  P.  C." 

u  Maiden's  ruin  =  the  herb  southern- wood,  more  commonly 
known  as  Boy's  love  (J.  A.).— June,  1894.    K.  P.  C." 

This  plant,  Artemisia  Abrotanum,  is  known  by  many  names 
—  Britten  gives  the  following:  Apple-riennie,  Averoyne, 
Boy's  Love,  Kiss-me-quick-and-go,  Lad  Savour,  Lad's  Love, 
Maiden's  Ruin,  Maid's  Love,  Old  Man,  Old  Man's  Love, 
Overenyie,  Slovenwood,  Smelling-wood,  Southern-wood. 

"Martin  heifer.  See  last  Report,  1893.  'The  Breeding 
°f  Cattle. — I  find  from  long  experience  that  in  pairs  of 
calves  (male  or  female),  the  heifer  is  what  we  call  a  martin 
heifer,  and  never  breeds  by  any  chance.'  From  Field  and 
fireside,  Nov.  3,  1893.— F.  B.  T." 

Pairs  in  the  above,  of  course,  means  a  twin  male  and 

u  Michard  =  a  truant  (rhymes  with  Richard).  A  gentleman 
°f  Bratton  Clovelly,  aged  about  50,  tells  me  the  following 
Ayme  was  in  use  at  Northmolton  some  years  ago : 

" '  Blackberry  michard, 
Blueberry  snail, 
All  the  dogs  in  the  town 
Hang  to  thy  tail.' 

R  is  noticeable  that  in  the  rhyme  the  final  d  is  always 
pronounced,  as  in  liard,  scholard,  etc.,  but  in  ordinary  talk  it 
^1  think,  generally  dropped.     A  'blackberry  michard'  is, 


of  course,  one  who  stays  away  from  school  to  pick  black- 
berries ;  but  what  is  a  '  blueberry  snail '  ?  The  following 
quotation  from  Shakespeare  is  given  in  the  W.  Som.  Word 
Book,  under  Meecher  : 

'  Falstaff.  Shall  the  blessed  sun  of  heaven  prove  a  micher 
and  eat  blackberries  ? '  1  Henry  IV.  ii  4.  —  Oct.  1894. 
R.  P.  C. 

The  final  d  is  here  the  point  of  most  importance,  making 
a  peculiar  feature  of  Western  speech.  To  many  syllables 
ending  in  I,  n,  r,  it  is  added,  as  in  the  above,  and  in  "  bout  o' 
vine  mild  yer-vrom";  also  in  tailder,  fineder,  vurder  (the 
latter  preserved  in  the  literary  further),  zoonder,  etc.  On 
the  other  hand,  we  find  the  d  frequently  dropped  when 
following  the  same  liquids  in  words  belonging  to  literary 
English — "Pint  o'  miT  ale"  is  a  curious  but  unvariable 
instance,  while  child,  wild,  field,  yield,  scald,  emerald,  old, 
fold,  scold,  land,  hand,  hound,  find,  and  many  others  always 
drop  the  d  when  spoken  in  our  vernacular.  On  this  see 
W.  Som.  Word  Book,  p.  178 ;  and  caudal  for  coed  or  cau'd, 
under  Nattled  (post). 

The  word  itself  is  one  of  the  commonest  in  old  literature ; 
it  originally  meant  a  petty,  sneaking  thief,  and  its  use  to 
signify  a  truant  is  of  comparatively  recent  date.  See  W.  Som. 
Word  Book,  s.v.  Meeching ;  also  Twelfth  Keport. 

Blueberry -snail  cannot  be  explained  except  as  a  foil  to 
Blackberry  michard.  These  rhymes  are  often  mere  words 
without  meaning — comp.  Larch  (ante). 

"  Mure  =  barrel-stand.  J.  A.,  a  Bideford  tradesman,  aged 
55,  informs  me  that  his  father  always  used  this  word.  I 
find  it  in  a  valuation  made  in  1836;  it  comes  under  the 
heading  *  Dairy/  between  the  entries  '  trundle '  and  '  corbut.' 
A  more  usual  word  is  jib.    June,  1894     R  P.  C." 

"  Mushelrooms  =  mushrooms.  From  The  North  Devon 
Herald  of  October  19,  1893 :  '  It  was  amusing,  too,  to  hear  a 
round-faced,  pudding-headed  youngster  yell  out  to  us  as  we 
passed  through  the  village  afterwards,  "  I  zay,  maister,  how 
much  du'e  ax  vor  yer  mushelrooms  a  pound  ? " ' — R  P.  C." 

This  word  is  very  commonly  pronounced  with  three 
syllables  by  country-folk,  and  they  have  less  corrupted  the 
French  moumron  than  the  polite  people  who  as  usual  laugh 
at  them.    In  Mid.  Eng.  the  word  was  written  as  a  trisyllable. 

Muscheron — toodyshatte.    Promp.  Parv. 

Mouscheron — a  mushrome.     Cotgrave. 

See  W.  Som.  Ward  Book,  p.  495. 


u  Nadgebs  =  the  boys'  game  of  nicking  or  notching  pocket- 
knives  by  striking  their  edges  together  at  right  angles.  The 
usual  namc^June,  1892.     K.  P.  C." 

This  word  is  a  contraction  of  in  or  on-edgers.  The 
insertion  of  final  r  is  very  common.  Comp.  legger,  toer,  as  in 
the  legger  field — war*  leggers !  war*  toers ! 

Upon  this  r,  see  W.  Som.  Dialect,  p.  20. 

wNakraway= Norway.  J.  A.  informs  me  that  Norway 
stone  is  always  spoken  of  as  '  Narraway  stone/ — June,  1894 
E.  P.  C." 

This  insertion  of  a  short  a  or  y  sound  in  dissyllables  is 
very  common,  though  peculiar  to  Devon  and  W.  Somerset. 
Comp.  Flop-a-dock,  Eleventh  Eeport;  also  W.  Som.  Word 
Book,  p.  257. 

"  Nattled  =  of  sheep,  etc.,  affected  with  liver  rot,  caudcd. 
(B.  P.)— June,  1892.     R.  P.  C." 

"  Neggar  =  rogue,  rascal  (rhymes  with  beggar).  This  is  a 
very  common  term  of  abuse  at  Hartland,  and  is  used  in  such 
sentences  as,  'Kom  yur  [come  here],  you  young  neggar!' 
'Th'  oaT  neggar  wud'n  gee  ma  wan  bit.'  Peter  Pindar  has 
the  following : 

" '  I  'm  tould,  and  I  believe  't  is  true, 
There  is  not  in  Burdett's  whole  crew 

Dree  honest  men  among  mun ; 
Though  carrin  negers,  mangy  curs, 
Oh !  how  I  lang  to  comb  their  furs ! 
Oh,  d — n  it !  how  I  'd  thong  mun ! 
"  *  They  shud  ha  zom  veow  honest  men, 
At  least  'bout  one  or  two  in  ten ; 

But,  zounds  1  they  've  none  at  all — 
And  if  we  sarch  the  crew  all  round, 
Lord,  Lord !  what  iz  there  to  be  vound, 
Examine  gert  and  small  ? ' 

— Middlesex  Election,  Letter  v.,  st.  14,  15. 
"  Has  the  word  any  connection  with  assneger,  which  seems 
to  be  the  Cornish  and  Devonshire  form  of  the  assineyo  of 
Elizabethan  writers  ?    Peter  Pindar  uses  this  word  also : 
" '  Horses  and  mares,  assnegcrs,  movies.' 

— TJu  Royal  Visit  to  Exeter,  part  i,  stanza  4. 

"The    word    neggar,   however,    may   be    only  the    local 

pronunciation  of  niggard  or  nigger. — October,  1894.   E.  P.  C." 

This  has  nothing  to  do  with  assneger. 

The  second  example  given  above  completely  explains  it,  to 

be    niggard,  %.e.   stingy    (chicfie,    taquin,    eschars,  caqueduc, 


Cotgrave).  From  this  we  get  our  commonest  of  sayings, 
"  Too  near  to  be  honest,"  and  hence,  as  above,  it  is  used  as  a 
synonym  for  thief. 

Originally  this  word  was  nygun  in  Mid.  Eng. 

"And  was  swy\e  coveytous, 
And  a  nygun  and  avarous, 
And  gadred  pens  vnto  store, 
As  okerers  done  ayrhorc" 
— A.D.  1303,  R.  Mannynq  of  Brunne.  ("  The  Tale  of 
Pers  the  Usurer")  "Handlyng  Synne,"  1.  5577. 
" My  brother  is  a  nyggoun,  I swer  by  Ohristes  ore" 

— Coke's  Tale  of  Gamelyn,  1.  323. 

The  change  of  un  into  ard  is  due,  according  to  Skeat,  to 
French  influence,  and  we  can  fix  an  approximate  date  to  the 
change,  from  the  fact  that  Chaucer  uses  the  word  in  both  old 
and  modern  forms — as  above,  and  in — 

11  For  nygart  never  with  strengths  of  honde 
May  vnjnne  gret  lordschip  or  londe." 

— «  Romaunt  of  the  Rose,"  1.  1175  ;  also  1.  5376. 
"Nay,  doubteles  !  for,  al-so  God  me  save, 
So parfite  joie  may  no  nygard  ne  have" 

— "  Troylus  and  Cryseyde,"  1.  1329. 

"  Niggelling.  I  have  often  heard  the  conduct  of  a  person 
who  was  very  particular  about  the  expenditure  of  trifling 
sums,  and  who  might  almost  be  called  mean,  described  by 
this  word,  'So-and-so  has  such  niggelling  ways/ — June,  1893. 
H.  B.  S.  W." 

Niggling  is  good  English  in  the  sense  here  given.  No 
doubt,  it  is  a  verbalised  form  of  niggard — to  niggle  is  to  be 
a  niggard. 

"  Nornigig  or  Nornigging.  In  The  North  Devon  Herald, 
Oct.  4th,  1894,  is  an  account  of  an  interview  with  a  former 
North  Devon  journalist,  from  which  I  extract  the  following : 

'There  was  one  word  I  didn't  find  in  it  (Mrs.  Hewett's 
Peasant  Speech  of  Devon),  and  that  is  "  nornigig." ' 

1  But  what  is  the  meaning  of  nornigig  ? ' 

'I  'm  sure  I  don't  know;  perhaps  Mrs.  Hewett  can  tell  you. 
But  I  will  tell  you  under  what  circumstances  I  heard  the 
word.  A  good  dame,  in  a  village  not  far  from  Barnstaple, 
had  boiled  down  some  lard,  and  put  the  gruels  in  the  oven. 
Her  husband  came  in  with  the  firewood,  and  at  once  threw 
it  into  the  oven  to  dry.  Then  his  wife  gave  him  the  length 
of  her  tongue,  and  among  other  phrases  she  applied  to  him 
was  that  of  "  a  nornigging  gert  lout." ' 


"  Perhaps  some  of  your  readers  will  be  able  to  give  you  the 
derivation  of  the  word. 

"  From  The  North  Devon  Herald  of  8th  Nov.,  1894 : 

"'I  wish/  Mrs.  Hewett  remarks,  'to  write  in  reply  to  his 
question  about  the  word  nomigig.  I  never  heard  that  word. 
I  believe  he  must  have  misspelt  it;  or,  perhaps,  did  not 
catch  the  correct  pronunciation.  There  is  norting  used  in 
the  sam  e  sense,  thus : 

" '  "Yii  norting  gert  twoad"  (or  "towad"  or  some  such  term 
of  endearment/)— October,  1894.    E.  P.  C." 

" '  Norting  =  empty-headed ;  stupid,  careless,  good-for- 
nothing,  etc/— E.  P.  C." 

"PiLER  =  an  implement,  formed  like  a  gridiron,  with  a  long 
upright  handle,  and  used  for  cutting  off  the  beard  or  awn 
(locally  zears  or  ties)  of  barley.  (J.  A.) — June,  1894.   E.  P.  C." 

To  pile  is  by  no  means  uncommon,  in  the  sense  above 
used,  and  hence  the  name  of  the  instrument,  oftener  known, 
however,  as  the  barley-stamp. 

"  Ploizy  =  soft,  weak,  ready  to  fray  out — applied  to  cloth, 
rope,  or  other  fibrous  material.  Example, '  The  clath  is  cruel 
ploizy  trade;  I  reckon  twan't  laste  no  time  't  all/  Informants  : 
J.  T.  H.,  T.  C,  and  others.— June,  1892.     E.  P.  C." 

"  Poke.  In  Plymouth  one  man  was  heard  to  call  another, 
at  some  distance,  to  come  to  him.  The  second  had  an 
ordinary  sack  partly  filled  (with  rags,  &c),  and  was  taking  it 
up,  when  the  first  shouted, '  Never  mind  the  poke/  and  the 
other  then  left  the  sack  where  it  was  on  the  pavement,  and 
went  to  his  comrade. — June,  1895.     H.  B.  S.  W." 

This  is  a  good  old  word  not  often  heard  in  the  West — so 
seldom,  indeed,  that  although  found  in  the  dictionaries  as 
literary  English,  we  may  well  include  it  among  our 

Ang.-Sax.    Pocca — a  pouch,  poke,  lag. 

Old  French.  Poque— old  Norman  diminutive  poiupiette, 
whence  our  pocket 

The  Ang.-Sax.,  according  to  Du  Cange,  was  from  the  Low 
Latin  pochia. 

Chaucer  writes : 

"  Certes  were  it  gold, 
Or  in  a  poke  nobles  al  untold, 
Ye  schul  him  have,  as  I  am  a  trewe  smyth." 

The  Mtilere's  Tale,  1.  581. 

Pooke,  sacculus. 


Walette,  seek,  or  poke,  sistarcia — sarciunada,  bisaccia. 
Promp.  Parv. 

Poche,  a  pocket,  pouch,  or  poke;  also  a  meal-sack,  or  corn-sack. 
Acheter  chat  en  poche,  to  bug  a  pig  in  a  poke.     Cotgrave. 

"Proverbs.  T.  C.  informs  me  that  'Teach  your  grand- 
mother to  lap  ashes '  is  a  common  variant  of  the  well-known 
proverb,  'Teach  your  grandmother  to  suck  eggs.1  —  June, 
1894.     R.  P.  C." 

"  Used  in  the  South  of  Devon,  and  apparently  as  if  ashes 
=  hashes.    R.  N.  W." 

"To  go  through  the  hoop.  I  was  told  to-day  that  a 
certain  party  who  took  some  shares  in  a  railway,  in  spite  of 
warnings,  had  '  lived  long  enough  to  see  his  money  had  gone 
through  the  hoop.9  The  first  shareholders  never  received  any 
return,  and,  of  course,  their  shares  are  practically  worthless. 
—June,  1893.     EL  B.  S.  W." 

Hoop  here  doubtless  signifies  sieve,  and  so  forms  an 
obvious  illustration. 

"  Quat  =  quiet,  dead,  collapsed  (rhymes  with  what).  This 
is  frequently  used  at  Hartland  in  such  sentences  as  '  Politics 
be  a-go  quat,  I  sim'  (meaning  that  nothing  is  now  heard  of 

them),  and  '  Old is  a-go  quat '  (meaning  that  he  has  lost 

his  position,  either  socially  or  financially,  or,  according  to 
the  common  slang  phrase,  'he  has  gone  to  pot'). — October, 
1894.     R.  P.  C." 

The  idea  is  that  of  quiescence,  or  going  to  sleep. 

Ducks  and  pigs,  after  a  full  meal,  are  said  '  to  go  quat,'  ix. 
to  subside,  to  lie  quiet.  A  good  old  phrase.  See  W.  Som. 
Word  Book,  p.  604. 

"  Ragg.  The  accounts  of  the  Receiver-General  of  Exeter 
for  1752  have :  '  Robert  Penny  a  Cott  and  Ragg  at  Maudlin 
Millhead,  in  St.  Sidwell's  parish.,— December,  1893.  F.  B.  T." 

This  means  strip  (of  ground).  The  ends  of  the  "  pieces  " 
cut  off  by  the  Exeter  clothiers  were  called  rags ;  in  Somerset 
they  are  raps ;  hence  in  Devon  they  applied  their  term  to  a 
strip  or  length  -of  anything — commonly  of  land ;  here  in 
Somerset  we  do  the  like,  and  "  a  rap  o'  ground,"  "  a  rap  o* 
garden  "  are  the  usual  phrases. 

"  Ranch  =  to  rinse.  Example — '  Ranch  out  the  milk-pans 
well/     Informant :  B.  P.— June,  1892.     R.  P.  C." 

Ranch  is  the  same  as  rinse,  broadly  sounded,  probably 
from  the  influence  of  "to  range,"  i.e.  to  sift  by  the  same 
undulating  motion  of  the  "  range,"  as  is  used  to  swill  out  the 


"  Basparated  =  exasperated.  Charwoman  at  Rockbeare, 
near  Exeter,  describing  an  occurrence,  said,  'I  was  that 
rasparated,'  &c— December  2,  1893.    F.  B.  T." 

Too  good  an  adaptation  to  be  lost. 

"REGRATER=a  person  who  buys  poultry,  butter,  eggs,  and 
porkers  in  the  country,  or  in  a  provincial  market,  and  re-sells 
them  in  the  larger  towns.  (Pron.  ray-grater.)  T.  C.  informs 
me  that  two  or  three  used  to  go  from  Woolsery  to  Plymouth 
weekly,  and  another  friend  (native  of  Bratton  Clovelly,  aged 
about  50)  tells  me  that  this  name  was  given  to  the  man 
who  bought  in  Tavistock  market,  and  re-sold  in  Plymouth 
market,  either  wholesale  or  retail.  At  Hartland  this  word 
has  practically  the  same  meaning  as  troacher.  (See  Thirteenth 
Report,  p.  26.)  Hal.  and  Wright  give  'Regrater — a  retailer 
(A.  N.).'— October,  1894.     R.  P.  C." 

Although  not  now  common,  this  is  perfectly  good  English 
for  huckster,  higgler. 

Cotgrave  has,  Eegrateur — an  huckster,  mender,  dresser, 
scourer,  trimmer  up  of  old  things  far  sale. 

LUtre — Eegrat — Vente  en  detail,  &c.  The  same  word  is 
even  found  in  Italian.    Eigattiere — a  huckster,  petty  dealer. 

"  Re-neg  =  to  fail  to  follow  suit  at  cards,  to  revoke.  '  He 
re-neg'd  oaks  (clubs)  laste  rounV  (T.  C.) — August,  1894. 
R  P.  C." 

Hal.  has:  " Reneg,  to  announce  or  call  a  suit  at  some 
games  at  cards."    Devon. 

"Reve.  In  a  case  drawn  for  counsel's  opinion  by  an 
Exeter  solicitor,  dated  10th  October,  1806,  a  payment  of 
2s.  8d.  is  claimed  by  the  lord  as  chief-rent,  but  is  stated  to 
be  due  only  in  respect  of  a  'reve.'  Counsel,  in  his  reply, 
states  that  whether  the  sum  was  due  as  a  chief-rent  or  for 
the  'rave9  is  a  matter  of  fact  to  be  settled  by  a  jury.  The 
yeoman  to  whom  these  documents  belonged  could  not  tell 
me  what  a  'reve1  was,  but  instantly  recognised  the  word 
1  rave '  as  a  familiar  term  for  a  swinging  or  suspended  water 
gate.— May,  1895.     0.  R" 

See  Twelfth  Report. 

"  Shred  of  grass.  The  accounts  of  the  Receiver-General 
of  Exeter  for  1752,  p.  1,  have :  '  George  Wills,  one  field  near 
Carlos  Cross  for  the  shred  of  grass  growing  in  the  said  field, 
containing  about  4£  acres,  called  Culversland,  formerly  ffords, 
and  the  after  mowth  to  Lady-day  next  for  £5  10s.  Od.' — 
December  2,  1893.    F.  B.  T." 

This  would   now  be  shear  of  grass,  meaning   the  main 

VOL.  xxvn.  E 


spring  crop.     The  above  is  merely  the   use  of  the  past 
participle  instead  of  the  present  tense. 

"  Snite  =  snipe.    (J.  A.)    June,  1894.    R  P.  C," 

"SpiLSHY  =  lean,  thin.  T.  C.  said  to  me,  'He's  very 
spilshy,1  and  explained  it  by  saying  he  supposed  the  word 
meant  '  like  a  spilchard,  or  pilchard.'  Of  course,  the  letter  s 
is  sometimes  prefixed  to  words  in  this  way,  as  snotch  for 
notch,  splat  for  plot,  squinch  for  quench,  squat  and  quat, 
spize  and  pize,  scrumple  for  crumple,  scrawl  for  crawl,  scrap 
and  crap,  etc.— 6th  August,  1893.     E.  P.  C." 

"Spring.  The  cook  told  me  that  she  had  weighed  a 
turkey,  and  'she  sprung  the  scales  at  seven  pounds  and  a 
half/— Dec,  1893.    F.  B.  T." 

See  Break,  ante. 

"  Stewer  =  the  dust  in  a  barn.  (J.  A.)  The  word  is  also 
applied  to  any  commotion  or  disturbance :  '  'Ot  a  stewer 
thee 't  a-makin'  o',  shoar  nuff/— June,  1894.     B.  P.  C." 

This  is  stir. 

"  Strake  =  to  stroll,  to  '  mooch.'  Example, '  Looky  to  the 
lazy  young  beggar,  W  'a  straketh  along/  Informant :  T.  C. 
This  word  occurs  in  Brither  Jan's  visit  ta  tha  Crismiss  Panty- 
mime,  by  W.  Hare,  p.  5 — 

" '  'Bout  hafF  pas  zix  I  straked  down, 
An*  zeed  tha  peeple  stannin*  roun' 
Tha  doors/ 

—April,  1893.     E.  P.  C." 
Hal.,  To  go,  to  proceed,  &c. 

The  stormes  straked  vnth  the  wynde, 
The  wawes  to-bote  bifore  and  bihynde. 

— Cursor  Mundi  (quot.  by  Hal.). 
Not  to  be  found  in  the  E.  E.  T.— Ed. 
The  notion  implied  is  that  of  the  original  strek — to  stretch 
— like  young  cattle  or  dogs  do  when  rising  up  from  sleep. 
In  Somerset  we  use  the  expression  in  "rake-out." 
See  W.  Som.  Word  Book,  p.  610. 
See  Cursor  Mvmdi,  E.  E.  T.t  pt.  i.,  1.  940. 

"STRARE-PARK=the  name  of  a  field  to  which  cattle  were 
transferred  from  the  Pound,  when  they  were  not  claimed 
within  a  certain  time.  (T.  C.)  The  'keep*  had  to  be  paid 
for  by  the  owner  before  the  cattle  were  returned  to  him. 
Query. — Should  not  this  be  Stray-a-Park  =  park  for  stray 
cattle  ?— June,  1894.    E.  P.  C." 


This  surely  is  Strayer-park,  or  paddock,  for  these  are 
synonymous.  Park  is  a  very  common  second  name  for 
pasture  fields;  Broad-park,  King-park,  Stony -park  are  known 
to  the  writer. 

"TRENDLR=--a  large,  shallow,  oval  tub,  made  of  wood  or 
earthenware,  and  used  for  many  purposes,  chiefly  for  curing 
bacon.      Sometimes   called  trundle.      Both    words    are    in 
common  use. — June,  1894.     B.  P.  C." 
Ang.-Sax.  trendil. 

Mod.  High  Germ,  trendil.  (Stratmann.) 
Churchwardens'  Accounts,  Som.  Bee.  Society — 
"  A.D.  1494.     Item  xxj  trendy llys.  (p.  119.) 

„  Payd  for  hopyng  a  trendelle  of  ye  church  iijd. 

(p.  135.) 
„  of  hym  for  an  old  tryndell,  vjd."  (p.  163.) 

The  oval  tub  in  which  a  pig  is  "  scalded  "  is  always  called 
a  trcndlc  ;  pronunciation  of  medial  c,  ad  lib. 

"Troacher.  (See  Thirteenth  Eeport.)  The  following 
extract  shows  that  the  particular  meaning  given  by  me  is 
not  confined  to  the  locality  of  Hartland  : 

" '  For  a  generation  he  had  worked  as  a  miner  at  Wheal 
Dusty ;  and  when  the  sea  broke  in  and  flooded  the  workings 
of  the  mine,  he  joined  his  wife  in  the  business  of  trocher, 
which  is  to  say,  collector  and  retailer  of  eggs,  poultry,  and 
such-like  produce  of  the  country-side.  And  for  the  last  ten 
years  of  his  life  he  lived  (as  once  he  phrased  it)  upon  the 
charity  of  God/  ( Wreckers  and  Methodists,  by  H.  D.  Lowry, 
London,  1893,  pp.  203-4)— June,  1894.  See  Thirteenth 
Eeport.    B.  P.  C." 

"  Thorty  =  thoughtless,  half-witted,  stupid  (th  pronounced 
as  in  though,  not  as  in  thought).  T.  C.  said,  '  They  '11  have  a 
lopping  old  'oss,  and  a  thorty  driver/ — August  6,  1893. 
E.  P.  C." 

The  pronunciation  suggests  thwarty,  i.e.  cross-grained,  left- 

"TuFFET  =  a  tuft  of  rank  grass.  (B.  P.)  Same  as  mock, 
mop.     W.  Som.  Word  Book— June,  1892.     E.  P.  C." 

This  is  only  the  local  pronunciation  of  tuft.  Western 
bucolic  speech  scorns  difficult  combinations  like  ft,  bd,  pt, 
&c.,  and  so  •  inserts  a  "  natural  vowel,"  which  may  be 
represented  in  spelling  by  either  a,  e,  i,  o,  or  u  indifferently. 

The  alternative  is  to  omit  the  offending  dental  consonant. 

Familiar  examples  of  both  uses  are  roun-topptd  (round- 

topt),  and  right  or  lef. 

e  2 


"  Vady  =  tainted,  'high/  applied  to  meat.  Example — 
'  I  sim  the  mait  's  got  a  bit  vady.'  Informant :  B.  P. — June, 
1892.     E.  P.  C." 

Compare  Eleventh  Keport. 

Tainted  meat  is  often  the  effect  of  damp. 

"  Watertabling  =  the  muddy  soil  cleared  out  of  the 
gutters  or  'water-tables'  by  the  sides  of  the  roads.  From 
the  Day-book  of  a  Landcross  farmer,  I  take : 

"'1850,  Nov.  9.    J.Ford. 
2  single  horse-buts  drawing  watertabling   .         .     7s.  Od. 
A  man  to  help  load         .  .  .     Is.  4d.' 

"In  the  Hartland  Church  Accounts,  1617-8,  the  term 
'  water-tables '  is  applied  to  the  leaden  gutters  on  the  roof  of 
the  church :  '  Paid  John  Saunder  for  one  daies  work  14d.  for 
putting  in  water  tables  of  lead  and  2  other  with  hym  13d. 
the  day  the  whole  is  3s.  4d.'— June,  1894.    E.  P.  C." 

"  Wolgar,  a  variant  of  welger  =  the  basket  willow,  or  osier. 
(See  Dialect  of  Hartland,  p.  83.)  T.  C.  informs  me  that  this 
is  the  usual  pronunciation  in  Landcross  parish.  I  take  the 
following  entries  from  the  Day-book  of  a  Landcross  farmer : 

" '  1852,  Mar.  9.   Berry,  12  bolts  wolgars  at  Is.  Id.  per  bolt. 

" '  1853,  Apl.  13.  Let  Berry  the  wolgar  plot,  Is.  a  bundle 
next  year,  and  £1  a  year  after  Lady-day  next/ — June, 
1894.    E.  P.  C." 

The  gar  or  ger,  no  doubt,  means  goar  or  rod — same  as  goad. 

Wol  or  wel  is  perhaps  wil  (d) ;  hence  the  word  would  be 
simply  wild-sticks,  i.e.  withies. 

"Zeary  =  threadbare.  T.  C.  said, 'I  don't  know  but  what 
his  trousers  are  getting  zeary.'  The  word  also  means  ill, 
seedy,  as  'Her's  cruel  zeary  to-day,  maister.' — Aug.  6,  1893. 
E.  P.  C." 

Zeary  and  zeedy  may  be  the  same — t,  d%  and  r,  medial,  in 
Devonshire  lips  are  almost  identical.  The  late  Mr.  A.  J.  Ellis 
persisted  in  writing  taties  with  an  r  medial,  from  the  present 
writer's  pronunciation,  oft  repeated. 


Thirteenth  Report  of  the  Committee — consisting  of  Mr. 
P.  F.  S.  Amery  (Secretary),  Mr.  D.  Ogilvie  Evans,  Rev. 
W.  Harpley,  Mr.  P.  Q.  Karkeek,  Mrs.  Radford,  Mr.  J. 
Brooking  Rome,  Mrs.  Troup,  and  Mr.  H.  B.  8.  Woodhouse 
— appointed  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  notes  on 
Devonshire  Folk-Lore. 

Edited  by  P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Honorary  Secretary. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

The  scraps  of  Devonshire  Folk-Lore  received  by  the  Secretary 
since  the  last  report  are  given  below ;  they  chiefly  refer  to 
charms  and  prayers  over  the  sick.  The  fragments  of  charms 
by  a  farmer's  wife  on  the  western  side  of  Dartmoor  are 
given  as  she  wrote  them  out,  and  show  the  pronunciation  in 
which  they  were  uttered.  The  Rev.  S.  Baring-Gould 
contributes  some  strange  superstitions,  and  a  legend  of 
S.  Francom,  the  Brewers'  patron ;  and  the  Rev.  S.  G.  Harris 
a  funeral  custom  at  Churston.  A  valuable  collection  has 
been  received  from  Dr.  R.  Ackerley,  M.A-,  b.Ch.  (Oxon.),  who 
for  five  years  practised  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dartmoor, 
in  which  he  gives  his  experience  of  the  superstitions  of  the 
country  people  in  sickness.  Several  of  the  matters  mentioned 
have  been  previously  recorded;  but  as  the  dates  and  localities 
are  authenticated,  and  the  whole  are  given  from  a  medical 
point  of  view,  they  are  fully  entered,  as  variations  of  interest 
may  be  discovered,  by  comparison,  which  should  add  to  their 

Miss  Saunders,  of  Southmolton,  has  furnished  a  list  of 
sobriquets  given  by  inhabitants  of  some  parishes  to  their 
neighbours ;  it  is  hoped  this  list  will  be  extended. 

A  veTy  interesting  confirmation  of  the  traditiou  of  Lithwell, 


or  Lidwell  Chapel,  recorded  in  the  last  report,  which  has 
come  to  light  since  it  was  presented  at  the  Southmolton 
meeting,  is  also  given,  as  it  tends  to  illustrate  the  value  of 
recording  all  such  floating  matter. 

Mr.  Woodhouse  sends  some  police-court  cuttings,  and  the 
notice  of  the  fatal  result  of  a  May-day  custom. 

The  Secretary,  on  behalf  of  the  Committee,  desires  to 
thank  all  who  have  assisted  him  in  collecting  the  various 
scraps  here  recorded.  W.  Harpley,  Chairman. 

P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Secretary. 


TJie  Legend  of  Lithwell  Chapel. — In  the  last  Eeport  of  this 
Committee  (Trans.  Devon.  Assoc,  xxvi.  81)  the  legend  of 
Lithwell,  Lidwell,  or  Ladywell  Chapel,  near  Dawlish,  was 
recorded  by  Mrs.  Hewett.  Since  its  publication,  Mr.  Worth 
has  called  attention  to  a  curious  confirmation  of  the  main 
facts  of  the  tradition  on  which  the  legend  is  founded.  The 
full  story  will  be  found  given  in  choice  ecclesiastical  Latin  in 
#the  first  volume  of  Bishop  Grandisson's  Register,  under  date 
of  May,  1329  (p.  493),  published  by  the  Eev.  Prebendary 
Hingeston-Randolph,  who  has  brought  the  wicked  priest  to 
light,  although  Mr.  Worth  is  responsible  for  connecting  him 
with  the  chapel.  The  culprit,  Robert  of  Middelcote,  after 
being  more  than  a  year  in  prison,  prayed  the  Bishop  that  he 
might  be  excused  for  his  bad  conduct  on  due  purgation. 
The  Bishop  appointed  Thomas  of  Stonforde,  senior,  of 
Chagford,  and  Matthew  of  Crouthorn,  bailiff  of  the  liberty 
of  Teygnemouthe  Episcopi,  as  a  commission,  who  on  enquiry 
found  that  on  Monday  next  after  the  festival  of  the 
Annunciation,  28th  March,  1328,  the  said  Robert  had 
committed  a  rape  upon  a  certain  Agnes,  daughter  of  Roger 
the  miller,  in  the  chapel  of  the  Blessed  Mary  the  Virgin  at 
"  la  Wallen,"  which  is  evidently  Lawallen  or  Lithwell.  That 
on  27th  April  following  he  had  broken  into  the  house  of 
Robert  Rossel,  at  Fonhalle,  in  Wonford  Hundred,  and  stolen 
3s.  4d.  in  money,  fourpennyworth  of  bread,  a  horn  worth  a 
shilling,  and  three  keys  worth  sixpence.  Between  whiles, 
after  the  feast  of  St.  Ambrose — April  4th — he  had  robbed 
Walter  Scoria  of  a  couple  of  shillings,  and  also  had  robbed 
certain  persons  unknown,  on  the  high  road  between  Teign- 
mouth  and  Haldon,  "inter  Teygnmouthe  et  Montem  de 
Hayeldowne " ;  wherefore  he  is  declared  to  be  a  common 
thief.  The  Bishop  complied  with  the  petition,  on  condition 
that  the  purgation  should  take  place  in  a  church,  or  other 


public  spot.  We  are  not  told  what  became  of  Robert,  but 
the  legend  attests  the  fact  that  he  never  redeemed  his 
character  in  the  public  estimation.  Though  his  name  has 
long  been  lost,  his  evil  memory  has  clung  round  Lithwell  for 
more  than  five  hundred  years,  to  be  now  identified. 

P.  F.  S.  A. 


In  1879  a  farmer  on  the  west  side  of  Dartmoor,  whose 
name  I  know,  and  also  the  name  of  his  farm,  having  had 
sickness  among  his  cattle,  sacrificed  a  sheep  and  burned  it  on 
the  moor  above  his  farm,  as  an  offering  to  the  pysgies.  The 
cattle  at  once  began  to  recover,  and  did  well  after,  nor  were 
there  any  fresh  cases  of  sickness  among  them.  He  spoke  of 
the  matter  as  by  no  means  anything  to  be  ashamed  of,  or 
that  was  likely  to  cause  surprise.  I  do  not,  however,  wish  to 
give  his  name.  S.  Baring-Gould. 

At  Ashreigney  a  few  years  ago,  on  the  pulling  down  of  a 
cottage,  in  the  chimney  was  found  a  heart,  diced  up,  covered 
with  soot,  and  stuck  full  of  pins. 

I  remember  about  thirty-five  years  ago  a  case  brought 
before  my  father,  as  magistrate,  of  a  man  who  had  put  nails, 
hair,  and  flesh,  stuck  with  pins,  by  night  under  a  neighbour's 
doorstep.  He  was  observed  doing  this,  and  the  person  whose 
doorstep  had  been  tampered  with  desired  to  have  a  summons 
taken  out  against  the  man  who  had  tried  thereby  to  bewitch 
him.  S.  Baring-Gould. 

At  Chittlehamholt  was  an  old  woman  who  had  bewitched, 
or  was  thought  to  have  bewitched,  some  neighbours,  and  sent 
them  aches  and  pains.  Those  who  believed  themselves  to 
have  been  bewitched  got  a  toad,  pierced  it  on  a  board  that 
was  balanced  in  the  middle  on  a  log,  and  then  dealt  a  heavy 
and  sudden  blow  at  the  end  of  the  board  opposite  to  that  on 
which  was  the  reptile.  This  sent  the  toad  flying  into  the 
air  into  space,  and  where  it  came  down  was  not  seen.  This 
was  called  "lifting  the  witch."  The  toad  was  supposed  to 
represent  her.  My  informant  witnessed  the  proceeding,  some 
fifty  years  ago.  S.  Baring-Gould. 

A  woman  of  the  name  of  Anne  Abell  lived  in  one  of  my 
cottages.  She  died  in  1881,  aged  82  years.  She  was  reputed 
to  be  a  "  white- witch,"  and  had  full  belief  in  her  own  powers, 
which  she  often  assured  me  were  always  exercised  for  good. 
She  had,  it  was  believed,  remarkable  power  in  stanching 
blood,  reducing  swellings,  and  healing  sores.   On  one  occasion 


a  man  in  mowing,  at  Kelly,  cut  his  leg  with  the  scythe.  At 
once  the  farmer  sent  a  kerchief,  wet  with  the  blood  from  the 
wound,  by  the  hand  of  a  man  riding  on  his  fleetest  horse,  to 
Mrs.  Abell,  who  blessed  the  kerchief.  At  the  same  time  the 
blood  was  stanched  in  the  wound.  S.  Baring-Gould. 

In  the  Taw  valley,  at  Eggesford,  Burrington,  etc.,  there 
exists  a  saying  that  the  19th,  20th,  or  21st  May,  or  three 
days  near  that  time,  are  " Francimass "  or  "St.  Frankin's 
days,"  and  that  then  comes  on  a  frost  that  does  much  injury 
to  the  blossom  of  apples.  The  story  relative  to  this  frost 
varies  slightly.  According  to  one  versionx  there  was  a 
brewer,  of  the  name  of  Frankan,  who  found  that  cider  ran 
his  ale  so  hard  that  he  vowed  his  soul  to  the  Devil  on  the 
condition  that  he  would  send  three  frosty  nights  in  May  to 
cut  off  the  apple-blossom  annually. 

The  other  version  of  the  story  is  that  the  brewers  in  North 
Devon  entered  into  compact  with  the  Evil  One,  and  promised 
to  put  deleterious  matter  into  their  ale  on  condition  that  the 
Devil  should  help  them  by  killing  the  blossom  of  the  apple- 
trees.  Accordingly,  whenever  these  May  frosts  come,  we 
know  that  his  Majesty  is  fulfilling  his  part  of  the  contract, 
because  the  brewers  have  fulfilled  theirs  by  adulterating 
their  beer.  According  to  this  version,  St.  Frankin  is  an 
euphemism  for  Satan. 

Told  me  at  Chawleigh  and  at  Burrington,  August,  1894. 

S.  Baring-Gould. 

The  Rev.  S.  G.  Harris,  Eector  of  Highweek,  Newton 
Abbot,  reports  a  tradition,  current  among  the  old  people  at 
Churston  Ferrers,  when  he  was  curate  there  from  1856  to 
1861,  that  it  had  been  the  custom  for  funerals  from  the 
village  of  Churston,  on  proceeding  by  what  was  called  the 
"lich"  road  to  their  ancient  burial-ground  at  Brixham,  to 
diverge  from  the  said  "  lich  "  road  near  the  commencement  of 
it,  and  walk  solemnly  round  a  pile  of  stones,  where  it  was 
supposed  a  cross  once  stood,  near  which  religious  worship 
was  celebrated,  or,  as  an  old  legend  affirmed,  where  the 
church  would  have  been  built  but  for  the  interference  of  the 
author  of  evil.  He  has  been  unable  to  verify  the  tradition 
by  the  production  of  the  date  of  the  last  observance;  nor 
can  he  find  any  old  person  now  living  who  remembers  the 
practice.  The  only  approach  to  a  verification  which  he  has 
been  able  recently  to  discover  is  the  recollection  of  an  old 
man  of  Churston  parish,  who  has  known  the  place  for  sixty- 
five  years,  and  although  he  does  not  remember  to  have  seen 


the  pile  of  stones,  and  believes  that  the  wall  which  blocks 
the  access  to  the  spot  was  built  a  great  many  years  ago,  he 
has  heard  the  old  folk  talk  of  it  when  he  was  a  boy. 


The  following  has  been  sent  by  a  lady  member  of  the 
Association,  who  writes:  "The  charms  must,  I  think,  be 
fragments  of  the  originals.  The  Dartmoor  farmer's  wife, 
from  whom  we  had  them,  said  her  mother  had  a  book  full 
of  charms,  from  which  she  had  copied  these,  having  great 
faith  in  their  efficacy.  Some  of  the  words  are  very  curious, 
and  the  spelling  of  others  is  original.  Absurd  as  these 
charms  seem,  the  good  woman  used  them  with  the  greatest 
reverence,  and  evidently  considered  them  as  prayers  to  God ; 
indeed,  one  day  she  asked  me  whether  the  Bible  did  not  tell 
us  to  pray  to  God  for  healing.  I  think  she  and  '  faith 
healers/  who  would  have  despised  her,  cannot  be  very  far 
apart"  P.  F.  S.  A. 

Blessing  for  Strain. — As  Christ  was  riding  over  cross  a 
Bridge,  his  leg  hee  took  and  blessed  it,  and  said  thiss  words : 

"  Bone  to  Bona  Sinnes  to  Sinnes.  Vains  to  Vains."  Hee 
blessed  it,  and  it  come  hole  again. 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost    Amen. 

Blessing  for  Enflammation. — Our  dear  Lord  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ  hee  sawe  Joseph  lying  on  the  cold  ground  thy  side- 
lese  year. 

Joseph — I  are  stricken  sordbolt,  sordbolt,  sordbolt,  stricken 
stabing,  pricking,  aching ;  I  know  not  what  to  do. 

Our  dear  Saviour — Take  up  thy  Bed  and  walk. 

Our  dear  Lord  saw  Jesus  Christ  and  pailet  sit  at  the  gate 
of  Jerusalem  weeping.  Faith  I  hope  the  Lord  will  Bless  it 
to  thee  wherever  it  is. 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the 
Holy  Ghost 

If  any  pursens  body  shall  come  oute,  I  have  bine  told 
that  thiss  is  a  shour  cover  for  that  Come  Plant : 

You  must  go  ware  a  man  is  dead ;  you  must  have  a  Pice 
of  is  shroud  tich  the  Dead  body ;  you  must  cote  of  a  pice, 
shave  it  up  to  Lent,  put  it  to  the  woond.  Scet  it  in  the  body 
togeather  the  part  of  thiss  shroud.  You  must  put  it  in  the 
grave  way  the  dead  body  againe,  so  as  thiss  Body  De  Cayres 
so  thiss  Come  Plant  will  haill  up. 

From  Southmolton.  Charm  for  thorn  in  flesh.  —  Our 
Blessed  savour  Came  Down  from  heaven,  was  pricked  with 


a  thorne,  bis  Blood  went  up  to  heaven  again,  his  flesh  Neither 

Kankered,  Eankled,  nor  fustured,  Neither  shall  thine  N , 

in  the  name  of  father,  &c,  &c.     Amen.  H.  S. 

Our  Savour  Christ  was  Prick  with  thorns,  Never  Eankled 

Never  fustered,  No  more  shant  thine,  Wm.  P .     Out  of 

the  Bone  into  the  fleash,  out  of  the  fleash  into  the  skin,  out 
of  the  skin  into  the  Earth,  in  the  Name  of  the  father,  &c,  &c. 
Amen.  H.  S. 

Charms  and  Superstitions  Encountered  in  a  Country 
Practice.  Contributed  by  Dr.  B.  Ackerley,  m.a.,  b.Ch.  (Oxon.), 
who  for  five  years  (1889-1894)  practised  on  the  border  of 

My  first  introduction  to  the  superstitions  of  the  West  was 
a  child  brought  to  me  from  some  distance,  suffering  from 
typical  infantile  paralysis  of  some  months'  duration.  I  tried 
to  explain  to  the  mother  what  had  happened  to  the  diseased 
muscles,  and  what  could  and  could  not  be  done  for  the  child. 
The  question  she  wanted  me  to  answer  was,  "  Had  the  child 
been  overlooked?"  In  my  ignorance  I  thought  she  meant 
"  neglected,"  and  tried  to  persuade  her  that  she  had  apparently 
taken  all  proper  care  of  the  child.     No ;  she  was  convinced 

the  child  had  been  overlooked  by  a  "  nasty  old ,"  whose 

husband  and  her  own  had  quarrelled.  In  other  words,  the 
child  had  been  "  ill-wished,"  or  affected  by  "  the  evil  eye." 

I  was  at  the  same  time  attending  a  girl  in  a  cottage 
hospital,  in  the  second  attack  of  perityphlitis.  She  got  on 
very  well,  and  after  a  lengthened  stay  in  the  hospital  went 
home.  About  a  week  later,  after  an  injudicious  meal  of 
pork  and  onions  taken  after  a  long  walk,  the  girl  had  some 
return  of  the  symptoms,  and  I  took  her  into  the  hospital 
again.  After  a  few  days'  rest  and  proper  diet  she  was  again 
discharged.  Some  months  afterwards  I  learned  the  reason 
for  this  rapid  recovery.  A  brother,  in  despair  at  his  sister 
having,  as  he  thought,  a  third  attack  of  this  mysterious 
disease,  went  over  to  a  neighbouring  town,  and  consulted  the 
"White  Witch."  (Witches  are  not  at  all  uncommon  in 
Devonshire.  Those  I  have  heard  of  have  always  been  men, 
and  their  function  is  not  to  bewitch  people,  but  to  relieve 
them  from  the  effects  of  "  ill-wishes  "  of  others ;  to  remove, 
not  to  cast  charms.)  This  white  witch  made  a  waxen  image 
of  the  human  shape,  stuck  pins  into  it,  and  then  put  it  near 
a  fire.  The  wax  represented  the  person  who  had  ill-wished 
or  overlooked  my  patient,  and  as  the  wax  melted,  the  evil 
influence  was  destroyed,  the  result  being  that  the  patient  got 


very  rapidly  well.  As  on  two  occasions  this  girl  had  been 
ill  for  several  weeks,  it  was  obvious  that  her  rapid  recovery 
was  due  to  the  good  offices  of  the  white  witch. 

Not  only  people,  but  animals  were  ill-wished.  On  one 
occasion  a  local  pig  had  been  taken  in  to  fatten ;  but  after 
five  or  six  weeks'  feeding,  the  pig  was  thinner,  not  fatter. 
Cherchez  la  femme  !  What  woman  had  overlooked  the  pig  ? 
In  a  neighbouring  cottage  lived  a  patient  of  mine.  She  was 
a  stranger  to  the  district,  peculiar  in  appearance,  and  was  on 
bad  terms  with  the  owner  of  the  pig;  therefore  it  was  obvious 
that  she  was  the  culprit,  and  accordingly  she  was  for  some 
time  subjected  to  various  forms  of  annoyance,  and,  I  think, 
to  assault.  Now,  among  the  causes  of  this  woman's  peculiar 
appearance  was  a  condition  of  extreme  nystagmus.  On  the 
first  occasion  that  I  attended  her,  I  endeavoured  to  get  a 
history  of  the  condition  of  her  eyes,  and  I  got  it.  "Her 
mother  were  overlooked  in  church  afore  her  were  born." 
The  ill-wisher  of  the  pig  had  herself  been  overlooked,  even 
before  she  began  a  separate  existence. 

Cases  of  ill-wishing  were  many.  Even  guardians  of  the 
poor,  and  members  of  school  boards,  were,  at  any  rate  in 
their  own  opinion,  affected  in  this  way. 

A  labourer  and  handy-man  employed  on  a  large  estate  had 
lost  his  first  wife  by  drowning.  She  had  suffered  from 
melancholia,  and  was  found  dead  in  a  shallow  pit  of  water. 
Two  years  after  he  married  again.  Two  or  three  months 
after  marriage  this  second  wife  became  melancholic,  and 
after  a  month  had  to  be  removed  to  an  asylum.  He  himself 
was  dyspeptic,  and  was  always  in  low  spirits.  Was  it  not 
obvious  that  there  must  be  some  evil  influence  at  work  ?  At 
a  lodge  on  the  estate  lived  an  old  woman,  herself  full  of 
ancient  history  and  superstition,  garrulous,  inquisitive,  and 
possibly  not  very  fond  of  this  man ;  but  in  no  sense 
malicious,  or  even  ill-natured.  Still,  she  was  in  appearance 
just  the  woman  who  might  do  such  deeds,  and  she  was  at 
once  selected  as  the  ill-wisher  of  the  man  and  his  two  wives, 
and  at  times  the  man  was  so  convinced  of  her  having 
bewitched  him,  that  he  used  threats  about  her,  and  possibly, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  influence  of  his  master  and  others, 
and  the  danger  of  losing  a  good  place,  harm  might  have 
befallen  the  innocent  old  lodge-keeper.  In  this  case  the 
superstition  prevented  the  removal  of  the  melancholic  patient 
to  an  asylum  for  two  or  three  weeks  after  I  had  advised 
removal,  and  very  nearly  led  to  a  breach  of  the  peace. 

One  day  I  was  sent  for  to  see,  at  once,  a  man  who  had 


been  taken  into  a  Cottage  Hospital.  He  had  been  engaged 
in  hauling  a  heavy  block  of  marble  with  a  crane,  when 
owing  to  some  part  of  the  apparatus  giving  way,  the  handle 
revolved  with  great  force  and  struck  him  on  the  inner  side 
of  the  leg,  just  above  the  knee.  On  examining  him,  I  found 
that  the  handle  had  passed  through  the  back  of  the  leg 
between  the  blood-vessels  and  the  femur,  carrying  with  it  a 
piece  of  the  trousers  and  their  lining,  and  pushing  before  it, 
but  not  piercing,  the  skin  on  the  outer  side  of  the  leg.  The 
bone  was  uninjured,  as  also  were  the  vessels.  It  seemed 
impossible  for  such  an  accident  to  happen  without  injury  to 
the  vessels,  and  I  naturally  inquired  at  once  about  hemorr- 
hage. They  said  that  it  began  to  bleed  u  terrible,"  but  he 
"  said  a  prayer  to  it,"  and  that  stopped  it  He  would  not 
tell  me  the  prayer — a  man  must  not  tell  a  man — but  he 
told  the  matron  of  the  hospital,  and  she  told  me.  It  is 
from  Ezekiel  xvi.  6  and  9.  An  old  Devonian,  who  is  a 
thorough  believer  in  "  all  charms  and  prayers,"  has  recently 
given  the  full  directions  how  to  work  this  charm.  The 
words  are: 

"And  when  I  passed  by  thee"  (here  give  the  name  of  the 
person  in  full)  "  and  saw  thee  polluted  in  thine  own  blood,  I  said 
unto  thee,  when  thou  wast  in  thy  blood,  Live;  yea,  I  said  unto 
thee  when  thou  wast  in  thy  blood,  Live.'  Then  washed  I  thee 
with  water ;  yea,  I  thoroughly  washed  away  thy  blood  from  thee, 
and  I  anointed  thee  with  oil.  In  the  name  of  the  Father  and  of 
the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.     Amen !  Amen !  Amen ! " 

He  goes  on,  "A  little  while  ago  my  wife's  nose  burst  a- 
bleeding  in  the  night,  a  stream.  She  called  me  to  say  the 
prayer,  so  I  caught  hold  of  my  own  nose  and  brought  in  her 
name.  It  very  soon  stopped.  When  the  person  is  bleeding 
put  your  thumb  at  the  same  place  and  say  the  name."  Is 
not  this  evidence  conclusive?  All  hemorrhages  will  stop 
after  the  prayer  is  used !  I  have  heard  of  wonderful  opera- 
tions where  the  hemorrhage  was  arrested  by  an  old  woman 
using  the  charm. 

Saying  a  prayer  to  a  disease  or  a  diseased  part  is  a  very 
common  mode  of  cure;  it  is  often,  if  not  always,  accompanied 
by  "  striking  "  or  touching  the  affected  part,  with  or  without 
oils  or  other  medicaments.  For  instance,  every  skin  disease 
among  my  poorer  patients  was  at  first  considered  to  be  "  the 
erysipelas,"  pronounced  "  arisapilus,"  and,  as  a  rule,  prayer 
and  striking  had  been  resorted  to  before  a  doctor  was  con- 
sulted.    The  prayer  for  this  disease  is : 


"  Now  come  ye  to  the  Lord  of  the  land,  Barney  Fine.  Barney 
Gout  shall  die  away  under  a  blackthorn,  with  red  cow's  milk  and 
black  wooL     In  the  name,"  &c,  &c. 

And  my  directions  are,  "  Get  a  little  milk,  from  a  red  cow  if 
you  can,  and  while  striking  say  the  prayer  three  times,  and 
strike  it  around  with  the  sun." 

(N.B. — A  man  must  give  this  prayer  to  a  woman,  and  a 
woman  to  a  man.) 

The  kind  of  logic  of  those  who  believe  in  charms  is 
beautifully  shown  by  a  patient  who  came  to  me  with  varicose 
eczema  of  both  legs.  He  received  what  I  thought  was 
appropriate  treatment,  and  used  it  for  a  few  days ;  he  then 

told  me  that  A B had  told  him  it  was  not  eczema, 

but  "  the  erysipelas ;  and  if  it  *s  the  erysipelas  no  doctors  can 
cure  it,  so  I  '11  say  a  prayer  to  it,  and  it  will  get  well."  He 
promised  to  come  to  me  again  if  it  did  not  get  well,  and  in  a 
fortnight  or  so  up  he  came  again.  He  had  said  a  prayer  to 
it  every  morning — the  "Barney  prayer" — and  it  was  no 
better ;  therefore  it  was  not  the  erysipelas,  and  he  would  let 
me  try  to  cure  it ! 

A  scald  or  burn  is  also  prayed  for. 

"Two  angels  came  from  the  West,  one  brought  fire,  the  other 
brought  frost.  Out  Fire,  in  Frost,  by  the  Father,  &c,  &c.  Amen! 
Amen!  Amen!" 

(Put  your  thumb  on  the  scald,  and  say  the  prayer  three 

A  child  scalded  his  throat  severely  by  drinking  out  of  a 
kettle.  The  prayer  was  said  more  than  three  times  without 
effect,  as  the  child  died. 

I  was  regarded  as  a  butcher  because  I  wanted  to  perform 
tracheotomy.  A  "mother  of  twelve"  declared  she  "would 
rather  see  them  all  die  than  let  a  doctor  cut  the  throat  of 
any  one  of  them." 

After  erysipelas,  the  disease  most  prayed  or  struck  for  was 
"king's  evil."  Judging  from  the  way  the  term  is  used  on 
and  about  Dartmoor,  "  king's  evil "  must  have  been  the  term 
applied  to  a  number  of  different  affections  of  a  chronic 
character.  Touching  for  "  king's  evil "  was  of  course  at  one 
time  very  common,  and  there  is  the  historic  case  of  the 
touching  of  Dr.  Johnson  when  a  child.  About  Dartmoor 
the  most  effective  striker  is  the  seventh  son  of  a  seventh  son, 
necessarily  a  somewhat  rare  person.  I  know  two ;  one  was 
affected  with  chronic  jaundice ;  he  could  not  cure  himself, 
but  he  could  cure  others  of  all  sorts  of  complaints. 


About  1889,  a  girl  was  brought  to  me  with  a  very  small 
patch  of  lupus  on  the  left  side  of  the  nose.  I  wished  to 
treat  it  radically,  but  was  not  allowed.  Two  years  later  I 
saw  her  again.  The  disease  then  involved  the  left  side  of 
the  nose,  the  septum  and  whole  of  the  margin  of  the  right 
ala.  They  then  consented  to  treatment  by  scraping,  with 
very  good  result.  Between  the  two  visits  to  me  she  had 
been  charmed  in  all  sorts  of  ways.  At  ten  p.m.  on  a 
particular  night  in  the  week,  for  weeks  together,  she  had 
been  struck  by  my  jaundiced  friend,  Septimus  Septum ;  she 
had  worn  a  blessed  sixpence  round  her  neck,  and  also  in  a 
silken  bag  a  dried  toad's  leg.  Prayers  innumerable  had  been 
said,  but  the  "  king's  evil "  had  not  been  arrested. 

Cures  for  whooping-cough,  epilepsy,  etc.,  are  plentiful 
enough.  Consumption  can  be  cured  by  striking  with  a  piece 
of  a  hempen  rope  with  which  a  man  has  been  hanged,  so 
that  ropes  used  by  suicides  have  a  marketable  value,  and  are 
sold  in  inch  lengths.  The  case  in  which  I  came  across  this 
was  where  a  man  had  hanged  himself  with  a  rope  in  his 
barn.  The  father  of  the  man  had  hanged  himself  with  a 
rope  made  of  twisted  brambles.  I  forget  whether  the  latter 
rope  had  any  value. 

A  cure  for  hernia  is  to  split  a  tree — an  ash-tree  is,  I 
believe,  the  best — and  pass  the  ruptured  child  through  the 
ruptured  tree.  The  tree  is  then  bound  round,  and  if  the  two 
parts  grow  together  the  rupture  will  be  healed.  I  have  seen 
a  child  so  treated,  and  a  tree  that  has  been  used  for  another 
child.  The  prevalence  of  these  charms  and  superstitions 
shows  the  general  attitude  of  the  mind  of  the  people,  and 
no  man  whose  experience  is  limited  to  the  wards  of  hospitals, 
or  practice  in  large  towns,  can  have  any  idea  of  the  difficulties 
experienced  by  medical  men  in  remote  country  districts, 
especially  the  western  counties  of  England.  It.  A. 


The  following  appeared  in  the  Western  Morning  News  of 
July  17th,  1894 : 

"There  is  at  least  one  Bideford  man  who  believes  in  witches 
and  witchery.  He  was  charged  yesterday  with  using  bad  language, 
and  it  transpired  that  the  cause  of  his  forgetting  himself  was  the 
appearance  of  one  of  two  women  who,  he  is  under  the  impression, 
are  bewitching  him.  The  man  appeared  with  a  shade  over  his 
eyes,  and  his  fixed  belief  is  that  the  women  are  evilly  controlling 
his  eyesight.  When  he  had  been  fined  and  admonished  for  using 
the  language  complained  of,  he  remarked  that  the  constable  would 


have  done  better  to  have  removed  the  woman — presumably  to 
negative  her  witching  powers.  That  a  person  of  respectable 
position  and  fine  physique  should  become  possessed  of  such  a 
hallucination  in  these  days  seems  incredible,  but  there  is  too  much 
reason  to  suppose  that  belief  in  the  'evil  eye1  is  far  from  being 
exterminated  in  Devon.  In  the  present  case  there  may  be  other 
causes  operating  on  the  man  which  prepare  the  ground  for  the 
strange  belief  which  has  possessed  him,  and  it  will  be  awkward, 
both  for  himself  and  the  supposed  '  wise  women/  if  his  hallucina- 
tion becomes  stronger  as  time  goes  on.11  H.  B.  S.  W. 


The  following  appeared  in  the  Western  Morning  Netas  of 
30th  December,  1890 : 

M  Yesterday,  at  the  Ivybridge  Police-court,  Beatrice  Small,  who 
described  herself  as  a  '  poor  single  woman,  with  six  little  children,1 
was  charged  with  obtaining  money  and  goods  from  John  Masters, 
at  Aveton  GifFord,  under  false  pretences.  Prosecutor  stated  that 
on  the  13th  inst.  he  was  at  work  in  a  field  when  prisoner  came  by 
and  asked  if  there  was  a  house  near,  and  he  replied  that  his  home 
was  near.  She  accompanied  him  home,  and  told  him  he  was  a 
lucky  man,  as  he  had  a  fortune  coming  to  him,  and  if  he  would 
give  her  ten  shillings  she  would  get  it.  He  said  he  had  no  money 
but  money's  worth,  referring  to  some  poultry,  and  she  then  asked 
for  two  fowls,  which  he  gave  her.  He  afterwards  gave  her  three 
shillings,  but  she  told  him  that  he  must  get  two  shillings  more, 
and  she  would  call  for  it  next  day  (Sunday).  She  did  call,  and 
he  gave  her  two  shillings.  On  the  following  day  she  came  again, 
and  said  the  expense  of  obtaining  the  fortune  (which  was  £250) 
would  be  £5  more,  and  she  would  pay  part  and  be  repaid  by  him, 
and  that  she  and  a  lawyer  would  get  his  fortune  by  the  following 
Friday.  Believing  her  tale,  his  wife  borrowed  £1  from  her  father, 
and  gave  it  to  the  prisoner.  Next  day  she  again  came  to  his  house 
and  said  she  wanted  another  five  shillings  and  a  bag  of  potatoes. 
He  had  only  half  a-crown,  which  he  gave  her,  and  also  a  bag  of 
potatoes.  She  inquired  his  name,  age,  birthplace,  and  place  of 
baptism,  as  well  as  his  wife's  age  and  birthplace,  and  then  gave 
him  a  small  cloth  bag  of  salt  to  wear  inside  the  seat  of  his  trousers, 
and  he  was  to  keep  it  all  a  great  secret,  '  because  it  was  a  very 
particular  and  difficult  business.'  Prosecutor  produced  the  bag, 
which  was  about  two  inches  in  length,  and  which  he  said  he  had 
worn  in  his  trousers  for  a  day  (loud  laughter) ;  and  then,  hearing 
that  the  prisoner,  and  her  people,  and  their  tent,  had  all  disappeared, 
he  went  to  the  magistrate,  who  advised  him  to  take  out  a  warrant 
The  total  amount  he  gave  prisoner  in  cash  and  value  in  fowls  was 
£3  2s.  6d. 

"  Sarah  Masters,  wife  of  the  prosecutor,  gave  corroborative  evi- 
dence, adding  that  prisoner  told  her  she  would  '  work '  witness  in 


luck  as  well  as  her  husband.  She  also  gave  her  a  little  hag  as  a 
charm  to  wear  inside  the  band  of  her  petticoat  (laughter). 

"  Prisoner  denied  first  approaching  the  prosecutor,  and  said  Mrs. 
Masters  came  to  her  and  asked  her  to  come  to  the  house  and 
advise  her  what  to  do,  'as  her  husband  was  in  love  with  two 
young  women,  and  she  wanted  to  know  who  they  were.' 

"  The  Bench  committed  prisoner  for  trial  at  the  Exeter  Quarter 
Sessions;  and  afterwards  heard  a  similar  charge,  involving  a  promise 
of  £240  and  a  house,  which  prisoner  told  a  Mrs.  Mortimore  (also 
of  Aveton  Gifford)  she  could  get  for  her.  Prosecutrix  was  induced 
by  these  representations  to  part  with  a  half-sovereign  and  three 
fowls.     Prisoner  was  also  committed  for  trial  on  this  charge." 

H.  B.  S.  W. 


Among  the  May-day  customs  still  lingering  in  Devonshire 
is  that  of  throwing  water  over  persons,  especially  strangers, 
from  which  the  day  is  termed  ducking-day,  Mr.  Elworthy 
(The  Evil  Eye,  p.  62)  suggests  the  custom  to  be  a  survival 
of  the  invocation  of  the  rain  spirit  of  ancient  times.  As 
this  custom  is  now  likely  to  cease,  owing  to  the  lamentable 
accident  at  Loddiswell,  its  observance  on  the  occasion  is 
worthy  of  record. 

The  following  is  an  account  of  the  trial  at  the  Exeter 
Assizes,  June,  1894 : 



"William  John  Luscombe,  13,  and  Samuel  George  Hine,  16, 
were  indicted  for  the  manslaughter  of  Dr.  Alfred  Hughes  Twining, 
at  Loddiswell.  Hine  pleaded  guilty,  and  Luscombe  not  guilty. 
Counsel  for  the  prosecution  stated  that  this  was  a  miserable  sort 
of  case.  These  two  boys,  who,  for  anything  he  knew,  were  very 
respectable,  were  charged  with  manslaughter.  In  that  part  of 
Devonshire  in  which  the  prisoners  lived  there  was  an  idiotic 
custom  practised  on  the  1st  of  May,  called  *  ducking  -  day,'  of 
throwing  water  over  people.  The  prisoners,  with  others,  amused 
themselves  on  the  evening  of  that  date  in  throwing  water  over  a 
fence  on  to  a  road  some  distance  below,  where  there  was  a  passing 
carriage,  containing  the  late  Dr.  Twining  and  Dr.  Hellier,  who 
were  being  driven  by  a  servant.  The  water  thrown  over  the  fence 
frightened  the  horse,  which  collided  with  a  fence.  More  water 
was  thrown,  with  the  result  that  the  horse  started  off,  the  carriage 
was  turned  over,  and  its  occupants  were  thrown  out.  Dr.  Twining 
sustained  an  injury  to  his  ankle,  which,  a  few  days  later,  necessitated 
the  amputation  of  the  leg  at  the  thigh.  As  the  outcome  of  that 
amputation,  the  doctor  died.  The  learned  Judge  again  expressed 
the  opinion  that  there  was  no  case  against  Luscombe,  whom  the 
jury  found  *  Not  guilty.'     His  Lordship :  What  is  to  be  done  with 



the  elder  boy  9  I  have  no  power  to  order  him  a  whipping.  It 
would  be  utterly  wrong  to  send  the  boy  Hine  to  prison.  He 
would  be  discharged  on  his  own  recognizance  of  £5,  and  his 
father's  surety  of  £5,  to  come  up  for  judgment  when  called  upon." 

H.  B.  S.  W. 


Sobriquets  given  by  the  inhabitants  of  certain  parishes  to 
their  neighbours.    The  people  of 

Ashreigney  (Kingsash) 




Bishop's  Nympton 

















Holcombe,  near  Teignmouth 

Hollcombe  Bogus 

High  Bickington 


King's  Nympton  . 



North  Molton 

vol.  xxvn.  F 


Taties  (potatoes). 



Brags,  or  Bone-pickers. 

Horniwigs  (plovers). 

.     Chugy-pigs. 
.     Owls. 

.    Cocks. 

.  Kerton  Bloody-backs ;  on 
account  of  the  bull- 
fights which  were 
formerly  held  there ; 
for  when  the  dogs  were 
tossed,  their  owners 
used  to  receive  them 
on  their  backs. 
.     Hens. 

.     Boars. 

.    Hags. 
.    Ducks. 
.     Geese. 


.     Bags. 
.    Bogues. 
.    Pretty  Maids. 
.     Candlesticks. 
.     Stags. 
.    Bread-eaters. 
.  Bread-eaters  (Burd-eaters). 
.  MonkeySjBragSjOrMagpies. 



.     Pigs. 






.     Grecians. 


.     Boars. 

South  Tawton 


South  Molton 

.    Molton  Images,  and  Jolly 


South  Zeal 

Pretty  Maidens. 




.     Pigs'  Ears  (a  cake  made 


there)  ;    also   Cheese- 


eaters,     and     Barley- 

bread  -  eaters. 



St.  Mary  Clist 

Pretty  Maids. 


.    Dabs. 



Sometimes  they  make  a  rhyme,  as  at  Cheriton  Fitzpaioe 
they  say—  «  Cadbury  cocks, 

Cadeleigh  hens, 
Poughill  cuckoos,  and 
Cheriton  men." 

Also  at  South  Molton — 

"  North  Molton  monkeys, 
Bishop's  Nympton  brags ; 
South  Molton  jolly  boys 
Beat  them  all  to  rags."  H.  S. 

For  information  on  this  subject  vide  Provincial  Sobriquets, 
Western  Antiquary,  ix.  37-64.  P.  F.  S.  A. 


Thirteenth  Report  of the  Committee — consisting  of  Mr.  P.  F. 
S.  Amery,  j.p.  (Secretary),  Mr.  A.  Chandler,  p.  r.  met.  soc.,  and 
Mr.  James  Hamlyn,  j.p.,— to  collect  and  tabulate  trustworthy 
and  comparable  observations  on  the  climate  of  Devon. 

Edited  by  P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Honorary  Secretary. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

Your  Committee  present  a  tabulated  summary  of  meteor- 
ological observations  taken  during  1894,  relating  to  the 
Rainfall,  Temperature,  Humidity,  and  Cloud,  as  recorded  in 
various  localities  representing  the  different  districts  and 
elevations  of  the  county  of  Devon. 

Returns  are  once  more  furnished  from  Princetown,  which, 
owing  to  its  position  and  great  elevation,  are  important 
factors  in  a  report  on  Devonshire  climate. 

The  Secretary  has  taken  every  means  in  his  power  to 
have  the  tables  verified  by  the  observers  themselves,  and 
the  thanks  of  the  Committee  are  due  to  them  for  the 
assistance  they  have  given  in  compiling  the  report. 

The  particulars  of  the  stations  and  observers  are  as  follows : 


Hfracombe      .       ...     25  . 

Teignmouth 70  . 

Torquay  (Cary  Green)      ...     12  . 

„  (Chapel  Hill)  ...  286  . 
Sidmouth  (Sidmount)       ...  148  . 

Callompton     202  . 

Brampford  Speke     113  . 

Southmolton    (Castle    Hill 

School)  363  , 

Plymouth  Observatory  ...  117  . 
Princetown  (H.  M.  Piison)  1359  . 
Buekfa3tleigh(Bos8ellPark)  250  . 

Mburton  (Druid) 584  . 

Hobe  (Vicarage)     650  . 

M.  W.  Tattam. 

W.  C.  Lake,  m.d. 

A.  Chandler,  f.r.Met.8oc. 

W.  T.  Radford,  m.d.,  f.r.Met.Soc. 
T.  Turner,  J.P.,  f.rmet.soc. 
Miss  M.  B.  Gamlen. 

W.  H.  Reeve. 

H.  Victor  Prigg,  a.m.i.c.e. 

J.  L.  Durbin. 

James  Hamlyn,  j.p. 

P.  F.  S.  Amery,  j.p. 

Rev.  J.  Gill,  m.a. 

James  Hamlyn,  Chairman. 
P.  F.  S.  Amery,  Secretary. 



Hfmcombe  . 
'feign  mo  nth 
Torquay  (C.  Q.) 
Torquay  (C.  B.) 

Plymouth    . 

Pnncetcwn  . 
Ashburton   . 


41. 1 

48. 1 























43- S 





■;::,:■:';  4*- 3 










si  1 















34- S 







37- S 


43  3 

22-  S 

53  s 


I  4*3 







IHraeombe  . 
Torquay  {C.  G.) 
Torquay  (C.  H.) 
Sidiuouth    . 
(In  11. hi  1  pt on  . 
Plymouth    , 
Princetown  . 
Ash  burton  . 



46. 8 











51. 4 






















33  7 



























28. 9 




53  0 





Utacombe  . 

Totqo»y  (C.  Q.) 
Torquay  fa  H.) 

Sdmontli     . 

CnUompton . 

Bniiiplord  Speke 


Tlifflouth     . 

Pnncetoim  . 






50.6    40.7    62.8 





51.6    37.8    68.2 





50-9   35-5    66-6 




50,0    33.6    66.0 




49-8    343    65° 


m  im 



49-7    32-3    *6» 








48.2    31. 8    66.1 


Kl     - 



49-8   35-8   69.2 



48. 2 



45.1    31.6    62.0 




50.2   31.0:66.9 





SO-6   35-5    67-7 


TMqu»J  (C.  O.) 

Jwmwio.  n.) 

Cnjiompton  . 


Plpuonth  . 
rnncetown  . 
MbnrtoD  . 




57. 7 


So.  3 



5*- 5 

















































47  ■ 





















Ilfatcombe  . 

4- '3     S 





51.3          ;J   SS  6-5 

Teign  mouth 






489                  7-3 

Torquay  (C.  G.}  . 


60.  a 




50-0                  7-0 

Torquay  (C.  11. )  . 





48.9                   ... 

Sidmouth    . 





49.6            5     7.5 
44-3             ?j   7-« 
45-o             SS   7-S 
39-9                    7-6 

Ciillompton  . 

B  ramp  ford  Speke  . 











South  moltoD 






Plymouth     . 






46.}    70.4    Hz    7.8 

Princetown  . 




54  7 

41.6    71.9  S3  7.3 







420    74.5   7S  7.5 

Ash  button   ■ 






49.1    72.3   go    ... 

Hotoe          .       . 



Ilftacombe  . 


58.0   5*-> 




64. S 





36.7    S0.4 







Torquay  (C.  G.)   . 


56.9   50.9 







Torquay  (G  H.)  . 


...     48. 8 




Sidmouth     ■ 


S6.a   490 







Ciillompton  . 

a.  33 

55-7   4^-3 





8a  6.3 

a.35    » 

S4-9  4*- S 






i.oii     ■-£ 

S3- 7    44-3 





86   58 

Plymouth     . 

a.  38 

...      49.1 





79  .  5-2 

Pnncelown  . 


5*-4    4^-7 




»S  1 S-5 




546    460 





Ashburton  . 


56.8    49.9 








JB    -. 




Torqnij  (C.  G.)   . 
T«B)Mj(C.  H.)  . 
Sidmooth    . 
dHampton  . 
Bmnplori  Spake . 
FJjmouth    . 
rnwetown  . 
Aihborton  . 
Eobe         .       . 

So.  8 


















S3. 4 






























3'- 3 
















58. 1 















35- S 





Toiquij  (C.  Q.) 
Wjia  H.) 


rrincetovrn  . 


XX  47-7 


49- S 

46. 8 

























54. 8 







54  3 




















6.. 7 









43  6 




28.  1 

54- 5 




(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

The  Dartmoor  Exploration  Committee,  in  presenting  its 
Second  Report  to  the  Devon  Association,  is  glad  to  be  able 
to  report  considerable  progress  made  in  the  examination  of 
the  pre-historic  relics  on  Dartmoor. 

Last  year  the  Eeport  dealt  exclusively  with  Grimspound ; 
every  one  of  the  formerly-inhabited  huts  within  its  area 
having  been  carefully  excavated  and  planned.  What 
remained  to  be  done  was  to  examine  the  structure  of  the 
enclosing  wall,  which  presented  characters  very  perplexing, 
and  which  the  Committee  considered  deserved  further 

Last  year  a  small  portion  of  the  wall  had  been  under 
investigation,  and  this  portion  had  revealed  the  puzzling 
feature  of  being  double,  with  an  entrance  into  the  space 
between  the  walls  from  the  inside  of  the  Pound. 

This  year  the  wall  has  been  examined  in  ten  additional 

In  addition  to  this,  fresh  fields  have  been  explored,  notably 
the  very  interesting  and  hitherto  hardly -noticed  collection 
of  hut  circles  on  the  slope  of  Langstone  Moor,  in  Petertavy 
parish,  opposite  Greena  Ball  and  Mis  Tor. 

Moreover,  a  careful  plan  has  been  taken  of  the  remains 
near  Merrivale  Bridge,  by  Mr.  E.  Hansford  Worth,  c.b.,  a 
member  of  the  committee,  and  these  have  been  subjected 
to  investigation. 

Crapp's  King,  a  dilapidated  pound  containing  ruined  hut 
circles,  near  Post  Bridge,  has  also  been  explored. 

The  enclosure  of  King's  Oven  has  likewise  been  subjected 
to  investigation. 

A  very  interesting  collection  of  enclosures  and  huts  at 
Cullacoombe  Head,,  on  Shapley  Common,  have  been  ex- 

vol.  XXVH.  G 


haustively  explored,  and  a  couple  of  hut  circles  on  Whiten 
Ridge  have  been  dealt  with  as  well. 

Finally,  the  very  interesting  Blowing  House  at  Deep 
Swincoombe  has  been  cleared  out  and  planned. 

Such  has  been  the  work  of  the  Committee  on  Dartmoor 
since  the  last  meeting  of  the  Devon  Association,  at  the 
expenditure  of  considerable  time  and  money. 

The  Committee  desire  on  this  occasion  to  omit  from  their 
Report  what  concerns  the  Blowing  House  at  Deep  Swin- 
coombe, and  reserve  the  notice  of  that  to  another  Report,  as  it 
is  their  wish,  having  done  so  much  to  the  hut  circles,  to  next 
turn  their  attention  to  the  early  tin-workings  and  smeltings 
on  Dartmoor,  and  they  would  prefer  to  bring  into  one  Report 
what  they  have  to  say  thereupon. 

The  examinations  that  this  Report  will  deal  with  are 
these :  (1)  Of  the  Wall  of  Grimspound ;  (2)  the  Langstone 
settlement ;  (3)  that  at  Merrivale  Bridge ;  (4)  that  at  Crapp's 
Ring;  (5)  King's  Oven;  (6)  the  settlement  at  Cullacoombe 
Head ;  and  (7)  the  two  huts  on  Whiten  Ridge. 


The  Committee  are  obliged  to  admit  that  the  structure 
of  this  wall  is  difficult  of  interpretation.  At  base  the  heap 
of  ruins  that  forms  the  wall  measures,  where  two  faces 
remain  undisturbed,  about  12  feet.  On  examination  of  the 
wall,  in  eleven  different  places,  it  became  apparent  that  this 
wall  consisted  originally  of  two,  with  a  space  between  them 
of  3  feet  6  inches  in  width,  or  thereabouts,  sometimes  a  little 
less,  sometimes  more.  In  places  there  seemed  to  be  an  inner 
face,  on  both  sides,  to  this  space. 

Admission  into  this  space,  or  passage,  was  probably 
obtained  by  small  openings  from  the  inside  of  the  Pound. 
One  of  these  was  found  last  year ;  another,  very  distinct, 
was  observed  and  cleared  out  this  year.  In  each  instance 
the  doorway  seemed  to  be  in  connection  with  the  walls  of 
the  lunettes  which  abutted  on  the  main  wall  below  them. 
These  doors  are  narrow,  measuring  2  feet  6  inches,  and  2  feet 
10  inches — probably  more  at  the  top,  when  complete,  but 
the  tops  are  ruinous. 

That  there  was  no  core  of  earth  between  the  walls,  which 
might  have  served  as  faces  to  it,  is  almost  certain,  as  no 
traces  of  such  a  core  remain,  and  it  never  can  have  existed, 
for  the  stones  of  the  two  walls  have  in  general  fallen  inward. 
They  are  tilted  one  on  another  in  such  a  manner  as  proves 
that  they  fell  into,  and  encumbered,  an  open  space. 


There  are  not  stones  sufficient  to  have  made  the  enclosing 
wall  of  Grimspound  very  high.  It  is  the  opinion  of  some 
of  the  Committee,  after  much  consideration,  that  Grimspound 
can  never  have  been  erected  for  military  defence,  and  that 
it  was  simply  an  enclosure  for  cattle,  against  wolves. 

From  a  strategic  point  of  view,  it  is  held  by  them  that  an 
error  was  committed  in  not  including  within  the  area  the 
granite  outcrop  and  ridge  that  separates  the  drainage  of 
Hookner  Tor  from  that  of  Hameldon  Tor.  This  ridge  would 
allow  assailants  to  command  the  interior  with  their  spears 
and  arrows.  Those  who  erected  the  enclosure  of  Grimspound 
took  no  account  of  this  ridge,  probably  purposely  left  it 
outside  their  Pound,  because  a  mass  of  rock,  producing  little 
or  no  herbage  for  the  cattle. 

The  walls  were  apparently  not  high  enough  to  serve  as 
a  defence  against  an  enemy,  and  the  hollow  between  the 
walls  would,  it  is  supposed,  make  the  defence  of  them 


This  Moor,  called  on  the  Ordnance  map  Launceston  Moor, 
occupies  a  ridge  between  White  Tor  and  Whiten  Burrow, 
and  is  also  connected  with  Great  Staple  Tor  by  a  long  neck 
of  moor.  It  divides  the  Walkham  Valley  from  that  of  the 
Tavy,  and  in  it  the  Petertavy  brook  takes  its  rise  in  a  bog 
that  is  not  easily  traversed.  The  Moor  derives  its  name 
from  a  Long-stone,  the  end  of  a  stone  row,  running  in  a 
direction  N.  and  S.  from  a  surface-water  pool  that  occupies 
the  site  of  a  destroyed  cairn.  The  stone  is  composed  of  the 
local  gabbro,  and  was  prostrate,  but  His  Grace  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  has  re-erected  it  in  its  original  socket-hole.  The 
old  Lych  Way  ran  from  Whiten  Burrow  to  it,  and  thence 
diverged  into  two  branches,  one  leading  to  Petertavy,  the 
other  to  the  road  between  Tavistock  and  Hill  Bridge,  which 
it  reached  at  Cudlip  Town. 

The  stone  row  consists  of  very  small  stones,  eighteen  in 
number,  and  has  been  much  pillaged,  but  by  spade  investi- 
gation it  was  established  that  it  never  had  been  furnished 
with  stones  of  much  magnitude,  as  the  pits  to  receive  the 
upright  blocks  were  small.  Nearly  parallel  with  the  row, 
but  not  quite  so,  at  the  distance  of  sixty  or  seventy  yards, 
are  the  remains  of  a  second  stone  row,  leading  from  a  cairn, 
formerly  surrounded  by  a  circle  of  stones.  A  very  ancient 
M  new  take  "  wall  has  been  built  over  and  about  this  line  ;  it 
includes  the  cairn  in  it,  and  takes  advantage  of  some  of  the 
original  standing  stones. 


West  of  this  second  stone  row  are  several  cairns  more  or 
less  dilapidated,  and  the  remains  of  a  kistvaen. 

On  the  brow  of  Langstone  Moor,  overlooking  the  Walkham 
River,  is  a  fine  circle  of  stones.  This  was  first  noticed  by 
Mr.  Brent,  of  Plymouth;  it  was  again  seen  by  Rev.  G.  B. 
Berry,  of  Emmanuel,  Plymouth,  and  it  was  last  year  carefully 
examined  by  the  Exploration  Committee,  and  His  Grace  the 
Duke  of  Bedford  was  communicated  with,  who,  with  great 
courtesy  and  promptitude,  undertook  to  place  a  party  of 
workmen  at  the  disposal  of  the  Committee  for  the  re-erection 
of  the  stones,  which  had  all  fallen,  owing  to  the  spongy  nature 
of  the  peat  in  which  they  had  been  originally  planted.  The 
fall,  however,  of  some  of  the  stones  must  have  taken  place 
comparatively  recently,  as  their  pits  were  open  under  them, 
and  full  of  water  only. 

The  position  of  the  circle  was  one  rendering  it  liable  to 
being  robbed  for  the  sake  of  gate-posts,  and  indeed  it  seems 
probable  that,  as  will  be  seen  presently,  it  has  already 
suffered  on  that  account.  When  the  stones  are  re-erected, 
then  strict  orders  are  issued  from  the  Duchy  Office  that  they 
are  not  to  be  interfered  with ;  whereas  stones  lying  on  the 
face  of  the  moor  cannot  be  thus  protected,  and  indeed  are 
carried  Away  without  scruple  by  men  who  are  confident  they 
can  do  this  without  detection. 

The  circle  measures  57  feet  in  diameter,  and  consists  of 
sixteen  stones.  Outside  this  circle  appears  to  have  been 
another  concentric  with  it ;  of  this,  however,  only  two  stones 
remain  in  situ,  but  the  pit  hole  of  another,  and  the  broken 
top  of  the  stone  taken  from  it  remain.  The  singular  feature 
of  this  outer  circle  is  that  the  three  stones  are  of  a  fine- 
grained elvan,  entirely  different  from  the  nature  of  the 
stones  in  the  inner  circle,  with  the  exception  of  one,  which 
also  is  of  elvan. 

In  the  socket-hole  of  one  of  the  stones  a  burnt  stone  was 
found,  perhaps  a  "  cooking-stone,"  but  so  burnt  as  to  crumble 
between  the  fingers  with  a  little  pressure. 

The  investigation  of  the  huts  was  now  proceeded  with.  Of 
these  there  are  a  great  number.  The  exploration  was  not 
carried  out  as  happily  as  at  Grimspound,  as  the  workmen 
employed  were  changing  every  day,  so  that  the  same  men 
could  not  be  secured  sufficiently  long  to  be  trained  to  dig 
intelligently.  For  this  reason  it  was  deemed  inadvisable  to 
do  no  more  in  the  season  rapidly  drawing  to  an  end,  than 
uncover  the  floors  of  the  huts  and  leave  the  sifting  of  the 
floors  till  Mr.  George  French  could  be  secured  in  the  spring. 




JMirry-TraZf  J 




these  huts  presented  very  similar  features  to  those  at 
Brimspound,  a  raised  dais,  a  hearth,  and  cooking-hole  being 
fcrond  in  several  of  them.    . 

-  Eleven  huts  were  excavated.  The  interiors  were  much 
brined.    In  one  the  platform,  or  dais,  was  well  defined,  and 

Ktere  were  more  or  less  distinct  indications  of  such  plat- 
rms  in  four  others.  The  hearths  were  not  always  in  the 
middle  of  the  huts ;  in  many  they  were  at  the  sides.  One 
hearthstone  was  of  very  fine,  smooth  elvan,  much  burnt. 
Several  cooking-stones  were  found,  in  most  cases  so  burnt 
Is  to  crumble  away.  A  flint  core  and  five  flakes  were  found, 
tlso  a  scraper-knife,  and  a  polished  red  pebble  brought 
from  a  distance.     Also  in  one  of  the  huts  a  rubber-stone. 


Several  days  were  devoted  to  the  examination  of  the 
temains  so  well  known,  near  Merrivale  Bridge.  Sir  Massey 
Lopes  very  kindly  and  readily  gave  his  consent  to  the 
investigation  of  these  remains,  and  the  Committee  considered 
that  considerable  importance  attached  to  them,  owing  to 
the  fact  that  here  the  hut  circles,  and  the  stone  rows,  and 
Other  megalithic  monuments  were  in  close  proximity,  and 
kpparently  mutually  connected,  and  contemporary. 

From  a  Sketch  by  th«  Rev.  S.  Bariso-Gould,  1851. 

The  first  object  to  be  examined  was  the  so-called  fallen 
Cromlech.  This  had  been  noticed  by  the  Rev.  E.  A.  Bray, 
in  1804.  It  was  described  by  Mr.  S.  Bowe,  in  1830.  A 
hawing  was  made  of  it  by  the  Rev.  S.  Baring-Gould,  in 
1851.     It  was  also  noticed  by  Sir  Gardiner  Wilkinson,  and 

iere.  Some  years  ago  a  man  who  lived  at  Merrivale 
tiidge,  and  dealt  in  stone  posts  to  the  farmers,  cut  two  out 
the  quoit  and  further  mutilated  one  of  the  supporters, 
fcrhich  he  split  in  half,  and  then  further  split  off  a  portion 
Inch  as  he  wanted  from  one  of  these  halves.  So  it  was  left 
b  a  sad  condition. 


The  Committee  raised  the  two  pieces  of  the  quoit*  and 
then  the  construction  of  the  monument  was  plain  enough. 
It  proved  not  to  be  a  cromlech,  but  a  kistvaen,  running  N.  and 
S.,  and  measuring,  internally,  7  feet  by  2  feet  9  inches  at  the 
head,  contracting  to  2  feet  at  the  foot.  It  consisted  of  a 
head  and  a  footstone,  one  large  block  on  the  W.  side 
measuring  7  feet  long  by  3  feet  6  inches  high,  which  had 
been  split  by  the  mason.  The  east  side  consisted  of  two 
stones,  one  4  feet  10  inches  long  and  the  same  height  as 
the  opposite  side  stone,  the  other  a  smaller  stone  that  fitted 
into  the  gap,  and  was  apparently  removable  at  will,  for  it 
was  not  bedded  in  a  groove  cut  in  the  calm,  but  rested  on 
a  step  of  calm  about  a  foot  high. 

In  the  kistvaen,  near  the  head,  were  found  a  flint  scraper, 
a  flint  flake,  and  a  polishing-stone. 

The  Committee  further  examined  some  depressions  in  the 
surface  of  the  turf  near  the  so-called  "Sacred  Circle"  and  found 
several  pits  dug  to  the  depth  of  a  foot  or  eighteen  inches  in 
the  calm,  with  triggers  lining  them,  and  in  one  a  flint  flake. 
These  had  apparently  been  the  sockets  of  menhirs,  or  standing 
stones,  which  had  been  removed  either  to  serve  as  gate-posts 
or  for  the  construction  of  a  new-take  wall  hard  by. 

Near  the  great  menhir  are  indications  of  the  starting  of 
stone  rows ;  the  ground  in  advance  of  these  was  examined, 
but  no  pits  for  the  reception  of  more  stones  were  found. 
Some  of  the  huts  were  then  searched ;  in  two  the  hearths 
were  found,  in  all  charcoal,  one  or  two  had  apparently  been 
paved ;  but  all  were  found  to  be  in  a  ruinous  condition  and 
had  been  worked  over,  apparently  by  the  road  makers,  in 
search  of  suitable  stone  at  the  making,  or  afterwards  the 
repairing,  of  the  high-road  that  runs  close  by.  One  flint 
flake  only  was  found  in  one  of  the  huts.  In  all,  six  hut 
circles  were  examined,  of  these  two  gave  no  signs  of  human 

At  the  E.  end  of  the  double  northern  stone  row,  it  was 
surmised  that  there  had  formerly  existed  a  circle.  The 
stones  there  lying  were  examined,  no  pits  were  found.  Some 
of  the  stones  proved  to  be  outcrops  of  rock,  and  others  to 
be  shapeless  lumps  that  had  never  been  planted  erect. 

The  Committee  is  glad  to  be  able  to  reproduce  here  two 
plates,  from  plan  and  bird's-eye  view,  of  the  remains  at 
Merrivale  Bridge,  as  taken  in  1828  by  Colonel  Hamilton 
Smith,  f.r.s.  As  usual  with  plans  and  drawings  taken  before 
the  last  thirty  years,  they  are  inaccurate.  The  tombstone 
on  the  plan  becomes  a  cromlech  on  the  bird's-eye  sketch. 


This  is  really  a  small  cairn  that  contained  a  rained  kistvaen, 
from  which  a  small  row  starts,  unnoticed  by  Colonel 
Smith.  The  barrow  between  the  atone  rows  and  the  circle 
and  menhir  has  since  been  rained;  in  1851  it  disclosed 
remains  of  a  kistvaen  or  inner  circle,  and  an  outer  ring  of 

The  circle  interrupting  the  double  range  of  stones  to 
the  S.  contains  a  cairn.  There  is  no  circle  at  the  E.  end 
of  the  northern  double  row,  but  there  seemed  to  have  been 
one  before  the  place  was  investigated.  It  would  be  interesting 
to  know  if  this  row  ended  to  the  west  with  a  tall  monolith, 
as  represented  in  both  plan  and  bird's-eye  sketch.  If  so, 
this  has  disappeared.  The  southern  row  ends  to  the  E.  in 
two,  and  not  one,  upright  stones  and  the  remains  of  a  cairn. 
In  the  plan,  within  the  so-called  "  Religious  Inclosure," 
which  is  in  reality  a  cattle-pen,  Colonel  Smith  indicates  a 
"fallen  cromlech";  this  is  actually  a  stone  that  has  been 
cot  by  moormen  to  form  a  crasher,  either  for  apples  or  for 
gorse,  and  never  removed ;  it  was  probably  cut  at  the 
beginning  of  this  century,  or  the  end  of  last.  The  barrow 
marked  on  the  plan  on  the  N.  side  of  the  road  to  Princetown 
has  been  removed  by  road-menders.  On  the  plan  is  a  circle 
at  the  E.  end  of  the  southern  range  of  stones.  No  such  circle 
ever  existed. 

iv.   crapp's  RING. 

Some  of  the  circles  lying  within  Crapp's  King,  which  is  a 
mined  "pound"  on  the  slope  of  Lake  Head  Hill,  were 
examined,  but  it  was  found  that  all  except  one  had  been 
dug  over  for  stones.  The  comparatively  undisturbed  circle 
was  15  feet  in  diameter,  with  remains  of  dais,  and  a  hearth, 
in  a  good  state  of  preservation.  The  "  cooking-hole  "  was  in 
the  hearth,  and  was  5  inches  deep  and  10  inches  square, 
and  this  was  full  of  what  appeared  to  be  peat  ashes.  No 
wood-charcoal  was  observed.  Owing  to  the  disturbed 
character  of  these  circles  their  further  examination  was 


V.    KING'S  OVEN. 

The  original  King's  Oven,  that  is  to  say  the  smelting- 
place  of  the  tin  which  was  the  Royal  due,  was  destroyed 
probably  some  time  during  last  century,  and  was  further 
dilapidated  on  the  construction  of*  the  buildings  of  Bush 
Down  Mine,  which  are  hard  by  ;  but  the  site  is  still 
indicated  by  a  pile  of  stones  in  the  midst  of  a  pound  that 
is  rudely  circular.  At  the  S.W.  side  of  the  pound  are  the 
remains  of  an  oblong  rectangular  structure.  This  was 
examined,  but  proved  to  have  been  so  worked  over  by  the 
masons  engaged  in  building  the  houses  of  Bush  Down,  and 
now  ruinous,  that  nothing  could  be  made  out,  to  show  when 
it  was  erected. 

As  traces  of  upright  stones  in  an  arc  were  observable  to 
the  N.  of  the  enclosing  pound,  the  pick  and  shovel  were 
brought  to  bear  there,  with  the  result  of  uncovering  a  portion 
of  a  circle  of  upright  stones  that  formerly  enclosed  a  cairn, 
with  probably  a  kistvaen  in  the  centre,  some  of  the  stones 
of  which  remained.  The  investigation  was  not  made,  however, 
without  yielding  something  of  interest,  as,  in  the  first  place, 
it  determined  that  the  construction  of  the  pound  was 
subsequent  to  that  of  the  circle  and  cairn,  and  secondly, 
because  a  beautiful  flint  scraper  was  picked  out  from  between 
two  of  the  upright  stones,  between  which  it  had  been 
wedged.  Fragments  of  charcoal  were  also  found  at  the  foot 
of  these  stones. 


Thus  far  all  the  collections  of  huts  examined,  those  at 
Grimspound,  at  Broadun,  at  Broadun  Ring,  at  Tavy  Cleave, 
at  Langstone,  and  Crapp's  Ring,  have  been  singularly  unani- 
mous in  the  tale  they  have  been  asked  to  disclose.  They  have 
yielded  flint  flakes,  cores,  scrapers,  polishing-stones,  cooking- 
stones  ;  nothing  more,  not  the  smallest  particle  of  pottery. 
Every  indication  given  pointed  to  a  very  rude  and  primitive 
condition  of  existence  among  those  who  occupied  them. 

There  are,  however,  on  Dartmoor  circular  huts  of  a 
different  character ;  they  are  better  constructed,  and  they 
are  usually  found  in  connection  with  paddocks  or  enclosures 
often  rudely  rectangular. 

Such  a  series  of  huts  is  found  on  Shapley  Common,  at 
Cullacoombe  Head.  It  was  thought  advisable  to  explore 
this  settlement  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  it  belonged 
to   the  same  age  and  stage  of   civilization  as  the  other 



HUT      C. 

CAST    Or    ROAB 


HUT     A. 


CALt    '/»• 





EAST     OF  &OAO 

HUT      AA . 



SCALE      1/36 


OF     AA    AND    A 
£ca1e.  30  f«et-  f«  I  inch 

(|.X«M*)»Jl  W^jg. 


ied,  and  which  were  not 

rn  on  plan)  that  contains 
enclosing  wall  of  the 
£  growing,  so  to  speak, 
oining  this  is  another 
(western  on  plan.) 
una  revealed  a  somewhat 

remely  rude  description, 
utly  used  for  sharpening 

id  in  it  a  wall,  apparently 
built  across  it ;  as  the 
nches  high,  it  appeared 
a  refuge  by  shepherds ; 
iere  discovered,  together 
ith  century.  The  other 
it  character.  The  entire 
wing  to  the  disturbance 
)  modern  wall,  there  was 
inal  arrangement  within, 
the  segment  formed  by 
imes;  but  this  probably 
-man,  who  used  it  as  a 
ie  original   hearth  were 

it,  in  which  were  found 
sry,  some  flint  fragments, 

iughout,  and  the  dais  on 
larcoal  was  found  in  the 
i  could  not  be  identified. 
mar  scraper,  similar  to 
-shafts.  Adjoining  this 
s  so  thickly  covered  with 
;ments  of  pottery,  that  it 
i  as  the  kitchen  to  tbe 

hut  B,  was  found  to  be 
•A  as  a  place  for  cooking. 
ie  fragments  of  rude  red 


pottery,  and  two  small  flakes  of  flint.     G  and  H  are  small 
huts  similar  to  CC. 

Western  Enclosure. 
Hut  No.  1  is  a  fine  structure,  but  yielded  nothing  save 
charcoal,  and  near  the  hearth,  which  was  merely  the  clay 
floor  of  the  hut,  was  a  part  of  the  rim  of  an  earthenware 
vessel,  and  some  more  fragments  of  pottery ;  also  two  pieces 
of  chalk  flint,  and  two  nodules  of  greeosand  flint 

One  interesting  feature  may  be  noticed  with  regard  to  Hut 
A.  In  it,  not  exactly  in  the  centre,  was  found  a  circular 
hole  cut  in  the  calm,  8  inches  deep  and  4  inches  in  diameter, 
a  "gob"  of  charcoal  was  at  the  bottom.  Presumably  this  hole 
once  contained  the  base  of  a  central  support  for  the  roof. 
An  exactly  similar  hole,  sunk  in  the  calm,  was  observed  in 
one  of  the  huts  on  Langstone  Down. 

Hut  C,  on  the  east  side  of  the  road  had  several  peculiar 
features  in  it.  The  bed  or  dais  was  double,  that  is  to  say,  it 
occupied  two  segments  of  the  circle.  There  was  paving  on 
the  dais.  The  hearth  was  near  the  centre  of  the  hut,  but 
charcoal  was  strewn  over  the  entire  floor.  A  unique  feature 
here  was  a  small  cupboard  fashioned  in  stone,  in  the  depth 
of  the  wall  near  the  entrance.  In  this  hut  were  found  a 
polisher  and  a  fragment  of  pottery. 



Hut  D.  The  peculiarity  of  this  hut  consists  in  the 
number  of  pointed  stones  set  on  edge  in  the  calm.  These 
were  probably  bond  stones  of  a  double  bed,  as  in  C,  but 
the  platforms,  if  they  had  existed,  had  been  removed.  Here 
were  found  a  pretty  flint  scraper  and  some  fragments  of 

Hut  £.  This  hut,  as  also  C  and  D,  had  a  paved  entrance ; 
in  the  centre  was  a  great  heap  of  peat  ash.  Only  one 
planted  stone,  probably  the  curb  of  the  platform,  was  found 


The  new  features  disclosed  by  the  huts  on  Shapley 
Common  made  it  advisable  to  explore  others  of  a  similar 
character,  connected  with  enclosures,  and  the  Committee 
proceeded  to  examine  those  on  Whiten  Kidge.  Up  to  this 
point  only  two  have  been  excavated. 

Hut  I.  16  feet  in  diameter  by  14  feet,  had  a  curved 
paved  approach  to  the  entrance,  like  some  at  Grimspound 
and  one  or  two  on  Shapley  Common.  Charcoal  in  abun- 
dance covered  the  floor,  but  no  hearth  or  platform  could  be 
made  out  The  objects  found  here  were  several  fragments 
of  extremely  coarse,  badly  burnt  pottery,  a  flint  flake,  and 
two  fragments  of  another,  ten  cooking-stones,  or  parts  of 
same,  and  a  muller,  upper  stone,  having  a  surface  of  12 
inches  by  9  inches.     Height  of  the  stone  4£  inches. 

Hut  II.  Diameter  13  feet;  in  this  was  found  the  same 
sort  of  pottery  as  in  No.  I.  and  at  Shapley.  One  cooking- 
stone  and  two  portions  of  others.  Also  a  cooking-stone  that 
seemed  to  have  been  ground  down  at  the  end. 

By  the  little  stream  which  supplied  these  huts  with  water 
*ere  found  three  flint  scrapers. 

It  is  probable  that  the  huts  last  examined  belong  to  a 
somewhat  later  age  than  the  others  examined  previously ;  or 
else  that  they  were  more  permanent  habitations  than  those 
first  explored.  The  total  number  explored  consists  of  20 
*t  Grimspound,  11  at  Langstone  Moor,  20  at  Broadun  and 
Broadun  Bing,  4  at  Tavy  Cleave,  2  at  Crapps  Ring,  6  at 
Merrivale  Bridge,  11  on  Shapley  Common,  2  on  Whiten 
Ridge.  In  all  73.  Of  these  only  those  at  Shapley  and  on 
Whiten  Ridge  have  yielded  pottery. 

It  is  proposed  by  the  Committee  next  to  investigate  a 
very  fine  collection  at  Leggis  Tor,  on  the  Plym. 

H  2 


In  conclusion,  the  Committee  has  to  express  its  regret  at 
the  loss  of  one  of  its  most  zealous  and  indefatigable  members, 
the  Rev.  W.  Gordon  Gray,  who  has  left  the  counry  for 
another  sphere  of  work.  In  his  place  has  been  elected  the 
Rev.  G.  B.  Berry,  vicar  of  Emmanuel,  Compton  Gifford,  who 
yields  to  none  in  zeal  for  the  exploration  of  the  antiquities 
of  the  Moor,  and  who  is  more  intimately  acquainted  with 
the  eastern  portion  than  any  of  the  other  members  of  the 

One  fact  has  been  rendered  probable,  as  already  said,  by 
the  recent  excavations  —  that  of  the  hut  circles  some  are 
perhaps  a  little  more  recent  than  others ;  but  the  Committee 
are  unable  at  present  to  express  any  opinion  as  to  the  age 
of  the  hut  circles  in  which  pottery  occurs.  Further  investi- 
gations are  necessary,  and  these  will  be  undertaken  next 
autumn.  It  has,  therefore,  been  deemed  advisable  to  continue 
the  investigation  into  the  age  of,  or  period  during  which, 
these  hut  circles  were  erected ;  after  which  it  is  their  desire 
to  direct  their  attention  to  the  Blowing  Houses  and  early 
tin-workings  on  Dartmoor,  a  matter  as  yet  little  studied,  but 
one  of  great  interest. 

It  should  be  added  that  Mr.  Hansford  Worth  is  not  in 
agreement  with  the  views  before  expressed  regarding  the 
double  character  of  the  wall  at  Grimspound,  and  that  he 
reserves  his  opinion  upon  this  and  the  question  of  strategic 

S.  Baring-Gould. 

Robert  Burnard. 

R.  N.  Worth. 

R  Hansford  Worth. 

J.  Brooking  Rowe. 

J.  D.  Pode. 

George  B.  Berry. 


BY     R.     N.     WORTH,     F.  O.  B. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

The  object  of  this  paper  is  rather  to  state  the  data  for  the 
early  history  of  Okehampton,  than  to  trace  that  history 

Okehampton  first  finds  written  record  eight  hundred  years 
ago,  in  Domesday}  wherein  it  appears  as  Ochenemitona  in  the 
Exeter,  and  Ochementone  in  the  Exchequer  version.  Either 
of  these  agrees  far  more  closely  with  the  traditional  folk-form 
Ockington,  than  with  the  corrupt  modern  version,  common 
to  polite  society,  maps,  and  railway  stations — Okehampton. 
Precisely  the  same  change  has  taken  place  as  in  the  case  of 
Walkhampton — given  as  Walchentone  and  Wachetone  in 
Domesday,  but  Wackington  still  in  the  familiar  speech  of 
the  country-side.  And  we  find  the  same  influence  at  work 
in  the  conversion  of  Cedelintona  into  Chittlehampton. 

The  first  tendency  to  vary  in  the  modern  direction  now 
traceable  is  seen  late  in  the  thirteenth  century.  Thus  in 
Testa  de  Nevill,  circa  1270,  the  name  is  Okmeton;  in  the 
Hundred  Molls,  2  Ed.  I.  (1274)  Okhamton;  while  in  the 
Bishops'  Eegisters  we  find  it  Hochantone  in  1328, 
Hochamptone  in  1332,  Okamptone  in  1333.  Testa  de 
Nevill,  moreover,  preserves  the  old  form  in  its  version  of 
Monkokehampton — Munekeckementon. 

It  is  perfectly  clear  that  we  may  altogether  dismiss  from 
our  minds  the  "  ham  "  as  a  component  part  of  the  name  of 

1  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  on  this  paper,  the  Rev.  0.  J.  Reichel 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  Leofric's  Missal  there  occurs  among  the 
manumissions  "  freode  hnna  set  ocmund  time  on  mides  sumeres  messe  eueu." 
If  this  "ocmund  tune"  is  Okehampton,  as  seems  probable,  we  no  doubt 
get  the  name  recorded  before  the  Conquest,  for  Leofric  held  the  see  from 
1050  to  1073.  Of  course,  ocmund  may  very  well  be  a  variant  of  Okement, 
if  not  an  earlier  form  in  the  stricter  sense. 


the  borough  and  the  parish,  and  that  the  still  current 
Ockington  is  about  as  near  as  we  are  now  likely  to  get  to 
the  sound  of  the  original  It  is  clear  also  that  as  Tavistock 
is  the  "stock"  of  the  Tavy,  so  Ockington  was  once  the  "tun" 
or  enclosure  of  the  river  or  rivers  now  known  as  the  Ockment, 
or  the  East  and  West  Ockments.  But  we  find  ourselves  in 
face  of  a  somewhat  difficult  problem  when  we  try  to  ascertain 
what  the  precise  name  of  this  river  originally  was. 

If  it  had  always  been  the  Ockment,  or  at  least  if  it  had 
borne  that  name  before  the  Saxon  planted  his  "  tun "  in  the 
valleys,  then  Okehampton  is  simply  the  "tun,"  or,  as  we 
should  now  say,  the  "  town,"  of  the  Okement,  as  Tawton  is 
the  "tun"  of  the  Taw.  If,  however,  the  "ment"  is  a  corruption 
of  the  "ing,"  we  have  to  deal  with  a  duplex  question. 
"Ing"  may  be  the  Saxon  for  meadow,  in  which  case 
Ockington  would  mean  the  "tun"  of  the  meadow  of  the 
Ock — such  meadow  being  practically  identical  with  what  is 
called  in  Scotland  a  strath.  Or  it  may  represent  the  Saxon 
patronymic  particle  or  clan  affix,  signifying  descendants. 
Then  Ockington  would  be  the  settlement  of  the  family  or 
tribe  of  Ock.  This  rendering  of  "ing"  is  strenuously 
advocated  by  Mr.  Kemble  and  his  followers,  and  set  forth 
at  length  by  Canon  Isaac  Taylor  in  Wards  and  Places.  And 
that  the  syllable  frequently  has  this  meaning  no  one  can 
dispute;  but  I  think  it  must  always  be  a  matter  for  individual 
enquiry  in  each  particular  case  whether  the  patronymic  or 
the  meadow  meaning  is  to  be  chosen.  I  cannot  myself  for  a 
moment  believe,  in  the  case  of  Cockington,  for  example,  that 
we  are  to  see  in  it  the  settlement  of  a  special  family,  when 
"Coch  ing"  is  the  red  meadow,  patent  to  all  observers — just 
as  Cocks  Tor  is  the  "red  tor"  it  may  not  infrequently  be 
seen.  Besides,  if  we  accept  the  clan  idea  in  this  case,  we 
have  to  believe  that  the  common  progenitor  gave  name  to 
the  river,  unless  indeed  the  stream  had  been  regarded  as  a 
figurative  parent. 

Hence,  I  cannot  escape  from  this  conclusion — either  we 
have  Ockington,  the  settlement  in  the  lowlands  of  the  Ock 
valley ;  or  the  "  ing  "  represents  the  second  syllable  in  the 
name  of  the  river,  which  we  now  have  as  "  ment "  ;  and  we 
must  dismiss  from  our  minds  the  idea  that  in  historic  times 
the  stream  was  ever  called  simply  the  Ock  or  Oke.  This  is 
certainly  the  direction  in  which  Domesday  points. 

And  here  we  can  get  some  help  from  analogy.  There  is, 
for  example,  the  Derwent.  The  "  Der  "  =  dwr  is  one  of  the 
most  familiar  Keltic  words  for  water,  and  the  "went"  is 


commonly  accepted  as  gwent,  the  compound  meaning  the 
"clear  water."  The  Darenth,  near  London,  affords  another 
shape  of  the  same  combination,  still  further  contracted  at 
Dartford.  And  this  leads  up  to  our  own  most  forcible 
illustration — the  Dart  Here  the  dwr  is  still  preserved  in 
the  Dar,  but  the  gwent  is  only  represented  by  its  final  "  t" 
It  reappears,  however,  in  fuller  form,  if  the  Dart  and  the 
Okement  afford  a  parallel,  in  the  second  syllable  of  Darting- 
ton — Dertrin-tone  in  Domesday,  but  Derentun  when  we  first 
find  it  mentioned,  in  833.  The  process  which  changed 
Dwr-gwent-tun  into  Dartington,  and  that  which  is  suggested 
as  having  turned  Ock-gwent-tun  into  Ockington,  would  be 
absolutely  identical. 

And  here  we  cannot  afford  to  ignore  the  fact  that  the 
valley  has  two  Ockingtons — Okehampton  proper,  and  that 
which  is  now  called  i/cm&okehampton,  clearly  for  distinction. 
That  both  tuns  should  be  named  from  the  river  is  natural 
and  common,  while  any  other  suggestion  must  be  more  or 
less  forced.  The  two  forms  in  which  the  latter  name  occurs 
in  Domesday  are  ifcmoc-ochamantona  in  the  Exeter,  and 
Jtfim-uchementone  in  the  Exchequer,  which  is  quite  as  near 
as  we  could  reasonably  expect  to  get  to  the  Ochenemitona 
and  Ochementone  of  our  subject.  We  are  not  very  much 
concerned  with  the  prefix.  It  has  been  turned  into  Monk, 
and  taken  to  indicate  a  former  ecclesiastical  ownership.  As  to 
which  we  can  say  little  more  than  that  we  find  this  prefix  in 
Domesday,  when  the  manor  was  in  Baldwin  the  Sheriff's  own 
individual  occupation,  and  that  the  Saxon  owner  in  the  days 
of  the  Confessor  was  one  Vlnod.  If  any  monks  ever  held 
it,  therefore,  they  must  have  lost  it  before  that  date — a  thing 
quite  possible,  but,  as  it  seems  to  me,  extremely  improbable. 
Is  it  not,  to  say  the  least,  quite  as  likely  that  we  have  here 
simply  the  very  familiar  prefix  men  =  "  stone,"  or  its  derivative 
maenic  =  "  stony  "  ?    This,  however,  by  the  way. 

There  are  yet  other  considerations  to  take  into  account 
We  have  been  hitherto  assuming,  with  Canon  Taylor  and 
others,  that  the  original  name  of  the  river  was  the  Ock  or 
Oke,  and  a  phase  of  that  Keltic  word  for  water — uisge — 
which  we  find  in  Esk,  and  Usk,  and  Axe,  and  Exe.  It  may 
be,  but  I  confess  I  do  not  care  to  commit  myself  absolutely 
to  such  a  view.  It  may  very  well  be,  also,  that  Oxford  takes 
name  from  a  stream  called  the  Oke,  which  falls  into  the 
Thames  at  that  city ;  but  it  is  much  more  easy  to  connect 
Ox  with  uisge  than  Ock,  unless  we  are  to  fall  back  on  the 
possessive  form  Oke's-ford.     And  Oke  is  a  frequent  prefix 


•where  no  river  is  in  question.  For  example,  Okeley  or 
Ockley,  in  Bedford,  Bucks,  Hants,  Northampton,  Surrey, 
Suffolk,  Shropshire,  Wilts ;  Ockham  or  Okeham,  in  Rutland 
and  Surrey ;  Okingham  in  Berks ;  Ockenden  in  Essex ; 
Oken  in  Stafford;  Ocknell,  Hereford;  Okethorpe,  Derby; 
Hockenburie  in  Kent ;  Hochwold  in  Norfolk ;  Hockestow  in 
Shropshire ;  Hockcombe  in  Somerset ;  Haccombe  iu  Devon ; 
and,  to  go  no  further,  Oakington  in  Cambridge,  which  Canon 
Taylor  suggests  as  the  "tun "  of  the  brings. 

There  should  be  very  little  doubt  that  in  most  of  these 
cases  the  reference  is  to  the  tree.  Still,  Oke  does  occur  as  a 
river  name;  and  while  we  have  Okeford  in  Devon  and  in 
Dorset,  we  have  Ocklebrook  in  Derbyshire.  Our  own  Devon 
Hockworthy,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  tree  name,  as  Acland  is 

Other  local  prefixes  seem  phonetically  near  of  kin — the 
Ug  in  Ugborough  and  in  Ugbrook,  for  example.  The  one 
has  been  often  accepted  as  one  of  the  forms  of  uisge,  but  no 
such  hypothesis  will  fit  the  former;  and,  bearing  in  mind 
the  cavern  at  Chudleigh,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  note  that 
the  Cornu-Keltic  for  cavern  is  ogo,  thence  fogou,  in  modern 
mining  phrase  vug. 

Another  suggestion  seems  worthy  of  some  consideration* 
Uchel  is  a  common  Welsh  word  for  "high";  and  Uchelton 
would  supply  all  we  want,  if  we  could  assume  that  occurred 
at  Okeham pton  which  we  know  happened  elsewhere — at 
Molton,  for  example,  where  the  blundering  Saxon  mistook 
the  name  of  the  height  for  that  of  the  stream  which 
descended  from  it.  This  derives  some  show  of  likelihood 
from  the  fact,  as  it  seems  to  be,  that  High  Willis,  or 
Willhayes,  is  simply  another  form  of  this  uchel  (found  also 
in  Brown  Willy),  to  which  the  Saxon,  taking  it  for  a  proper 
instead  of  a  common  name,  prefixed  his  own  descriptive 
epithet.  Uchel  certainly  appears  elsewhere  in  the  district, 
at  no  very  great  distance,  as  Okel  Tor,  near  Tavistock.  Oke 
Tor  on  the  West  Okement  is  more  readily  used  as  an 
argument  in  favour  of  the  uisge  hypothesis;  and  so 
possibly  the  fact  that  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries  we  find  the  locality  now  known  as  Hook,  called 
The  Hock,  as  a  member  of  the  barony. 

Again,  the  fact  that  the  two  streams  which  unite  at 
Okehampton  town  are  called  the  East  and  West  Okements, 
and  not  by  different  names,  like  their  more  important 
tributaries,  points  to  two  conclusions.  First,  that  they  were 
so  named  by  persons  ascending  the  joiut  stream,  which  they 


first  knew  by  that  title ;  second,  that  in  all  probability  they 
once  had  other  distinctive  names,  now  lost.  Here  again  we 
have  uncertainty. 

All  things  considered,  therefore,  it  does  not  seem  a  very 
wise  procedure  to  attempt  any  ex  cathedra  deliverance  upon 
this  special  point.  That  the  real  name  of  the  town  was 
never  Okehampton,  and  that  the  current  Ockington  is 
probably  as  near  as  ever  we  are  likely  to  get  to  its  original 
phonetic  value,  should  not  indeed  a'dmit  of  controversy.  The 
modern  "ing"  is  generally  represented  in  our  local  Domesday 
by  "  en "  or  "  in."  Witness  Alvintone  for  Alphington ; 
Ermentone  for  Ermington;  Ferentone  for  Faringdon;  God- 
rintone  for  Goodrington ;  Toritone  for  Torrington — and  so  on. 
Ockington  thus  falls  strictly  within  the  rule.  This  point 
attained,  however,  we  find  before  us  an  embarrassing  choice 
of  paths ;  and,  as  it  seems  to  me,  there  is  only  one  certain 
conclusion  that  can  be  drawn — this  namely,  that  the  final 
"  tun  "  must  inevitably  be  accepted  as  an  adequate  proof  of 
the  Saxon  origin  of  the  community. 

The  Domesday  record  touching  Okehampton  runs  as 
follows : 

"  Baldwin,  the  sheriff,  has  a  manor  called  Ochenemitona,  which 
Offers  [or  Osfers]  held  on  the  day  on  which  King  Edward  was 
alive  and  dead,  and  it  rendered  geld  for  three  virgates  and  one 
ferling.  Thirty  ploughs  can  plough  this.  Of  them  Baldwin  has 
one  virgate  and  one  ferling  aud  four  ploughs  in  demesne,  and  the 
villeins  two  virgates  and  twenty  plough?.  There  Baldwin  has 
thirty-one  villeins,  and  eleven  bordars,  and  eighteen  serfs,  and  six 
swineherds,  and  one  packhorse,  and  fifty-two  head  of  cattle,  and 
eighty  sheep,  and  one  mill  which  renders  six  shillings  and  eight- 
pence  a  year,  and  three  leugas  of  wood  in  length,  and  one  in 
breadth,  and  five  acres  of  meadow,  and  of  pasture  one  leuga  in 
length,  and  a  half  in  breadth.  And  in  this  land  stands  the  castle 
of  Ochenemitona.  There  Baldwin  has  four  burgesses  and  a 
market  which  return  four  shillings  a  year.  This  manor  is  worth, 
with  its  appurtenances,  ten  pounds,  and  it  was  worth  eight  pounds 
when  Baldwin  received  it1' 

In  the  Exchequer  Book  the  name  is  Ochementone;  the 
number  of  villeins  is  given  as  twenty-one,  instead  of  thirty- 
one;  and  the  description  leads  off  with  the  words  "And 
there  stands  a  castle." 

Offers,  whose  name  also  occurs  as  Osfernus,  Osferdus,  and 
Osfers,  had  held  under  Edward  the  manors  of  Belestham 
(Belstone),    Chenlie    (Kelly),    Limet    (in    North    Tawton), 


Filelia  (Filleigh),  Prenla  (Prewley),  Taintona  (Drewsteignton), 
Spreitone  (Spreyton),  and  Witewei  (in  Kingsteignton) ;  all  of 
which  passed  to  Baldwin.  And  either  he  or  another  of  the 
same  name  had  held  also  William  of  Pollei's  manor  of  Legh, 
or  North  Leigh. 

The  acreage  of  Baldwin's  manor  totals  up  to  4025,  while 
the  present  area  of  the  parish  is  9552.  It  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  however,  that  the  parish  contains  a  large  area  of  waste, 
which  would  find  no  place  in  the  Domesday  assessment,  and 
certainly  two,  probably  three,  other  manors  —  Meldon, 
Alfordon,  and  Cheesacot.  But  Baldwin's  manor  was  by  far 
the  largest  and  most  valuable,  including  the  town,  castle,  and 

There  is  one  very  significant  detail  in  the  Domesday  entry. 
The  manor  was  worth  £8  a  year  in  Offers's  time,  and  had 
risen  to  be  worth  £10  a  year  in  Baldwjp's ;  but  it  is  only 
assessed  at  three  virgates  and  a  ferling,  or,  in  other  words,  at 
three  ferlings  less  than  a  hide.  And  as  the  Saxon  hide,  as 
an  actual  land  area,  was  practically  the  same  as  the  Norman 
carucate — a  plough  land — it  follows  that  since  the  date  of 
the  imposition  of  the  Danegeld,  the  arable  land  of  the  manor 
must  have  increased  between  thirty  and  forty  fold.  For  the 
hidage  was  originally  imposed  on  the  whole  area  actually 
cultivated,  though  the  hide  soon  drifted  into  a  fiscal  unit, 
having  no  closer  connection  with  actual  land  values  than  the 
land-tax  of  the  present  day. 

Okehampton,  then,  it  is  perfectly  evident,  was  a  flourish- 
ing community  long  before  Baldwin  the  Sheriff  saw  how 
admirably  it  was  situated,  from  its  central  position,  and  its 
capabilities  of  defence,  for  the  seat  of  his  shrievalty,  and  the 
head  of  his  barony. 

Domesday  contains  a  full  list  of  the  manors  held  by 
Baldwin,  but  does  not  set  them  forth  in  their  relations  as 
parts  of  his  great  barony — members  of  the  Honour  of 
Okehampton.  There  is,  however,  an  early  record,  already 
cited,  called  the  Testa  de  Ncvill  (temp.  Henry  III.-Edward  I., 
circa  1270),  which  is  primarily  a  register  of  the  various 
knights'  fees  in  the  kingdom,  and  I  have  thought  it  well  to 
take  out  the  list  of  the  members  of  the  barony  of  Oke- 
hampton, held  at  that  date  by  John  of  Courtenay,  with  the 
names  of  their  holders,  and  the  statement  of  their  services 
in  fees,  or  portions  of  fees.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  there 
are  considerable  variations  in  this  record  from  the  list  in 
Domesday.  True,  the  number  of  estates  or  manors  separately 



mentioned  (including  repetitions,  which  cannot  always  be 
distinguished  from  different  places  of  like  name)  is  about 
the  same — 183  in  one  case,  and  182  in  the  other.  But  only 
some  two-thirds  of  the  holdings  in  the  later  list  can  be 
distinctly  connected  with  those  in  the  earlier.  Quite  half  of 
the  remainder  did  not  belong  to  Baldwin  when  Domesday 
was  compiled;  and  though  the  bulk  of  the  remnant  probably 
represent  divisions  and  changes  of  name  rather  than  of 
ownership,  the  variations  are  greater  than  might  have  been 
anticipated.  The  list  is  taken  from  the  official  published 
copy,  but  it  is  manifest  that  this  is  inaccurate  in  some 
details  of  nomenclatural  orthography. 

A  point  to  which  incidental  reference  may  be  made  is  the 
evidence  afforded  by  the  list  of  the  growth  of  territorial 
surnames.  This  is  seen  most  clearly  when  we  regard  the 
"  de  "  as  it  was  treated  in  those  days,  as  the  simple  equivalent 
for  "of,"  instead  of  the  distinct  nomenclatural  entity  of 
modern  aristocratic  ideas. 

Fboda  de  Okemeton  Joh'is  de  Curtenay. 

}  { 

Roger  Cole  holds  in 

Thomas  of  Cbenne 
William  of  Wray 
John  of  Begin 
John,  son  of  Roger, 
and  Joel  of  Bosco 
Heirs  of  Richard  the  Espet 

Alan  of  Hallesworth 
William  of  Punchardun 
John  Burnel  and 

Simon  Lamprye 
Walter  of  Nimet 

Elienor  of  Hause 
Robert  of  Greneslade 
Hugo  of  Niwelaunde 
Adam  of  Risford 

Richard  of  Chedeledune 
William  of  Hospital 

Robert  of  Stoddune 
Galiena  of  Bonevileston 
Henry  of  Corelaunde 


La  Legh  ) 

Pertricheswall  J 
Wemmeworth  and 

Waleston,  La  Thome 

half  a  fee. 
fourth  of  a  fee. 
fourth       „ 
half  a  fee. 

fourth  of  a  fee. 

two  fees. 

three  parts  of  a 
fourth  of  a  fee. 
one  fee. 

Nimet  Still  an  deslegh,  fee  with  member 

and  in  Bere 

Hause  half  a  fee. 

Greneslade  third  of  a  fee. 

Niwelaunde  sixth       „ 
Braddemmet,Apeldure,one  fee. 

and  Miweton 

Chedeledune  tenth  of  a  fee. 

Le  Hospital,  and  in  third 


Cadebirie  fifth 

Bonevileston  eighth 

Corelaunde  eighth 








Roger  Fromtmd  and  ) 
Robert  of  Denlegh    J 
Hugo  of  Baylekeworth 
Robert  of  the  Eetane 
Roger  Cole 
Nicholas  Avenel 
Henry  of  Yerde 
Ralph  of  Esse 
Robert  of  Sideham 
Jordon,  son  of  Rogon 
Philip  of  Beaumont  (Bello 

Heirs  of  Richard  Beaupel 
William  of  Ptinchardon 

Abbot  of  Dunkevill 

Roger,  son  of  Simon 
Heirs   Oliver  of   Champer- 
nowne  (Campo  Emu  1  phi) 
Walter  the  Lou 
Nicholas  of  Filelgh 
Robert  of  Hokesham 
Nicholas  of  Avenel 
Philip  of  Beaumont 
William  of  Punchardon 
Ralph  of  Esse 
Roger  the  Monk  (Moyne) 
Vincent  of  Loliwill 
Heirs  William  of  Aubernun 
John  of  Molis 

Richard  Cadyo 

Heirs  Baldwin  of  Belestane 
Richard,  son  of  Ralph,  and  ) 

Shitelesbere  and  ) 

Worthi  J 








Wodeburn,  Westapse 


four  parts  of  a 

half  fee. 
sixth  of  a  fee. 
eighth    „ 
tenth      „ 
one  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
third  of  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
one  fee. 
one  fee. 

Geoffrey  of  Radeweye 

Drogo  of  Teynton 

Adam  of  Risford 

William  of  Legh,  \ 

Walter  of  Mumlaunde,  I 
&  Adam  &  Margery  j 
of  Hunichurche        J 

Richard  of  Langeford 

William  of  Kelly 

Peter  Corby n 

Heirs  Elie  Coffin 

GeofTry  Coffin 


Westesford  half  a  fee. 

Hyaunton&Hakynton,  three  fees. 

with  Blakewille 
Lincumb,  Worcumb,  two  fees. 

and  Middelm'wode 
Worcumb  fifth  of  a  fee. 

Alfrincumb  one  fee. 

Kentesbir  one  fee. 

Filelgh  half  a  fee. 

Well  [West]  Boclaunde  one  fee. 
Snyddelg*  half  a  fee. 

Shirevill  one  &  a  half  fees. 

Charnes  one  fee. 

Anestye  half  a  fee. 

Frodetone  &  Westecot  half  „ 
Niweton  and  Weston  half  „ 
Bradeford  eighth  of  a  fee. 

Lethebrok,  Durneford,  two  &  a  half  fees. 
Yekesburn,  Hyaunton 
Lewidecot1,  Cockescumb,  one  fee. 
Westcot,  &  Rokewrth 
Harpeford  and  ) 
Radeweye         J 

half  a  fee. 




twentieth  of  a  fee. 
third  of  a  fee. 

one  fee. 

Munekeckementon      half  a  fee. 
Brawode  third  of  a  fee. 

Cor  bines  ton  sixth      „     [fee. 

Ward  legh  &  Westecot  one  &  a  quarter 
Cakob'  and  C'ffte         half  a  fee. 


Philip  Perer  Gorehiwisse  half  a  fee. 

Heirs  Peter  of  Syrefuntayne  Maddeford  fourth  of  a  fee. 

Richard  Passem'  Well  [West]  Polewrth tenth     „ 

Lucy  of  Buredune  Buredune  tenth     „ 

Philip  of  Beaumont  Lancarse  fourth    ,, 

Heirs  Baldwin  of  Belestane  Parkeham  two  fees. 

William  the  Cornu  Hunshane  half  a  fee. 

Ralph  of  Estaneston  Puderigh  one  fee. 

Roger  Giffard  La  Meye  one  fee. 

Ralph  of  Wulledane  Wulledane  half  a  fee. 

Heirs  William  of  Aubernan  Stockelg'  half    ,, 

John  of  Satchvill  (Sicca Villa)  Yauntone  half    ,, 

William  and  Alexander  Tany  Com  ton  eighth  of  a  fee. 

Robert  of  Shete  Cumbe  half  a  fee. 

John  of  Tl  SmalecumbeandinT'l  half    ,, 

Henry  of  the  Forde  La  Forde  eighth  of  a  fee. 

Roger  the  Ver  and     1  0  . .  ,  .     -   . 

Stephen  of  Uffeville  )  Suttecumbe  sevenpartaofafee. 

William  of  Colevill  Colevill  one  fee. 

Roger  the  Ver  and  \  Tjffevill  '  one  fee 

Stephen  of  Uffevill  J  UDevl11  one  lee* 

Herbert  of  Pryun  Braunford  one  fee. 

Heirs  Alexander  of  Tanton  RoUandeston  tixth  of  a  fee. 

John  of  Nevill  Dunesford  half  a  fee. 

Ralph  of  Bo8co  Matf  ord  eighth  of  a  fee. 

Heirs  of  Richard  Cadyly  Racumbe  one  fee. 

Warin,  son  of  Joel  Medenecumbe  half  a  fee.8 

Peter  of  the  Pole  Medenecumbe  half    ,, 

Richard  of  Teyng  Teyng  half    ,, 

Stephen  of  Haccumbe  Ridmore  and  Clifford  two  parts  of  a  fee. 

Heirs  Ingram  of  Aubernan  Teyngton  three  parts  of 

half  a  fee. 

William  of  Risford  Risford  three  parts  of  fee. 

Philip  Talebot  Spreiton  cum  memb'  one  fee. 

Same  Philip  Huttenealegh'  half  a  fee. 

William  of  Kelly  Eggebere,  Buledune  one  fee. 

Heire  Nicholas  of  Fuleford  Fuleford  half  a  fee. 

Heirs  of  Melehiwiss  Melehiwiss  one  fee. 

Thomas  of  Tetteburn  Tetteburn  fee  and  quarter. 

Heirs  Richard  Cadiho  Wallerige  half  a  fee. 

Henry  Guraunt  In  same  half    ,, 

Reynold  of  Holleham  Calchurch  fourth  of  a  fee. 

Ralph  of  Albemarle  (Alba  Westecot  and  Haghe  one  fee. 


Richard  of  Langeford  Wyk  half  a  fee. 

*  de  antiquo  s3  nunc  nullum  facit  militare. 



Hamel  of  Dyandune, 
Walter  of  Bathon,  and 
Richard  the  Bret 
Henry  Gubant 
Robert  of  Meledune 
Geoffry  of  Hok 
Elias  of  Tempol 
Muriel  of  Bolley 
Roger  of  Telegh 
William  of  Kelly 
William  Trenchard 

William  of  Arundel 
Roger  Giffard 
Roger  of  Hele 

BrattoD,  Cumbe,  and 

La  Hok 
Kelly  and  Medvill 
Lew  (Lim)  and 


Payhaumbiry,  Seghlak  half  a  fee. 
Hele  one  fee. 

one  fee. 

half  a  fee. 
sixth  of  a  fee. 
sixth      „ 
half  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
one  fee. 
one  fee. 
three  parts  of  a 

fourth  of  a  fee. 

Henry,  son  of  Henry,  and\  Kentelesbere,  Pauntesford,  three  fees. 

Heirs  Hugo  of  Bolley 
Richard  of  Langeford 
Oliva  of  Seghlak 
William  of  Chivethorne 
Alice  of  Ros 

/  Kyngesford,  Catteshegh' 
Langeford  half  a  fee. 




•Hugo  of  Bonvill  (Bynnevill)  Hackewrth 

Jordan,  son  of  Rogon 
Richard  of  Hidune 
Herbert  of  Pynn 
Jordan,  son  of  Rogon 
Abbot  of  DunkevOl 
Richard  of  Hidune 
Wydo  of  Briaune 
Henry  of  Sparkevill 
John,  son  of  Richard 
Stephen  of  Haccumb 
Abbot  of  Torr 






Clill  [Clistri 

Torre  and  Weston 






Parva  Maneton 


Richard  Gimenet' 

Heirs  Hugo  of  Langedene 

Robert  of  Hylam 

Reginald  Bernehus  and     \   Asmundeswrth 

William  of  Sttokeswurth  J 

Sameric  of  Sarmunvill 

Ruard,  son  of  Alan 

tenth  of  a  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
two  parts  of  a  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
sixth  of  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
third  of  a  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
third  of  a  fee. 

one  fee. 
fourth  of  a  fee. 
sixth      „ 
half  a  fee. 

Parva  Ernescumbe      one  fee. 

Roger  of  Fulle  Pulle  [Prawle] 

Heirs  William  of  Bikebiry  Engeleburne 

Girard  of  Spine  to  Teyng 

Robert  of  Hylum  Shaplegh 

Herbert  of  Cumb  Judaneston 

Hugo  Peverel  Mammehavede 

Doddebrok  and  PoM  half  a  fee  and 
lemue  and  Lamsede/     third  of  a  fee. 

four  parts  of  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
half  a  fee. 
one  fee. 
sixth  of  a  fee. 
one  fee. 

1  Formerly  one  fee,  now  in  pare  alms. 


Thomas  and  Reginald  del  Holecumbe  and  }       half  a  fee. 

Uppecott  and  Son  of)-  Uppecot 

Geoffery  of  the  Hak    J 

Osborn  the  Bat  Teigemue  sixth  of  a  fee. 

Unfrey  of  the  Shete  La  Shete  fourth    „ 

Roger  the  Poer  Yetematon  eighth   ,, 

William  Heriztm  Daledich  half  a  fee. 

John  Tebaut  Rakebere  half    ,, 

Heirs  Baldwin  of  Balestane  Rakebere  &  Dodetofi  one  fee. 

John  of  Cartenay  Ailesbere  half  in  demesne. 

The  older  general  records  of  the  nation  supply  very  scant 
material  to  the  early  history  of  Okehampton.  Rymer  and 
his  Foedera  are  practically  silent.  The  Taxation  of  Pope 
Nicholas  gives  the  value  of  the  church  of  Hocamton  at 
£10  13s.  4d.  annually,  and  of  the  vicarage  at  £1  6s.  8d. 
This  was  of  course  in  1291 ;  and  much  about  the  same  date 
we  find  Hugh  of  Courtenay  showing,  in  reply  to  a  quo 
tvarranto,  that  he  and  all  his  ancestors  had  held  the  barony 
"  from  a  time  when  memory  of  man  ran  not  to  the  contrary  " 
— rather  a  big  phrase  for  little  more  than  two  hundred  years 
— with  its  various  liberties,  including  assize  of  bread  and 
beer,  rights  of  gallows,  tumbrel,  pillory,  market,  pleas  of 
blood,  and  free  warren. 

The  only  place  in  short  where  we  do  glean  any  detailed 
information  is  in  the  Hundred  Bolls  of  2  Edward  I.  (1274), 
where  we  have  the  finding  of  the  following  jury  for  Oke- 
hampton :  John  son  of  Dean  (fil  Decani),  Richard  Osmund, 
Michael  of  the  Gate  (de  Porta),  Martin  Smith  (Faber),  Walter 
Halpeni,  Walter  Taylfer,  Geoffrey  Osmund,  Richard  the 
Hare,  Geoffrey  of  the  Mill  (de  Molend),  Randolph  Globbe, 
Richard  son  of  Smith  (fil  Faber),  and  John  Painter  (Pictor). 

These  declare  on  their  oath,  on  behalf  of  the  "  Burgh  of 
Ochamton,"  that  the  manor  of  Lydford,  with  the  castle  and 
the  forest  of  Dertemore,  pertained  to  the  Crown  until  King 
Henry,  father  of  King  Edward  that  then  was,  gave  them  to 
his  brother  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  how,  or  by  what 
warrant,  they  knew  not.  Moreover,  the  lords  of  the  manor 
of  Lifton,  whosoever  they  were,  held  the  "foreign"  (Jorinsecum) 
of  the  hundred  of  Lifton  (that  is  those  parts  of  the  hundred 
lying  outside  the  manor),  and  had  the  return  of  writs  of  the 
Sheriff  of  Devon  and  the  Crown,  with  the  right  to  hold  pleas 
of  court,  and  to  have  two  separate  judges  (coronatores  seperales), 
one  in  the  hundred  "foreign"  of  Lifton,  and  one  in  the 
manor  of  Lideford. 


I  give  the  deliverances  of  the  jury  with  regard  to  Oke- 
hampton  in  fuller  form. 

"They  eay  also  that  Hugh  of  Curtenay  held  the  manor  of 
Okhamton  with  its  purtenances  of  the  king  in  chief,  that  his 
ancestors  had  held  the  same  from  the  time  of  the  Conquest  in 
baronage,  and  that  the  manor  of  Okhamton  was  the  head  of  all 
the  barony  of  the  aforesaid  Hugh. 

"  They  say  that  the  aforesaid  Hugh  holds  of  the  lord  king  in 
chief  ninety-two  fees  by  the  service  of  two  (duorum)  knights 
(milites)  in  the  army  for  forty  days. 

"  Which  and  what  fees  he  now  holds,  and  by  whom  tbey  are 
held,  and  for  what  time,  save  those  in  the  manor  of  Okhamton, 
they  know  not. 

"  They  say  that  Robert  of  Meledon  holds  of  the  Lord  Hugh  the 
fourth  part  of  a  fee,  and  for  what  time,  and  by  what  homage  and 
service  they  know  not. 

"  They  say  that  William,  son  of  Ralph,  holds  a  fourth  part  of  & 
fee,  as  the  aforesaid  Robert. 

"  They  say  that  John  of  Uppecot  holds  the  eighth  part  of  a  fee 
in  manner  aforesaid. 

"  They  say  that  Nicholas  of  Hok  holds  the  tenth  part  of  a  fee 

"  Of  others  they  know  nothing. 

"  They  say  that  Hugh  of  Curtenay  and  his  ancestors  have  and 
had  royal  liberties  (Ubertates  regias)  as  gallows,  assize  of  bread 
and  beer,  and  a  free  chace  in  the  manor  of  Lideford  as  far  as  to 
the  bounds  of  the  forest  of  Dertemore,  with  a  free  warren,  from 
the  time  of  the  Conquest. 

"They  say  that  John  of  Wyk,  clerk,  and  .Reginald  Botrigan, 
sometime  bailiffs  of  the  hundred  of  Lifton,  had,  by  the  hand  of 
the  aforesaid  Reginald,  levied  and  received  to  the  use  of  the  lord 
king  {opus  dni  Reg.)  of  the  burgh  of  Okhamton  8*  5d  of  the 
tenth  which  hitherto  had  been  in  gross  with  the  hundred  of 
Lifton  (adhuc  veniunt  in  sumonicione  in  grosso  cum  hundredo  de 

S&SuJlL  2Q  'zfrLi}/      "  ^na^y  *ney  ^y  ^h**  J°hn  of  Curteney,  who  held  the  manor 
"""y     \     akc^  an(j  baro^  ^ied  on  the  Sunday  next  before  the  Invention  of  the 

J/Hfty  'fi\H        Holy  Cross,  in  the  second  year  of   King  Edward,  and  that  the 
/        *  burgh  was  thence  for  two  months  in  the  hands  of  the  lord  king, 

nothing  being  thence  received.'7 

Let  us  now  see  what  we  can  glean  from  the  evidence  of 
Okehampton's  oldest  antiquity,  the  earthwork  on  the  hill 
above  the  East  Okement,  which  we  have  been  told  to  regard 
as  a  "  camp,"  and  in  which  Mr.  Fothergill  and  his  followers 
have  seen  the  result  of  successive  operations  of  Kelts,  Danes, 
and  Romans. 


In  the  first  place  let  me  say  that  there  is  not  the  slightest 
indication  of  the  Eomans  in  or  near  Okehampton — that  the 
so-called  "  Eoman  road "  so  plainly  marked  on  the  map 
traversing  the  Park  is  a  mere  figment  of  exuberant  anti- 
quarian fancy;  and  that  it  is  most  difficult  to  understand 
how  anyone  can  have  imagined  the  lower  of  the  earthworks 
could  ever  have  formed  part  of  a  Roman  "camp,"  or,  indeed, 
that  they  ever  were  a  "  camp  "  at  all.  The  sole  foundation 
for  the  hypothesis  was  clearly  the  fact  of  their  rectangular 
plan,  and  dates  back  only  to  the  time  when  all  square  earth- 
works were  as  certainly  dubbed  Roman  as  all  round  ones 

Surely  the  slightest  reflection  ought  to  have  shown  that 
earthen  banks  so  placed,  approaching  the  lower  slope  of  a 
hill,  whatever  else  they  may  have  been,  could  have  had  no 
primarily  defensive  purpose.  We  cannot  imagine  any  fighting 
people  so  utterly  wanting  in  military  foresight,  as  either  to 
have  placed  a  "  camp  "  in  such  a  position  while  the  crest  of 
the  hill  was  open  to  their  occupation,  or  when  that  crest 
was  occupied  by  the  defenced  post  of  an  enemy.  Either 
alternative  is  absurd.  It  is  far  more  probable  that  these 
banks  had  a  much  later  and  utilitarian  origin,  akin  to  that 
of  the  more  modern  hedges  with  which  they  are  now  con- 
nected; and,  if  anything  like  the  age  of  the  higher  earthwork, 
they  would  probably  date  from  a  time  when  the  absolute 
ne$d  of  defence  had  so  far  passed  away,  that  it  was  fairly 
safe  to  store  the  sheep  and  cattle  in  an  enclosure  away  from, 
while  overlooked  by,  the  stronghold,  as  a  matter  of  greater 
convenience  than  within  the  fortified  enclosure  itself.  A 
Roman  camp,  had  there  been  one  in  the  neighbourhood, 
would  have  been  planted  on  the  plateau,  probably  not  far 
off  the  site  of  the  present  artillery  quarters.  We  may  dismiss 
the  Romans,  with  the  fancied  pretorium  and  speculum,  (on 
the  lowest  point,  too !)  from  our  purview  altogether. 

The  earthwork  on  the  crest  is  quite  another  matter.  It  is 
the  remnant  of  a  hill  fort  of  considerable  strength,  on  a  site 
admirably  chosen  for  defence,  and  may  unhesitatingly  be 
given  a  British  or  Keltic  origin.  It  consists  of  the  tongue 
of  the  headland  bounded  on  two  sides  by  the  precipitous 
ravines  of  the  Moor  Brook  and  the  East  Okement,  cut  off 
from  the  main  hill  by  a  strong  earthen  vallum  and  fosse. 
This  is  precisely  the  method  of  defence  which  we  find  in  the 
so-called  cliff  castles  of  Cornwall,  and  which  Caesar  describes 
as  the  defensive  custom  of  the  Venetii.  Exactly  the  same 
thing  was  done  by  the  Kelts  at  Lydford,  but  on  a  larger 



scale,  as  is  still  plainly  visible.  Only  in  the  case  of  Lydford 
the  site  was  adopted  by  the  Saxon,  and  in  turn  by  the 
Norman,  and  has  come  down  to  our  days  a  place  of  habitation. 
This  hill  fort,  without  reasonable  doubt,  was  the  original 
of  what  we  now  call  Okehampton — a  fact  of  which  Mr. 
Fothergill  indeed  seems  to  have  had  a  glimpse.  And  it 
never  had  anything  to  do  with  the  Danes.  Their  only 
recorded  local  raid  stopped  at  Lydford ;  and  it  is  abundantly 
evident  that  the  name  of  the  "  Dane's  battery  "  is  traceable 
to  the  familiar  linguistic  blunder  that  led  the  common 
people  and  older  antiquaries  alike  to  see  Dane's  castles  in 
each  "  Castle-an-dinas,"  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  dinas  was 
simply  the  Keltic  for  a  fortalice  or  stronghold  on  a  height, 
of  which  castle  was  merely  a  reduplication.  A  part  of  the 
Keltic  name  of  this  earthwork  must  have  been  "  dinas  " ;  and 
as  there  were  no  others  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  it  may 
very  well  have  been  known  as  "  the  Dinas." 

The  position,  as  I  have  said,  is  one  of  great  strength. 
Better  defences  could  hardly  have  been  wished  for  south  and 
east  than  the  precipitous  sides  of  the  converging  ravines, 
connected  as  these  natural  escarpments  were  by  an  earthen 
mound,  which  must  have  been  originally  at  least  twenty 
feet  high  on  the  exterior,  from  the  bottom  of  the  ditch 
whence  the  greater  part  of  the  materials  were  dug.  The 
present  highest  point  is  about  fifteen  feet  on  the  exterior, 
and  portions  of  the  ditch  are  still  at  least  five  feet  deep. 
What  appears  at  first  sight  to  be  the  entrance  is  not  so,  but 
a  spot  where  a  part  of  the  vallum  has  been  thrown  into  the 
ditch  to  make  a  readier  access  to  the  pasture  area  within. 
The  original  entrance  was  at  the  south-west  corner,  in  the 
narrow  angle  between  the  vallum  and  the  ravine  of  the 
Moor  Brook;  and,  ruined  as  it  is,  still  indicates  somewhat 
of  its  defensive  character,  the  natural  dangers  of  the  point 
of  access  to  an  attacking  party  rendering  further  outworks 

Mr.  Fothergill  and  others  speak  of  the  presence  of  traces 
of  walls  within  the  area.  But  this  is  pure  error,  and  one 
into  which  they  have  evidently  been  led  by  the  broken 
jointing  of  the  outcrop  of  the  natural  rock,  the  ground  being 
traversed  by  bands  of  greenstone.  Man  is  responsible  for 
the  earthern  bank,  but  for  nothing  more. 

Whether  the  Saxon  followed  the  Kelt  in  the  occupation 
of  the  fortalice  we  cannot  say.  Probably  not,  for  the  name 
of  Halstock  shows  that  a  Saxon  "strength,"  defended  by 
stockades,  was  planted  on  the  other  side  of  the  Moor  Brook 


valley — Halstock  meaning  simply  the  "  stock "  or  "stoke"  on 
the  moor.  It  is  as  plain  now  as  it  was  eleven  or  twelve 
centuries  since,  that  this  site,  while  easily  defensible,  was 
better  adapted  for  tillage ;  and  we  may  very  fairly  assume 
that  it  was  the  cultivated  land  about  Halstock  which  we 
find  represented  in  the  Danegeld  assessment  of  three  virgates 
and  a  ferling  (or  less  than  a  hundred  acres) ;  and  that  the 
chief  cause  of  the  later  prosperity  of  the  manor  was  the 
shifting  of  the  settlement  to  the  meadows  in  the  fork  of  the 
Okements,  and  the  foundation  of  Okington  or  Ockmenton, 
when  the  special  need  for  defence  had  so  far  passed  away 
that  the  more  peaceful  enclosure  of  the  "  tun  "  might  safely 
replace  the  more  warlike  "  stock  " — Halstock,  however,  being 
in  all  likelihood  still  retained  as  a  place  of  special  retreat 
and  shelter. 

At  the  same  time  the  matter  of  defence  was  not  overlooked 
in  the  choice  of  the  new  site.  Placed,  as  the  new  tun  was, 
in  the  fork  of  the  two  rivers,  two  sides  of  the  triangle  were 
very  fairly  defended  by  these  natural  moats  ;  while  the 
enclosure  of  the  infant  burgh  must  have  been  completed  by 
a  bank  cutting  off  the  triangular  area  which  formed  the 
germ  of  the  infant  community.  It  is  not  very  difficult,  from 
a  consideration  of  the  plan  of  the  present  town,  to  form 
some  idea  of  its  original  In  the  first  place,  it  would  not 
have  extended  beyond  the  limits  of  the  two  Okements.  In 
the  second,  the  wide  road  now  called  Fore  Street  must  be  the 
direct  successor  of  the  open  space  in  which  the  markets  were 
held,  and  the  various  outdoor  gatherings  of  the  good  people 
of  the  ville  took  place.  In  the  third,  the  long  tenemental 
strips,  into  which  the  apex  of  the  triangle  north  of  Fore 
Street  is  divided,  with  their  respective  dwellings,  must  more 
or  less  closely  represent  a  number  of  the  original  burgage 
heldings.  In  the  fourth  it  seems  a  fair  inference  that  the 
limit  of  the  "  tun  "  southward  may  be  regarded  as  substan- 
tially marked  by  a  line  following  the  present  lane  from  the 
ford  at  the  gas  works  on  the  East  Okement,  and  so  more  or 
less  directly  to  the  West — just  where  the  dip  of  the  ridge 
ends  —  possibly  fairly  along  existing  property  boundaries. 
However  much  it  may  have  been  the  custom  in  later  days 
to  build  houses  on  or  against  town  walls,  in  these  primitive 
strongholds  it  was  of  more  importance  to  keep  up  the  most 
direct  means  of  communication  along  the  internal  cincture. 
But  this,  of  course,  is  more  or  less  speculative.  The  gate 
would  be  somewhere  on  the  south  (it  was  many  a  long  year, 

certainly  not  until  Norman  times,  ere  Fore  Street  became  the 

I  2 


thoroughfare  between  East  and  West),  and  in  all  probability 
near  the  point  where  the  roads  now  intersect. 

The  comparatively  small  increase  of  value — £2 — in  the 
twenty  years  or  so  between  the  reception  of  the  manor  by 
Baldwin  and  the  Survey  shows  that  it  owed  little  of  its 
prosperity  to  him.  He  was  probably  far  more  concerned  in 
building  his  castle,  and  the  fortunes  of  the  burgh  would  be 
quite  subsidiary,  and  with  the  building  of  the  castle  the 
special  need  for  burghal  defences  would  pass  away. 

When  did  the  original  "tun"  become  a  "burgh."  Certainly 
before  Domesday  was  compiled;  for  we  find  it  stated  that 
Baldwin  had  four  burgesses  there  and  a  market  returning 
four  shillings  a  year. 

And  the  coupling  of  the  burgesses  with  the  market,  and  the 
correspondence  of  four  shillings  with  four  burgesses,  point 
pretty  plainly  to  the  conclusion  that  burghal  character  and 
market  powers  went  together,  and  that  the  distinguishing 
franchise  of  these  four  burgesses  was  the  farming  of  the 
market.  As  the  castle  was  founded  by  Baldwin,  so  no  doubt 
was  the  market,  alike  for  the  convenience  of  his  household, 
and  for  his  own  personal  profit.  The  mill,  it  will  be  seen, 
was  worth  considerably  more  than  the  market — 6s.  8d.  a  year. 

There  is  good  evidence  in  the  record  of  two  charters — one 
granted  by  Kobert  Courtenay  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  the  other  by  Hugh  Courtenay  in 
1291.  The  originals  of  these  charters  are  not  known  to 
exist,  which  is  the  more  unfortunate,  since  the  printed 
translation  of  the  first  is  clearly  inaccurate  in  sundry  points, 
and  the  copies  of  both  are  said  to  present  sundry  variations. 
The  Turberville  charter  of  South  Molton  still  holds  the  first 
place  with  us  in  point  of  original  antiquity. 

One  of  the  most  important  points  in  Robert's  charter,  for 
which  he  was  paid  ten  marks,  is  the  statement  that  the 
liberties  and  free  customs  thereby  conferred  dated  from  the 
time  of  Eichard,  son  of  Baldwin  the  Sheriff,  which  infers 
the  existence  of  a  special  grant  by  him.  It  seems  also  as  if 
a  yearly  payment  of  twelve  pence  by  each  burgage  as  the 
condition  of  the  enjoyment  of  these  franchises  dated  from 
the  same  period.  By  Robert's  charter  the  burgesses  were 
empowered  to  elect  a  "Prepositum  et  Praeconem,"  which 
Richard  Shebbeare's  copy  renders  a  "  portreeve  and  beadle." 
The  portreeve  is  clear  enough ;  he  is  simply  the  continuation 
of  the  old  Saxon  headman  or  reeve  of  the  township.  But 
why  praeconem  should  be  rendered  beadle,  when,  as  Du  Cange 


will  show,  the  name  may  be  applied  to  all  sorts  of  municipal 
officials,  from  a  mayor  to  an  apparitor,  or  serjeant,  or  crier,  it 
is  not  quite  easy  to  see,  especially  as  the  only  duty  assigned 
to  him  is  to  pay  6d.  in  order  to  be  quit  of  tallage,  while  the 
portreeve,  one  of  whose  duties  it  was  to  gather  the  market 
toll  in  the  town,  was  not  only  free  of  tallage,  but  had  a  shilling 
of  the  toll  by  way  of  salary.  If  we  assume  that  the  praeconem 
was  the  assistant  and  officer  of  the  portreeve  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duties  we  shall  not,  I  suspect,  be  very  wide  of  the 

The  fine  set  forth  for  offences  against  the  lord  is  twelve- 
pence,  to  be  increased  for  repeated  trespass. 

Timber  was  granted  from  the  wood  of  Okehampton  to 
build  houses  on  new  burgages ;  and  men  could  become  free 
of  the  burgh  in  three  years,  paying  fourpence  each  to  the 
lord  and  the  burgh  the  first  year,  fourpence  to  the  lord  the 
second,  and  the  third  year  taking  up  a  burgage.  Burgesses 
were  free  to  sell  their  burgages  (except  to  houses  of  religion, 
which  would  deprive  the  lord  of  his  rights)  on  paying  their 
debts,  twelvepence  to  the  lord,  and  fourpence  each  to  the 
burgh  and  portreeve.  Moreover,  they  could  leave  them  to 
their  heirs,  could  marry  (also  their  children)  as  they  would ; 
and  could  have  a  sow  and  four  pigs  without  pannage  in 
Okehampton  wood.  The  market  regulations  were  severe, 
and  the  tolls  somewhat  high,  save  for  ware  under  fourpenee, 
which  went'  free — the  toll  for  a  horse  being  a  penny,  for  an 
ox  a  halfpenny,  and  for  five  sheep  or  five  hogs  a  penny. 
The  penalty  for  defrauding  toll  was  5s.  for  a  farthing, 
10s.  for  a  halfpenny,  20s.  for  a  penny.  The  burgesses  were 
authorized  to  take  the  law  in  their  own  hands  if  any  man 
bore  away  the  debt  of  any  burgess,  until  satisfaction  was 
made;  and  were  made  toll  free  throughout  the  grantor's 
right  in  Devon. 

Hugh  Courtenay's  charter  deals  with  an  exchange  of  the 
rights  of  the  burgesses  to  common  of  pasture,  for  other  rights 
on  other  parts  of  the  manor,  in  order  to  settle  controversy 
which  had  arisen,  the  condition  being  the  gift  by  the  burgesses 
of  two  casks  (dolia)  of  wine.  Here  of  course  is  the  historic 
origin  of  the  existing  common  rights. 

One  of  the  three  chief  antiquities  of  Okehampton  has 
been  already  dealt  with — the  "  camp."  Of  the  other  two  the 
castle  claims  separate  handling.  There  is  no  reason,  however, 
for  deferring  the  little  that  has  to  be  said  of  Brightley  Priory, 
the  germ  of  the  famous  house  of  Ford.     The  accepted  story 


touching  Brightley  is,  that  it  was  founded  by  Richard  de 
Redvers  in  1135,  and  colonised  by  Cistercians  from  Waverley. 
Failing,  however,  in  some  way  to  make  their  position  good, 
they  resolved  to  return  to  Waverley  in  1141,  their  patron 
having  died  four  years  previously.  They  were  met,  walking 
in  procession,  on  their  road  back  at  Thorncombe  by  Adelicia, 
Richard's  sister,  and  she  giving  them  her  manor  of  Thorn- 
combe, instead  of  returning  to  Waverley  they  reared  the 
Abbey  of  Ford.  I  must  confess,  however,  that  to  my  mind 
this  incident  seems  a  little  too  dramatic  to  have  been  purely 
accidental,  and  that  I  cannot  help  thinking  the  whole  affair, 
if  it  happened  as  related,  was  pre-arranged.  The  site  at 
Brightley,  in  the  lowlands  by  the  river,  is  just  one  of  those 
in  which  the  farmer  monks  delighted;  and  the  name — 
the  "bright"  or  "clear"  pasture  —  seems  to  indicate  its 
reputation  as  a  pleasant  place.  The  monks  are  said  to  have 
petitioned  to  be  removed,  because  the  ground  produced  only 
"  thyme  and  wild  nightshade,"  which,  if  so,  does  not  increase 
one's  appreciation  of  their  veracity.  It  is  much  more 
probable  that  their  patron's  successor  in  the  barony  did  not 
regard  them  with  the  same  favour ;  and  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  cause  is  hinted  at  in  the  clause  of  Robert's  charter, 
prohibiting  the  alienation  of  burgages  to  houses  of  religion. 
We  all  know  how  the  legislature  had  to  interfere  in  later 

The  house  had  never  grown  to  any  notable  dimensions, 
and  the  present  remains  are  naturally  very  scanty ;  while  if 
the  buildings  had  ever  been  of  any  size  or  architectural 
character,  there  would  be  indications  in  the  walls  of  the 
adjacent  hamlet,  in  some  fragments,  at  any  rate,  of  worked 
stone.  Still  there  should  have  been  a  chapel  of  sufficient 
importance  to  receive  the  remains  of  their  first  patron ;  for 
we  read  that  they  were  removed  thence  for  burial  to  Ford, 
with  the  remains  of  another  Richard,  the  first  abbot. 

It  has  been  commonly  held  that  the  only  relic  of  the  old 
Priory  is  a  round-headed  granite  arch  in  one  of  the  walls 
of  the  barn  at  the  farm  which  now  occupies  the  site;  but 
having  been  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Palmer,  the 
occupier,  for  an  inspection  of  the  house,  I  feel  very  little 
doubt  that  some  of  the  walls  of  the  domestic  buildings  are 
there  preserved;  and  the  fact  that  the  arch  is  in  the  west 
wall  of  the  barn,  which  orientates  east  and  west  with 
remarkable  precision,  leads  one  to  suggest  that  it  may  have 
been  the  doorway  of  the  chapel.  There  are  no  characteristic 
features  about  it  beyond  the  fact  that  it  is  deeply  splayed 


internally,  corresponding  with  the  openings  in  the  older  part 
of  the  castle.  If  the  present  Priory  Farm,  which  belongs  to 
the  Okehampton  Charity  Trustees,  and  is  only  ten  acres  in 
extent,  bears  any  definite  relation  to  the  original  holding  of 
the  monks,  that  will  be  an  additional  reason  for  treating  the 
Priory  as  of  very  small  importance — merely  the  germ,  in  short, 
of  what,  under  other  conditions,  it  might  have  become. 

The  curious  suggestion  has  been  made  that  the  presence 
of  a  cross  on  the  presumed  "tombstone,"  dug  up  while 
Okehampton  Church  was  being  rebuilt  in  1843  (now  built 
into  the  eastern  wall  of  the  fabric),  indicates  that  the  person 
commemorated  was  an  ecclesiastic — hence  that  he  might 
have  been  connected  with  Brightley.  I  need  hardly  say 
that  all  that  it  meant  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  One 
rather  wonders,  likewise,  that  there  should  have  been  any 
hesitation  in  reading  the  inscription,  seeing  that  it  is  only 
at  the  end  that  any  difficulty  is  apparent.  The  published 
reading  is,  "hic  iaced  rober  cvb  de  moie  b."  The  correct 
reading  is,  "  mc  iacet  robertvs  de  moles."  I  have  called 
it  a  presumed  "  tombstone,"  because  it  is  all  but  absolutely 
certain  that  it  is  the  lid  of  a  stone  coffin,  and  if  so,  from  its 
small  size — four  feet  in  length,  and  sixteen  inches  only 
in  width  at  the  widest  point,  the  head — commemorating  a 

Who  then  was  this  Eobert  of  Moles  ?  It  will  be  recalled 
at  once  that  among  the  aliases  of  Baldwin  the  Sheriff  is  that 
of  Baldwin  de  Molis.  Eoger  of  Moles,  whom  the  Lysons 
suggest  as  probably  a  brother  or  son  of  Baldwin,  was  also 
the  Domesday  holder  of  Lew  Trenchard,  and  the  ancestor 
of  the  Lords  de  Meules,  one  of  whom  in  the  thirteenth 
century  married  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  Hugh,  Lord 
Courtenay.  At  first  it  seemed  not  unlikely  that  the  Eobert 
in  question  might  have  been  a  child  of  that  marriage. 
Neither  the  dates  nor  conditions,  however,  fit.  The  Oke- 
hampton church  which  was  burnt  down  in  1842,  was 
consecrated  in  1261;  but  it  is  also  on  record  that  the 
chancel  was  rebuilt  in  1417.  There  was,  however,  a  church 
long  before  1261 ;  and  the  presumption,  from  what  we  know 
commonly  happened  elsewhere,  is  that  at  the  rebuilding  of 
1261  the  old  chancel  was  allowed  to  remain,  and  continued  > /  i •■-./'  'rf 
in  use  until  replaced  some  century  and  a  half  later.  And  it  v  "v*,,"^ 
is  certainly  difficult  to  understand  how  one  portion  of  the  "y  "  *' "  _'__J 
1261  structure  should  come  for  rebuilding  in  1417,  and  the  j£~~  , ..;-.  £u 
remainder  stand  so  many  centuries  longer.    ,  I,  ■  r 



The  statement  with  regard  to  the  Robertus  stone  is  that  it 
was  found  six  feet  below  the  surface,  in  digging  up  the 
foundations  of  the  chancel  wall,  and  that  it  had  "  evidently 
been  used  for  a  building  stone" — a  conclusion  which  depends 
entirely  upon  the  accuracy  of  observation  of  the  finders.  It 
is  quite  clear  that  it  was  located  just  the  right  depth  for  an 
interment.  It  is  equally  clear  that  no  memorial  belonging 
to  a  family  of  such  local  importance  would  ever  have  been 
turned  to  such  a  use  in  1261,  very  doubtfully  in  1417 ;  but 
that  all  the  conditions  might  very  well  have  been  fulfilled  by 
overlooking  the  interment  when  the  later  chancel  was  built. 
Of  course,  if  it  was  a  coffin  lid,  the  coffin  ought  to  have  been 
found ;  but  on  that  head  I  have  no  information. 

The  positive,  as  distinct  from  the  inductive  evidence, 
however,  not  only  places  the  stone  before  1261,  but  con- 
siderably earlier;  for  the  distinctive  characteristics  of  the 
lettering  are  Saxon,  and  point  to  the  eleventh  century  rather 
than  the  twelfth.  Whether  Robert  of  Moles  was  a  son  of 
Baldwin,  elsewhere  unrecorded,  or  of  his  brother  who  finds 
place  in  the  family  pedigree,  is  of  course  doubtful ;  but  one 
or  the  other  in  my  mind  he  certainly  seems  to  have  been ; 
and  the  memorial  is  therefore  considerably  nearer  eight  than 
seven  hundred  years  old.  I  can  only  add  my  regret  that 
this  remarkable  relic  of  antiquity  was  not  placed  within 
the  Church  instead  of  without. 


BY    W.     P.     COLLIER. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1805.; 

An  apology  is  due  from  me  for  introducing  to  this  scientific 
and  learned  Society  such  a  frivolous  subject  as  Sport  There 
are  many  of  our  members,  also,  who  are  exceedingly  humane 
— a  word  which,  by  virtue  of  the  addition  of  the  letter 
"  e,"  transfers  the  adjective  "  human  "  to  its  very  opposite, 
"humane,"  for  of  all  creatures  the  human  mortal  is  the 
most  cruel,  if  not  the  only  creature  that  can  be  called  cruel 
at  all. 

Sport  is  very  human,  and  is  undoubtedly  cruel.  But  as  man 
is  full  of  contradictions,  among  sporting  men  may  be  found 
those  who  have  the  most  sympathy  with  the  lower  animals, 
because  they  know  them  and  their  ways  best. 

The  earliest  man  of  whom  we  have  any  evidence  was  a 
hunter  and  a  fisher.  The  higher  apes  are  not  carnivorous, 
and  very  far  indeed  from  being  cannibal.  But  although 
nations  on  nations  of  men  are  now  vegetarian,  existing  on 
fruit,  which  includes  rice  and  corn  of  ail  sorts,  the  earliest 
men  of  whom  we  have  any  trace  seem  to  have  been  hunters 
and  fishers. 

In  a  climate  such  as  England,  and  such  as  Dartmoor,  they 
were  certainly  hunters,  and  we  have  their  early  weapons  in 
evidence.  Was  there  anything  else  in  England  on  which 
they  could  live,  except  the  beasts  of  the  field  and  the  fish  of 
the  sea  and  rivers  ?  Man  was  a  fisherman  in  very  remote  ages, 
and  to  this  day,  it  is  said,  fish  are  his  most  wholesome  diet 

When  a  man  hunts  or  fishes  for  his  living  it  is  not  sport. 
Ask  the  fishermen  of  Plymouth  if  it  is  sport  Men  now 
live  by  fishing,  but  the  only  men  who  now  live  by  hunting 
are  some  of  the  wild  savage  nations  not  reached  by  the 
march  of  civilization,  and  it  would  be  idle  to  ask  them  if 
hunting  is  sport. 


The  idea  of  sport  must  have  arisen  when  the  skilled 
hunter  found  himself  superseded  by  the  herdsman  and 
shepherd,  when  the  beasts  of  the  chase  were  a  luxurious 
change  in  diet,  and  not  a  necessity.  Still  the  object  of 
sport  was  food,  until  quite  recent  times,  when  sport  is 
followed  for  sport's  sake,  and  food  is  altogether  a  secondary 
consideration.  Our  chief  sport  now  is  fox-hunting,  and  we 
do  not  eat  foxes. 

The  red-deer,  I  take  it,  indigenous  to  Europe,  and  per- 
vading nearly  the  whole  Continent,  was  the  great  object  of 
man's  desire  as  a  hunter  after  his  food,  in  the  most  primitive 
days  that  we  are  aware  of.  We  have  evidence  of  the 
presence  of  the  reindeer,  elk,  and  others  of  the  tribe,  but 
the  red-deer  was  all-pervading.  And  he  is  the  object  of  sport 
still,  not  far  from  Okehampton,  on  Exmoor,  where  the  wild 
red-deer  is  now  hunted,  whose  ancestry  might  be  traced  to 
the  very  earliest  days  as  food  for  primitive  man  on  Dartmoor. 

The  red -deer  was  the  great  object  of  the  chase,  when 
hunting  was  first  regarded  as  a  sport  throughout  Europe, 
and  methods  of  hunting  him  were  brought  over  from  France 
by  the  Conqueror — methods  then  new  to  the  natives  in 
general.  The  French  hunting-terms  are  now  used,  and  our 
famous  cry,  "  Tally-ho ! "  is  only  a  corruption  of  the  French 
call,  "  II  est  alU-lw ! "  when  a  deer  had  gone  away.  They 
have  also  the  term  "  blanching  "  a  deer,  on  Exmoor,  used  as 
we  should  say  "heading"  a  fox,  that  is  stopping  him  and 
turning  him  back— a  great  sin  in  fox-hunting. 

The  Forest  Laws,  so  well-known  as  tyrannical,  were 
hunting  laws,  often  used,  however,  as  a  means  of  suppressing 
a  people,  and  are  very  curious.  The  pack  of  hounds  is  a 
modern  invention ;  the  old  method  was  the  arrow  from  the 
bow,  and  the  stricken  deer  was  run  down  by  hounds  at  gaze. 
William  Eufus  was  killed  by  an  arrow  when  hunting  in  the 
New  Forest — the  red-deer,  no  doubt.  Hunting  the  red-deer 
was  the  sport  of  kings  and  princes,  with  their  retinue,  and 
the  ceremonial  was  complicated  and  extravagant. 

We  have  it  on  record  that  Devonshire  was  disafforested 
in  the  reign  of  King  John,  with  the  exception  of  Dartmoor 
and  Exmoor.  A  forest  in  those  days  was  a  part  of  the 
country  not  cultivated,  not  held  by  any  tenant  under  the 
Crown,  hunted  over  by  the  King,  and  subject  to  the  Forest 
Laws.  *If  the  whole  of  Devonshire  were  disafforested  by 
John,  except  Dartmoor  and  Exmoor,  it  was  a  forest  before, 
under  the  Forest  Laws,  and  hunted  over  by  the  King  at  his 
pleasure.     As  I  am  now  dealing  with  sport,  it  is  needless  to 


inquire  why  this  large,  fertile  county  should  be  made  a 
forest  in  times  so  late  as  King  John.  I  have  before 
suggested  that  these  Western  people  were  a  trouble  to  the 
Normans,  and  were  put  under  the  Forest  Laws  as  a  means 
of  subduing  them. 

Dartmoor  and  Exmoor  having  been  retained  by  the  King 
as  a  forest,  it  may  be  presumed  they  offered  a  field  for  sport. 
Imagine  Devonshire  without  a  fence,  no  hedges,  no  walls, 
its  rich  pastures,  cleared  by  the  early  settlers,  surrounded  by 
dense  primeval  woods,  not  to  be  called  Forests  if  the  word 
forest  is  to  be  used  in  its  proper  sense,  reaching  by  the  banks 
of  the  rivers  up  to  the  high  and  open  lands  of  the  moors, 
where  such  vegetation  could  not  flourish.  We  can  imagine 
the  chase  of  the  red-deer  by  pre-historic  man,  with  his 
primitive  bow,  and  flint  arrow-heads,  the  deer  stealthily 
stalked,  wounded,  and  followed  up  with  the  hunting  craft 
of  the  savage,  pitting  his  brains,  such  as  they  then  were, 
against  the  instincts,  strength,  and  fleetness  of  foot  of  the 
monarch  of  the  glen.  We  can  also  imagine,  in  the  time  of 
John,  the  pageant  of  the  hunt,  the  rousing  of  a  deer,  a  stag 
of  ten,  according  to  Scott ;  I  should  say  a  hart  of  fifteen. 
A  stag  is  a  five-year-old  deer,  a  hart  is  a  six-year-old  or 
full-aged  deer,  and  ten  points  would  not  be  a  big  head  for 
Devonshire,  whatever  it  may  be  in  Scotland.  We  can 
imagine  the  rousing  of  a  hart  of  fifteen  in  the  dense  coverts 
on  the  banks  of  the  Plym,  a  chase  over  Dartmoor  to  the 
banks  of  the  Dart,  where  the  deer  would  soil,  that  is,  take 
to  the  water,  "as  the  hart  pants  for  the  water-brook,"  and 
there  to  blow  the  mort.  There  were  curious  Forest  Laws  in 
those  days,  all  for  the  sake  of  the  deer.  No  dog  was  allowed 
in  the  New  Forest  which  could  not  go  through  King  William 
Kufus's  stirrup.  The  stirrups  of  these  degenerate  days  would 
admit  but  a  very  small  dog,  the  smallest  of  toy-terriers ; 
but  Kufus's  stirrup  was  a  large  machine  to  hold  his  Majesty's 
foot,  and  a  short -legged  spaniel  could  easily  pass  through. 
Larger  dogs  were  not  allowed  in  the  forest  unless  they  were 
lawed,  or  expedited,  that  is,  three  claws  were  cut  off  from 
the  fore -foot  to  prevent  their  following  deer  at  any  pace. 
There  were  two  sorts  of  dog  commonly  used  in  the  chase 
in  those  days,  the  greyhound  or  gaze-hound,  famous  for  its 
sight  and  swiftness ;  and  the  bracket,  a  hound  which  hunts 
by  scent,  then  a  lower  class  of  hound,  though  now  so  highly 
prized.  There  are  still  remnants  of  the  old  Forest  Laws  on 
Dartmoor.  The  Venviile  men  claim  a  right  to  take  anything 
from  the  Moor  that  may  do  them  good,  except  green  oak 


and  venison,  which  should  properly  be  vert  and  venison, 
vert  in  that  sense  meaning  the  food  of  the  red-deer.  The 
Venville  men  also  pay  for  night-rest.  They  were  not  allowed 
on  the  Moor  at  night,  on  acccount  of  the  deer,  which  they 
might  take  at  night,  unbeknown  to  the  Foresters  ;  but 
when  the  deer  became  of  less  importance,  they  obtained 
the  privilege  by  paying  a  trifle  by  way  of  fine. 

There  is  an  old  tradition  of  hunting  the  deer  on  Dartmoor, 
by  Childe,  the  hunter  of  Plymstock.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  caught  in  a  snowstorm  when  hunting  a  deer,  lost  his 
way,  killed  his  horse,  and  got  inside  him  for  warmth,  where 
he  wrote  his  will  on  a  piece  of  paper  with  the  horse's  blood. 
The  will  gave  all  his  lands  to  the  person  who  first  took  his 
body  to  holy-ground.  This  was  supposed  to  have  happened 
near  Nun's  Cross,  or  Seward's  Cross,  and  Fox  Tor,  which 
being  on  the  track  of  the  Abbots'  Way,  the  monks  of  Buck- 
fastleigh  and  Tavistock — or  Buckland  and  Tavistock,  it  does 
not  matter  much  which — found  his  body,  and  fought  over  it 
for  the  privilege  of  carrying  it  to  holy-ground,  thus  getting 
his  land.  The  Tavistock  monks  must  have  come  off  victors, 
for  the  Duke  of  Bedford  has  lands  in  Plymstock  to  which 
he  succeeded  when  the  lands  of  the  monks  of  Tavistock 
were  handed  over  to  his  ancestor.  Whatever  the  legend 
may  be  worth,  Nun's  Cross  stands  exactly  in  the  line  a  deer 
would  take  if  roused  on  the  banks  of  the  Plym,  and  he  then 
crossed  to  the  Dart. 

Within  a  hundred  years  from  this  time  the  red-deer  was 
common  in  Devonshire,  and  hunted  on  Dartmoor.  There 
are  fine  heads  hung  in  some  old  halls,  with  a  record  of  where 
the  deer  was  roused,  and  where  he  was  killed,  records  of  a 
great  chase  for  many  miles.  The  wild  red-deer  from  Exmoor 
sometimes  come  down  to  us  now,  and  they  sometimes  breed 
in  our  woods. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  note  that  the  deer  of  all  wild 
animals  of  the  chase  was  the  most  important,  and  had  the 
most  attention  paid  to  him.  He  was  a  luxury  to  eat,  as  well 
as  a  quarry  to  chase.     He  had  his  names  for  his  six  ages. 

The  Male  Red-deer 

was  a  Calf  the  first  year, 

„     Brocket  the  second  year, 

„     Spayad  the  third  year  (now  a  Pricket), 

»     Staggard  the  fourth  year, 

„     Stag  the  fifth  year  (when  he  may  be  hunted), 
and  a  Hart  the  sixth  year  and  afterwards. 


TJie  Female  Red-deer 

was  a  Hind-calf  the  first  year, 

„     Brocket's  sister  the  second  year  (which  is  curious),  or  a 
and  a  Hind  the  third  year  and  the  rest  of  her  life. 

The  Fallow- deer,  now  a  much  more  favourite  animal  for 
the  table,  but  seldom  hunted  except  in  the  New  Forest, 
was  a  Fawn  the  first  year, 

„     Pricket  the  second  year, 

„     Sorel  the  third  year, 

„     Sore  the  fourth  year, 

„     Buck  of  the  first  head,  the  fifth  year, 
and  a  Buck,  or  a  Great  Buck,  the  sixth  year  and  afterwards. 

The  Female 
was  called  a  Fawn  the  first  year, 

„       a  Pricket's  sister  the  second  year, 
and  a  Doe  the  third  year  and  afterwards. 

Shakespeare's  plays  are  full  of  hunting  terms — the  hunting 
of  the  deer,  in  his  time,  of  course.  In  Loves  Labour  *s  Lost  we 
have  a  humorous  dispute  about  a  fallow-deer  killed  by  the 
Princess : 

"Sir  Nathaniel.  Truly,  master  Holofernes,  the  epithets  are  sweetly 
Tailed,  like  a  scholar  at  the  least ;  but,  Sir,  I  assure  ye,  it  was  a  buck  of  the 
first  head. 

"  Holofernes.     Sir  Nathaniel,  hand  credo. 

"  Dull.     *T  was  not  a  haud  credo,  't  was  a  pricket. 

11  Hoi.    [Further  on]  I  will  something  affect  the  letter,  for  it  argues  facility. 
The  pniiseful  Princess  picre'd  and  prick'd  a  pretty  pleasing  pricket ; 
Some  say,  a  sore  ;  but  not  a  sore,  till  now  made  sore  with  shooting. 
The  dogs  did  yell ;  put  1  to  sore,  then  sorel  jumps  from  thicket ; 
Or  pricket,  sore,  or  else  sorel ;  the  people  fall  a  hooting. 
If  sore  be  sore,  then  L  to  sore  makes  fifty  sores  ;  0  sore  L  ! 
Of  one  sore  I  an  hundred  make,  by  adding  but  one  more  L. " 

In  the  olden  times,  those  who  hunted  the  deer  carried  a 
circular  horn  across  the  shoulders,  in  the  well-known  shape 
of  the  French  horn.  In  our  present  style  of  riding,  especially 
falling  as  we  often  do,  it  would  be  a  very  cumbersome  affair. 
The  hunters  in  those  days — horses  are  called  hunters  now — 
had  to  sound  the  horn,  according  to  rule,  and  when  the  deer 
was  seen  the  sound  of  the  horn  would  tell  in  what  direction 
he  was  going.  I  found  in  Mr.  Paul  Treby's  Diary,  the  volu- 
minous diary  of  the  well-known  sportsman  and  verderer  of 
Dartmoor,  of  Goodamore,  a  printed  list  of  the  proper  notes 
to  be   sounded  on  the  horn.     Five   open  notes  could  be 


sounded  on  the  old  horn,  and  here  is  a  specimen  of  a 
hunting  call :  NafMg  of  the  ^^ 

tone  ton  tavern        ton  tavern        ton  ton  tavern 

—         ^  6  o  o 

A  Recheat  when  the  Hounds  hunt  a  right  ganw. 

•  •  ••         •■         ••  *  •  **  •  ••  ••  ••         ••  •  •  • 

o  —  ooo.o.o.o.oo  —  o.  oo.  o.o.o 

The  old  hunting  cry,  "  Tantivy/'  is  most  likely  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  horn-note,  "  Ton-Tavern." 

To  sound  such  a  recheat  at  the  right  time,  a  man  must 
be  an  experienced  hunting-man,  and  to  sound  the  wrong 
note  at  the  wrong  time  was  to  incur  condign  punishment 
with  the  whip  at  the  end  of  the  chase. 

The  deer  was  mischievous  to  the  crops  of  the  farmer ;  he 
liked  turnips,  apples,  and  just  the  delicate  tops  of  the  oat- 
ears,  in  addition  to  his  own  vert,  or  browsing  on  the  young 
leaves  of  trees.  He  was  also  troublesome  to  the  eager  hunts- 
man. He  would  refuse  to  leave  a  big  covert,  and  he  was 
wont  to  soil,  that  is,  take  to  the  rivers  and  abide  in  them. 
It  was  also  found  by  experience  that  a  much  smaller  and, 
till  then,  despised  animal  would  show  better  sport.  This 
animal  was  the  fox,  the  fox  of  JEsop's  and  other  fables. 

Fox-hunting  is  the  great  sport  of  the  day,  and  fox-hunting 
on  Dartmoor  is  the  sport  of  all  others  for  which  Dartmoor  is 

I  hold  some  heterodox  opinions  about  hunting.  They  may 
be  poor  things  in  the  way  of  opinions,  but  mine  own.  The  deer 
is  a  creature  the  nature  of  which  is  to  be  hunted  by  wolves, 
man,  and  what  not ;  he  has,  therefore,  acquired  instincts  to 
serve  him  when  he  is  hunted,  such  as  taking  notice  of  the 
wind,  foiling  his  scent,  and  so  forth.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  fox  is  a  hunter  by  nature,  and  is  not  hunted  except  by 
man ;  I,  therefore,  contend  that  he  has  no  wiles  to  avoid  or 
deceive  the  hunter,  knows  nothing  whatever  about  the  wind, 
and  merely  takes  to  his  heels,  which  are  fleet  and  clever,  to 
get  away  from  the  hounds.  If  he  has  heard  hounds  and 
horn  in  his  cub-days,  he  remembers  them  for  ever  after,  and 
puts  his  trust  in  his  speed.  He  is  a  great  wanderer,  and 
knows  his  country  perfectly — the  older  he  is,  the  more  and 
the  better  he  knows  it ;  on  the  first  alarm  he  will  leave  for 
a  distant  home,  and  then  comes  the  great  run.  Like  the 
deer,  he  can  be  found — he  is  found,  not  roused — in  a  dense 
covert  on  one  side  of  Dartmoor,  crosses  the  Moor  to  the 
other  side,  and  few  there  be  that  can  follow. 


I  spoke  of  the  pageantry  of  the  hunting  of  the  deer  in  the 
olden  days,  when  it  was  the  sport  of  kings.  Fox-hunting 
is  a  showy  affair  now,  with  the  red  coat,  top-boots,  and 
spurs ;  the  hunter,  now  the  best  horse  bred  for  all  purposes 
except  heavy  harness  work  ;  the  pack  of  hounds,  every 
hound  having  been  carefully  bred  for  his  shape,  size,  nose, 
and  even  colour,  for  generations  on  generations  ;  and  the 
etiquette  of  the  field.  Foxes  are  found  on  the  skirts  of  the 
Moor,  and  give  us  a  gallop  across  the  best  parts.  Very 
pretty  they  are,  but  not  like  the  great  run  before  referred  to. 
Foxes  are  also  found  in  the  bogs,  having  made  their  kennel 
in  a  snug  piece  of  heath,  where  quiet  and  silence  reign 
supreme,  until  the  hounds  come.  They  also  will  give  us  a 
pretty  gallop,  back  to  their  happy  hunting-grounds  in  the 
large  coverts  "  in  along/'  as  we  say  in  Devonshire.  These 
runs  are  not  the  great  runs,  but  they  are  good  enough  for 
most  people.  The  forward  men  are  forward  always  ;  five 
per  cent,  of  the  field  is  a  liberal  allowance  for  such  as  they 
are ;  the  rest  follow  on,  see  a  great  deal  if  they  have  an  eye 
for  sport,  and  can  tell  you  a  great  deal  more  afterwards  than 
anybody  else.  They  can  tell  who  was  first  and  who  was 
last,  who  had  a  fall,  whose  horse  stopped,  and  who  was  thrown 
out,  that  is,  lost  the  hounds,  and  went  home  a  sadder  if  not 
a  wiser  man. 

In  the  case  of  a  great  run  a  deer  will  go  thirty  miles,  and 
I  have  known  a  fox  go  twenty-three  and  twenty-four  miles. 
In  such  a  run  both  the  man  and  the  horse  must  have  a  good 
heart.  The  pace  is  very  great  on  Dartmoor — there  are  no 
fences  to  stop  hounds,  and  the  ground  carries  a  high  scent. 
Scent  in  hunting  is  a  mystery,  and  as  we  have  not  the  noses 
of  a  hound,  it  will  always  be  so  to  us.  To  ride  down  these 
steep  hills  on  Dartmoor,  over  the  rocks  and  stones  at  a 
good  pace,  requires  a  good  heart  in  the  rider,  and  to  go  up 
these  same  hills  at  a  good  pace  requires  a  good  heart  in  the 
horse.  The  whole  chase  demands  great  judgment  on  the 
part  "of  the  horseman,  and  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
Moor,  for  the  bogs  are  to  be  crossed  somehow,  and  it  is  this 
requisite  knowledge  of  the  Moor  that  unfortunately  puts 
the  stranger,  however  good  a  man  he  may  be,  out  of  it  No 
hounds  go  faster,  or  so  fast,  as  fox -hounds  on  Dartmoor, 
except,  perhaps,  stag  -  hounds  on  Exmoor.  To  see  a  good 
run  on  Dartmoor  to  the  finish,  both  man  and  horse  must 
be  of  the  very  best,  and  there  can  be  no  better  sport. 

Yes,  it  may  be  said  on  the  part  of  the  fox,  sport  to  you 
is  death  to  us,  and  it  is  cruel.     It  is  so,  but  where  would  be 


the  fox  if  it  were  not  for  fox-hunting  ?  He,  a  beautiful, 
graceful,  clever  animal,  the  hero  of  many  fables,  would  be 
extinct,  with  the  wild  cat,  martin,  polecat,  eagle,  kite, 
peregrine-falcon,  and  other  fine  creatures  of  Nature.  He 
would  have  been  trapped  and  destroyed  utterly.  Now  he 
leads  a  charmed  life,  it  is  a  sin  to  hurt  him,  and  until  the 
fatal  day  comes  he  has  found  his  heels  protection  enough. 
We  all  have  our  fatal  days,  and  when  his  comes,  the  fox  has 
a  bad  quarter  of  an  hour.  Up  to  that  time  he  thinks  his 
heels  will  serve  him  as  good  a  turn  as  they  have  before. 
Which  of  us  would  not  compromise  with  fate  for  a  bad 
quarter  of  an  hour,  when  our  time  comes  ? 

There  is  also  hare-hunting  on  Dartmoor. 

The  modern  harrier  is  more  of  a  small  foxhound  than 
the  hound  described  and  drawn  by  Bewick,  and  modern 
hare-hunting  is  a  much  faster  affair  than  it  used  to  be,  say 
in  the  days  of  Squire  Western.  Again  referring  to  the 
diary  of  Paul  Treby,  the  Squire  of  Goodamoor,  it  appears 
that  most  country  gentlemen,  about  a  hundred  years  ago, 
kept  their  pack  of  harriers.  There  is  a  story  told  of  Paul 
Treby,  that  a  friend  of  his  said  to  him  that  a  gentleman 
was  coming  to  live  in  the  neighbourhood  who  would  be  a 
man  after  his  own  heart,  for  he  hunted  five  days  a  week. 
The  reply  he  got  was,  "What  the  deuce  does  he  do  with 
himself  the  other  day ! " 

The  sound  ground  on  the  outskirts  of  the  Moor  is  very 
favourable  for  hare  -  hunting,  and  there  is  plenty  of  it.  I 
am  inclined  to  think  the  modern,  fast  hound  is  very  advan- 
tageous to  the  hare.  The  hare,  as  an  animal  hunted  by 
many  enemies,  in  the  natural  course  of  things,  might  be 
supposed  to  have  developed  instincts  for  her  preservation. 
Men  talk  of  the  craftiness  of  the  hare,  but  an  old  hunting- 
friend  of  mine  said,  "  They  talk  of  a  hare's  craft  ;  I  say 
she  is  a  fool."  The  fact  is  she  is  very  fleet  of  foot,  and 
trusts  to  her  speed  alone.  Men  give  her  credit  for  design, 
when  she  has  none,  and  so  lose  her. 

Hare -hunting  on  Dartmoor  has  seen  an  extraordinary 
development  in  late  years.  After  hare -hunting  in  general 
is  over,  and  ought  to  be  over,  in  the  month  of  May,  two 
or  three  packs  of  harriers  are  taken  to  Princetown  to  hunt 
every  day  for  a  week,  in  the  heart  of  the  Moor.  On  the 
Friday  of  that  week  the  meet  is  always  at  Beliver  Tor,  and 
is  the  most  wonderful  sight,  perhaps,  in  the  annals  of  hunting. 
Beliver  Tor,  which  is  a  fine  tor,  surrounded  with  good  ground, 
is  the  scene  on  that  occasion,  each  year,  of  a  most  extra- 


ordinary  gathering  of  people  from  far  and  wide.  People  on 
horseback,  people  on  foot,  people  in  every  species  of 
carriage,  from  the  four-in-hand  to  the  village  cart,  all  come 
to  picnic  on  the  tor,  with  the  champagne  luncheon  down 
to  the  humble  sandwich,  and  see  the  sport.  It  has  become 
a  sort  of  fashion  to  go  to  this  meet,  therefore  of  course 
everybody  goes,  to  see  one  another  if  for  nothing  else. 
Another  curious  fact  is  that  a  good  number  of  hares  appear 
on  the  occasion,  and  one  or  two  get  killed,  though  the 
chances  in  such  a  crowd  are  much  in  their  favour. 

Let  me  protest,  in  passing,  against  calling  Beliver  Tor  by 
the  Cockney  name  of  Belle  Vue  Tor.  No  one  but  a  City 
tourist  would  think  of  such  an  outrageous  name  for  it 
Beliver,  whatever  it  may  mean,  is  not  Belle  Vue. 

The  hunted  hare  is  said  to  be  tender,  and  a  dainty  morsel 
I  believe  this  to  be  a  great  delusion.  Tender  it  is,  but  the 
hare  dies  in  a  high  fever,  and  to  my  mind  the  flesh  has  a 
sickening  taste.  I  have  observed  the  same  in  trapped  rabbits 
and  trapped  pheasants,  poor  brutes  that  have  been  languish- 
ing for  hours,  perhaps,  in  the  cruel  gin,  in  a  state  of  hideous 
fear.  The  taste  of  such  flesh  is  to  me  offensive,  and  I  warn 
anyone  against  buying  hares,  rabbits,  or  pheasants  with  a 
broken  leg. 

Sport  on  Dartmoor  includes  otter  -  hunting.  The  otter 
frequents  all  our  rivers,  but  is  seldom  seen  by  man,  except 
when  hunted.  The  lonely  fisherman  may  see  him  some- 
times, but  not  often.  He  is  hunted  with  the  otter-hound 
proper,  or  with  the  foxhound.  The  foxhound  is  the  general 
favourite,  as  well  he  may  be.  He  is  as  perfect  as  a  long 
succession  of  men,  who  have  devoted  their  time  to  breeding 
him,  could  make  him.  He  is  a  foxhound,  but  he  is  used 
for  stag-hunting,  otter-hunting,  and  hare-hunting.  The  otter- 
hound is  a  large,  rough-coated,  patient,  babbling  hound,  with 
a  fine  tongue,  and  handsome  withaL  The  foxhound  has  an 
unrivalled  hose ;  he  is  very  quick  and  dashing,  as  becomes 
him,  and  I  question  if  many  an  otter  does  not  owe  his  life 
to  the  forward  dash  of  the  foxhound.  Otter-hunting  is  a 
fine  sport  on  Dartmoor,  especially  on  the  Biver  Dart.  It  is 
a  summer  sport,  and  to  go  up  stream  with  the  otter-hounds 
on  the  banks  of  a  sparkling  river,  in  a  lovely  valley,  is  in 
itself  a  joy.  It  is  not  always  easy  to  find  an  otter,  and 
many  that  may  be  on  the  river  are  not  found  when  the 
hounds  are  out,  but  when  found  the  chase  is  lively.  The 
water  carries  the  scent  on  the  surface,  and  down  stream  a 
hound  may  speak  on  it  some  way  below  where  the  otter 



may  be  moving.  To  see  a  pack  of  hounds  swim  a  pool, 
every  hound  speaking,  and  the  valley  echoing  their  musical 
tongues,  is  an  exciting  spectacle.  The  otter  is  supposed 
to  be  killed  because  he  himself,  in  his  turn,  kills  the  salmon. 
I  like  otter-hunting  very  much,  all  except  the  death,  which 
I  always  deplore.     But,  after  all,  not  very  many  are  killed. 

There  has  been,  in  times  not  long  gone  by,  fulmart-hunting 
on  Dartmoor.  The  fulmart  is  the  foul  martin,  the  polecat, 
or  fitch ;  alas !  extinct,  or  nearly  so,  on  Dartmoor.  A  few 
choice  spirits,  say  about  fifty  years  ago,  used  to  take  three 
or  four  couple  of  foxhounds  to  Two  Bridges,  for  fulmart- 
hunting  in  the  heart  of  the  Moor.  A  friend  has  told  me 
that  hunting  the  fulmart  was  the  best  sport  of  alL  I  do 
not  know  why.  The  fulmart  frequented  the  rivers,  was 
very  destructive  of  all  the  smaller  animals,  and  he  was  the 
dread  of  the  poultry  -  yard.  One  or  two  may  be  left  on 
Dartmoor,  but  gamekeepers  and  warreners  are  his  deadly 
enemies,  and  in  England  at  all  events  he  is  practically 

Fishing  is  another  sport,  and  a  very  favourite  one,  on 
Dartmoor.  Trout  are  plentiful,  though  small,  on  the  lucid 
Dartmoor  streams,  and  salmon  go  up  to  their  spawning  beds 
in  goodly  numbers.  No  other  fish  are  found  there.  The 
Dart  may  be  said  to  be  the  best  stream  on  Dartmoor  for 
both,  and  the  artificial  fly,  the  minnow,  and  natural  baits 
are  used  with  rod  and  line.  Very  little,  if  any,  net-fishing 
is  practised  on  Dartmoor,  though  now  and  then  a  skilful 
man  with  a  sport-net  in  a  small  stream  may  land  a  good 

Finally,  there  is  plenty  of  shooting  on  Dartmoor.  The 
Duchy  of  Cornwall  issue  licences  at  10s.  6d.  each,  and  if 
the  quantity  of  game  on  the  Moor  were  divided  by  the 
number  of  sportsmen  the  result  would  not  be  very  promising 
to  each.  But  walking  fifty  miles  with  a  gun  and  a  dog  or 
two  seems  to  be  lure  enough.  There  are  duck,  heath-poult, 
snipe,  a  woodcock  or  a  partridge  now  and  then,  and  golden 
plover,  to  be  shot  on  Dartmoor.  Snipe  are  the  most  common, 
and  heath-poult — the  handsome  black  cock,  and  his  beautiful 
grey  hen  of  a  rich  heather  colour — are  to  be  found  at  times 
in  number  enough  to  repay  one  for  a  good  hard  day's  walk. 
But  they  soon  get  shot  down,  and  the  wonder  is  that  there 
are  any  left  There  is  not  much  game  on  Dartmoor, 
which,  notwithstanding,  is  pretty  well  shot  over  from  all 
quarters.  A  good,  far-ranging,  staunch  setter  is  the  best  dog 
for  Dartmoor ;  a  setter  of  a  colour  that  can  be  seen  at  a  long 


distance,  and  will  stay  still  and  steady  till  you  can  get  up 
to  him.  With  such  a  dog — and  they  are  to  be  had — you  can 
bag  half-a-dozen  snipe,  and  some  odds  and  ends,  in  a  day. 
A  friend  of  mine  gave  me,  on  separate  occasions,  a  quail 
that  he  had  shot  on  Dartmoor,  and  a  stormy  petrel. 

So  much  for  sport  on  Dartmoor.  The  air  is  fine  and 
stimulating,  and  the  sport  inspires  enthusiasm,  or  as  a  sports- 
man would  say,  makes  one  keen.  I  do  not  wish  to  convert 
this  learned  Society  into  a  "  sporting  lot,"  but  as  we  devote 
a  great  deal  of  our  attention  to  Dartmoor,  it  may  be  well 
to  give  a  thought  to  its  sports  amongst  its  other  attractions. 

K  2 


BT   B.    N.   WORTH,   F.O.8. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1806.) 

"There  stands  a  castle/'  are  the  words  in  which  the 
Domesday  scribe  first  records  on  the  pages  of  history  the 
existence  of  the  fortalice  of  Baldwin  the  Sheriff,  the  chief 
seat  of  his  great  Honour  and  Barony  of  Okehampton.  And 
what  was  true  eight  hundred  years  ago  is  true  still 
"There  stands  a  castle"  yet  That  in  its  earlier  days  this 
was  of  much  local  importance,  in  its  command  of  the  country 
to  the  immediate  north  and  east  of  Dartmoor,  follows  of 
necessity  from  its  situation,  but  record  is  absolutely  silent  as 
to  its  having  ever  played  any  leading  part  in  the  strifes  and 
wars  of  the  Middle  Ages.  We  have  scant  note  of  its  builders, 
and  less  than  a  dozen  lines  would  tell  all  that  has  been 
clearly  handed  down  to  us  concerning  it,  from  its  first 
mention  in  Domesday  to  the  note  of  its  dismantling  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  When  we  have  said  that  it  passed  from 
the  Redverses  to  the  Courtenays,  from  the  Gourtenays  to  the 
Mohuns;  and  so,  through  Savilles  and  Vyvyans,  to  its  present 
owner,  Mr.  Eeddaway,  we  have  really  said  about  everything 
that  is  really  needful,  or,  indeed,  possible.  All  that  remains 
to  add  is  that,  since  it  was  a  residence,  it  has  never  been  in 
more  heedful  hands  than  those  of  the  gentleman  to  whom  the 
public  are  indebted  alike  for  needful  conservation  and  liberal 
access,  and  I  for  the  special  courtesies  which  have  made  the 
writing  of  this  paper  possible. 

Okehampton  Castle  differs  from  the  other  ancient  castles 
of  Devon  in  several  noteworthy  features.  Most  of  the 
Norman  fortalices,  whether  in  this  county  or  in  Cornwall, 
have  round  shell  keeps — as  at  Plympton  and  Totnes, 
Bestormel  and  Launceston,  may  be  seen  to  this  day.    The 


typical  Norman  castles,  with  the  true  square  keeps,  were 
fewer  in  number,  but  as  a  rule,  of  greater  comparative 
importance.  Among  them,  that  of  Okehampton  occupies 
what  may  be  regarded  as  a  middle  position.  More  important 
than  Lydford  in  its  adjuncts,  it  must  have  been  much 
inferior  to  Exeter — Rougemont ;  nor  in  its  later  phases  can 
it  ever  have  compared  with  the  other  Courtenay  hold  at 
Tiverton,  as  a  residence  with  their  present  seat  at  Powder- 
ham,  or  in  extent  and  defensive  power  with  the  stronghold 
of  the  Pomeroys  at  Berry.  Nevertheless,  in  the  early  Middle 
Ages,  it  must  have  been  regarded  as  a  place  of  no  little 
strength  and  dignity,  when  the  Courtenays  had  completed 
what  the  Sedverses  begun. 

Of  some  of  the  Norman  castles,  specially  those  with 
the  shell  keeps,  we  may  be  pretty  sure  that  they  occupied 
the  site  of  Saxon  strengths,  which  may,  to  some  extent,  have 
dictated  their  plan.  This  was  certainly  so  at  Plympton  and 
Totnes  and  Launceston  and  Barnstaple.  Okehampton, 
however,  seems  to  be  purely  of  Norman  origin.  The  site, 
indeed,  is  one  that  might  have  been  chosen  by  the  Saxon ; 
but  in  the  West,  at  any  rate,  he  would  never  have  undertaken 
the  heavy  work  of  cutting  through  the  spur  of  the  hill  to 
isolate  the  keep,  on  which  its  main  strength  depended.  He 
had  already  fortified  his  "tun"  in  the  fork  of  the  twin 
rivers,  and  before  that  had  erected  his  stockade  on  the 
upland  (Haktock),  and  a  fortalice  on  the  castle  hill  would 
have  been  of  no  use  to  him  for  the  safeguard  of  his  local 
interests.  With  the  Norman,  needing  a  centre  of  jurisdiction, 
the  case  was  different     He  had  to  keep  in  order,  rather  than 

i      defend.    His  protective  ideas  were  in  the  main  confined 

I      to  himself. 

It  is  not  quite  easy  to  say  what  the  full  plan  of  the 
castle  in  its  complete  form  may  have  been.  The  castle  hill 
is  cut  off  from  the  spur  of  the  high  land,  of  which  it  forms 
the  eastern  point,  by  a  deep  notch  through  the  solid  slate 
rock  on  the  west.  It  is  steeply  scarped  to  the  north  and 
south  (where  the  West  Okement  formed  a  moat) ;  and  is  ap- 
proached by  a  more  gradual  slope,  still  sharp,  however,  only 

i  from  the  east.  On  the  crest  of  the  hill  thus  isolated  stand 
the  grim  ruins  of  the  keep,  on  a  mound  which  may  be  partly 
artificial  in  height,  as  it  certainly  is  in  form.     Down  the 

|      slope  to  the  eastward,  connected  with  the  mound  by  curtain 

I  walls,  are  the  remains  of  two  ranges  of  buildings,  north 
and  south,  with  a  narrowing  yard  between  them  leading 
to  the  main  gateway.     Beyond  this  gateway,  further  to 


the  eastward  still,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  on  the  level 
of  the  ancient  river  bank,  are  fragments  of  the  outer  gate 
or  barbican. 

Now,  while  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  the  keep  was 
defensible  in  itself,  and  that  the  inner  courtyard,  with  its 
double  set  of  buildings,  and  its  curtain  walls,  formed  with 
the  keep  a  complete  fortalice,  well  protected  by  the  escarp- 
ment— no  doubt  stockaded — from  any  sudden  attack,  it  is 
by  no  means  so  clear  that  it  would  have  held  a  garrison 
or  munitions  capable  of  standing  even  a  short  siege.  If, 
however,  the  barbican  gate,  instead  of  being  merely  an 
outwork  for  the  main  entrance,  formed  part  of  a  still  larger 
external  mural  cincture  enclosing  the  whole,  there  would 
have  been  plenty  of  room  to  accommodate  a  fairly  large 
garrison  in  the  wooden  shelters  which  commonly  formed 
the  abodes  of  the  mediaeval  rank  and  file.  I  am  bound, 
however,  to  say  that  I  have  been  unable  to  satisfy  myself 
that  such  a  complete  line  of  exterior  defence  existed ;  or  that 
the  main  building  ever  consisted  of  much  more  than  one 
sees,  or  can  trace,  of  the  keep  and  the  two  wings,  of  what  I 
should  perhaps  call,  somewhat  by  courtesy,  the  base  court. 
The  barbican  was,  of  course,  much  more  extensive  than  now 

On  the  age  of  the  castle,  the  structural  indications  are 
distinct.  The  oldest  part  of  the  edifice  is  the  keep ;  the  most 
recent  that  portion  of  the  southern  block  which  contains  the 
remains  of  the  chapel ;  and  they  date  architecturally  from 
the  Norman  to  the  Early  English  periods— or,  say,  from  the 
eleventh  to  nearly  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  centuries. 
Domesday,  of  course,  is  clear  that  a  castle  of  some  kind  had 
been  erected  before  1086.  William  of  Worcester,  who 
visited  this  "famous  castle,"  as  he  calls  it,  in  1478,  when  it 
was  intact,  records — no  doubt  on  what  he  thought  good 
^r  ,  authority — that  it  was  built  by  "  Thomas,  the  first  Courtenay 
k  '„:;,.: ..-.;»//    earl."    This,  however,  was  clearly  not  the  case,  equally  on 

the  evidence  of  history  and  of  structure,  and  I  was  once 
inclined,  therefore,  to  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Grose,  that 
Thomas  simply  carried  out  what  may  have  been  somewhat 
extensive  repairs  and  modifications,  the  main  features  of  the 
structure  remaining  as  he  found  them.  But  it  is  far  more 
likely  the  fact  that  it  was  held  by  Thomas  Courtenay  at 
William's  visit,  is  responsible  for  his  slip,  and  that  he  was 
right  in  ascribing  the  main  body  of  the  fabric  to  the  true 
first  Courtenay  earl,  Hugh,  who  succeeded  in  1292,  on  the 


Sketch  Ground  Plan. 


Sketch  First  Floor  Plan. 




death  of  Isabella  de  Fortibus — a  date  which  fits  in  excellently 
with  the  architectural  character  of  the  later  edifice. 

I  at  one  time  held  that  no  part  of  Baldwin's  work  re- 
mained, but  I  am  now  convinced  not  only  that  the  lower 
portion  of  the  keep  walls  is  essentially  Norman,  but  Norman 
that  may  well  be  of  his  time.  Close  inspection  will  show 
that  the  northern  wall  is  certainly  the  oldest  part  of  the 
structure,  as  it  stands,  and  it  will  be  noticed  also  that  in  this 
wall,  and  some  of  the  lower  parts  of  the  keep  walls  else- 
where, the  materials  largely  consist  of  water-worn  stones 
from  the  river-bed  below,  while  the  upper  portions  of  the 
walls  (like  the  walls  of  the  castle  generally)  are  built  of  the 
massive  native  slate.  Evidently  the  original  masons  took 
the  materials  they  could  get  with  the  least  trouble,  and  that 
lay  nearest  to  hand.  These  walls  average  near  the  base 
something  near  seven  feet  in  thickness,  and  are,  therefore,  of 
great  strength  in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  structure. 

The  keep  is  rectangular  in  plan,  with  the  longer  axis 
east  and  west,  in  two  sections,  now  divided  from  each  other 
by  gaps  in  the  walls  north  and  south.  The  eastern  section, 
moreover,  is  broader  than  the  western,  and  may  have  been 
an  addition  in  some  sort  to  the  original  building.  In  its  final 
form  the  keep  consisted  of  two  rooms  below  and  two  above, 
entered  by  a  low -pointed  doorway  in  the  north-eastern 
corner,  immediately  within  which,  on  the  north,  a  flight  of 
stone  steps  in  the  wall  led  to  the  upper  floor  and  to  the  roof, 
The  cavities  for  the  sliding  bar  which  fastened  the  outer  door 
still  remain ;  and  both  the  arches  of  the  external  doorway 
and  the  stair  opening  are  intact,  with  the  arch  on  the  inner 
side  of  the  porch  or  passage  in  the  thickness  of  the  wall.  A 
doorway,  lower,  but  of  similar  character,  led  from  the  outer 
into  the  inner  apartment  on  the  ground  floor ;  and  this  latter 
division  I  have  been  somewhat  inclined  to  regard  as  the 
original  keep,  on  to  which  the  outer  section  was  first  grafted 
by  Kedvers,  and  modified  by  Courtenay.  But  there  is  no 
certain  evidence. 

This  inner  apartment  is  26  feet  by  16,  and  is  lit  on  the 
ground  floor  by  three  deeply-splayed  windows,  with  small 
openings,  in  the  north,  west,  and  south  walls  respectively, 
the  doorway  being  the  only  opening  on  the  east  The 
northern  window  is  round-headed,  in  rubble  masonry  with- 
out dressings.  The  eastern  and  southern  are  semi-pointed, 
and  may  have  been  altered,  in  rebuilding,  from  the  northern 
form;  while  the  southern  has  been  partially  blocked  out- 
ward by  granite  dressings,  so  as  to  reduce  it  to  a  longitudinal 


slit  once  containing  iron  bars.  There  are  remains  of  similar 
dressings  in  the  northern. 

Nine  joists,  supported  by  two  transverse  beams,  carried  the 
floor  of  the  upper  room.  Here  there  is  another  window  in 
the  north  wall,  immediately  over  that  below.  The  south  wall 
contains  a  fireplace  and  a  large  window,  both  with  dressings. 
The  west  wall  another  large  window,  and  a  rude  lancet  arch 
in  granite,  giving  entrance  to  a  garderobe  in  the  northern 
corner.  A  roof  corbel  remains.  There  are  a  good  many 
patches  of  plastering. 

The  outer  chamber  is  the  larger  of  the  two,  22  feet  by  22, 
on  the  ground  floor;  but  the  walls  are  so  broken  away  on 
each  outer  side,  that  is  impossible  to  say  more  than  that 
it  appears  to  have  been  lighted  much  after  the  same  fashion 
as  the  inner  —  certainly  on  the  south  —  while  there  was 
a  window  also  on  the  east.  Nor  can  we  say  whether  it 
contained  a  fireplace,  like  its  neighbour,  above.  There  are, 
however,  the  remains  of  a  second  garderobe  on  the  south, 
wrought  in  the  thickness  of  the  wall ;  and  the  drains  to  both 
are  complete.  The  upper  apartments  were  somewhat  bigger 
than  the  lower,  because  the  thickness  of  the  middle  wall  was 
reduced  at  the  floor  level.  The  defence  must  have  been  from 
the  roof,  to  which  the  newel  stair  gave  access;  and  at  the 
head  of  the  staircase  there  is  just  one  fragment  of  the 
battlements.  In  case  of  a  siege  before  the  rest  of  the  castle 
was  built,  or  as  a  last  place  of  refuge,  the  quarters  of  the 
garrison  must  have  been  excessively  inconvenient,  and  their 
capacity  for  storage  of  provisions  and  munitions  of  war  very 

The  keep  is,  at  present,  approached  from  below  by  a 
winding  path,  but  a  sketch  of  the  castle,  taken  by  T.  H. 
Williams,  early  in  the  century,  seems  to  shew  traces  of  a 
sunken  way,  which  would,  of  course,  be  provided  with  steps, 
and  in  the  absence  of  which,  indeed,  the  access  to  the  keep 
would  be  exposed  to  the  missiles  of  the  assailants.  Some 
sort  of  protected  access,  in  later  days  at  any  rate,  there  must 
have  been. 

We  have  now  to  deal  with  the  main  buildings.  These, 
as  has  already  been  said,  form  two  ranges,  or  blocks,  on  the 
north  and  south  of  a  long  and  narrow  base  court,  triangular 
in  plan,  in  consequence  of  their  convergence  on  the  main 
gateway  at  the  eastern  end.  All  these  buildings  are 
essentially  of  one  period  and  style,  though  I  am  not  sure 
that  they  follow  one  original  design. 



The  main  feature  of  the  northern  range  is  the  great  hall, 
with  the  solar,  or  lord's  chamber,  over  the  usual  undercroft, 
or  cellar,  at  its  upper  (western)  end.  This  is  the  only  part 
of  the  northern  section  of  the  castle  that  is  substantially 
intact.  The  hall  was  a  fine  apartment,  45  ft.  in  length  by 
25  in  breadth;  and  was  lit  by  two  large  windows  in  the 
southern  wall,  to  the  west  of  which  was  the  entrance,  a 
boldly-moulded  granite  doorway,  4  ft.  4£  in.  in  width.  At 
the  lower  end  of  the  hall,  in  the  south-eastern  corner,  a 
doorway  leads  into  what  was  a  staircase -turret,  lit  by  a 
loop,  which  gave  access  to  the  roof.  A  few  of  the  lower 
steps  remain,  and  some  fragments  of  fallen  masonry.  It 
was  at  this  end,  in  halls  of  later  date,  that  the  kitchen  and  ^  f  1., 
buttery  were  approached ;  but  the  hall  is  characteristically  t  '"  ' 
twelfth  century  in  plan,  and  there  are  no  existing  traces  of  v  "■[ '■■/**■  ^c 
offices  of  that,  or  any  sort,  in  the  space  between  the  end  fa  '/  't  /> 
of  the  hall  and  the  main  gateway,  the  wall  of  which,  on  this 
northern  side,  is  much  ruinated.  These  offices,  therefore, 
must  either  have  been  of  small  structural  importance,  or  of 
a  mere  temporary  character.  A  doorway  at  the  upper  end 
of  the  hall,  in  the  south-western  corner,  leads  on  the  level 
into  the  cellar,  14  ft.  by  25,  lit  on  the  south  by  a  splayed 
loop,  and  on  the  west  by  a  loop  and  a  window  of  larger 
size.  The  northern  wall  is  broken,  and  its  indications 
doubtful.  This  chamber  was  entered  from  outside  by  steps 
through  a  doorway  in  the  north-west  corner,  the  dressings 
of  which  still  retain  the  tool  marks. 

Above  the  cellar  are  the  remains  of  the  lord's  chamber,  lit 
by  a  window  on  the  south,  and  containing  a  window,  fire- 
place, and  garderobe  on  the  west.  The  garderobe  is  formed 
in  a  little  projection  from  the  main  building,  lit  by  a  loop, 
and  has  apparently  been  cut  off  from  the  chamber  by  a 
structural  screen  of  some  kind,  the  broken  chase  of  which 
remains.  It  is  not  quite  clear  how  the  room  was  reached, 
but  the  wall  between  it  and  the  hall  is  so  broken  down,  that 
a  stair  might  very  well  have  been  carried  up  from  the  dais  in 
connection  with  the  space  apparently  screened  off — a  common 
arrangement  There  are  fragments  of  masonry  in  the  north- 
eastern corner  of  the  cellar,  which  look  like  steps  leading  up 
to  the  dais.  If  what  they  seem,  there  may  have  been  a 
wooden  stair  to  the  solar.  Towards  the  centre  of  the  hall 
are  what  may  be  the  remains  of  the  hearth. 

The  hall  and  its  adjuncts  are  separated  from  the  building 
to  the  west  by  a  narrow  passage,  which  has  been  regarded  as 
forming  a  kind  of  private  approach.    There  are,  however,  no 

r . 


traces  of  any  gate — and  it  is  evident  that  the  passage  owes 
its  origin  to  the  fact  that  the  hall  is  isolated.  There  must, 
therefore,  have  been  some  means  of  defence  here.  In  fact, 
the  absence  of  distinctive  defensive  works  in  this  block 
of  the  buildings,  is  very  striking.  And  whether  there  was 
ever  an  exterior  cincture  in  connection  with  the  barbican  or 
not ;  it  is  quite  evident  that  a  wall  must  have  continued  from 
the  main  gateway,  round  the  hall  to  the  keep  mound,  forming 
a  narrow,  but  no  doubt  effective,  rampart.  On  the  south,  the 
buildings  themselves  form  the  enclosure;  and  I  think  the  need 
of  this  special  work  on  the  north,  helps  the  conclusion  that 
the  hall  was  the  earliest  work  of  reconstruction.  To  the  west 
of  this  passage  are  the  ruins  of  a  square  building,  with  no 
noteworthy  characteristics  remaining,  and  from  this  the 
remains  of  a  curtain  wall  run  to  the  mound  of  the  keep. 

The  southern  range  is  much  more  extensive  and  complete 
than  the  northern,  and  includes  several  interesting  features. 
The  eastern  end  and  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  the 
southern  face  are  intact  and  picturesque;  and  it  is  quite 
clear  that  when  both  sides  of  the  gateway  were  standing, 
this  portion  of  the  castle  must  have  had  a  very  bold  and 
dignified  appearance.  It  will  be  convenient  for  the  purposes 
of  description  to  deal  with  this  range  as  two  sections — the 
eastern  containing  the  guard  and  residential  chambers,  and 
the  western  the  chapel. 

This  eastern  section  consists  of  a  two-storied  block  of 
buildings,  the  upper  floor  of  which  is  approached  by  a  door- 
way from  the  exterior,  immediately  north  of  the  chapel ;  the 
rooms  communicating  with  each  other.  To  the  ground 
floor  there  are  two  entrances,  and  there  was  no  internal 
connection  between  the  separate  apartments  thus  approached 
— the  eastern,  nearest  the  gate,  were  certainly  the  guard- 
rooms ;  the  western  may  very  well  have  been  used,  at  any 
rate  occasionally,  as  a  place  of  ward. 

The  guard-rooms  consisted  of  two  chambers,  each  about 
17  feet  in  width,  the  one  30  ft.  6  in.,  and  the  other  21ft. 
in  length.  The  western  of  these  has  a  garderobe,  built  out 
in  a  square  turret  with  similar  accommodation  for  both 
floors,  and  lit  by  a  small  arrow-slit  on  the  eastern  face.  The 
entrance  to  the  garderobe  is  in  the  southern  wall  at  the 
western  corner ;  and  to  the  east  of  this  is  a  deeply  splayed 
pointed  window,  which  ends  in  a  rectangular  loop.  The 
state  of  the  northern  wall  prevents  our  ascertaining  how  the 
room  was  lit  on  that  side.    The  eastern  or  outer  guard-room 


is  lit  on  the  south  by  two  squared-looped  windows,  pointed 
within.  A  doorway  in  the  north-eastern  corner  leads  from 
this  room  into  a  small  chamber  in  the  gate-tower,  9  ft.  9  in. 
by  6  ft.  6  in.,  which  formed  the  porter's  lodge  or  look-out,  a 
loop  window  in  the  eastern  wall  commanding  the  approach. 
Above  this  chamber  there  is  one  precisely  similar  in  the 
upper  story  (the  floor,  of  course,  is  gone),  and  it  is  note- 
worthy that  this  is  the  only  part  of  the  fabric  that  retains 
its  roof,  which  is  supported  by  three  massive  stone  ribs. 
A  deep  recess  in  the  southern  wall  continues  from  one 
room  into  the  other,  and  in  its  present  form  is  somewhat 

The  western  room  of  the  ground  floor  section  of  this  block 
— 28  ft.  by  17  ft.  3  in. — is  entered,  like  the  adjacent  guard- 
chambers,  by  a  doorway  in  the  northern  wall,  in  the  extreme 
north-western  corner.  It  is  lit  by  two  deeply  splayed 
windows  of  the  usual  small  type,  one  in  the  south  wall, 
slightly  pointed,  and  one  in  the  north,  the  outer  dressings  of 
which  retain  the  holes  in  which  iron  bars  were  formerly  set. 
There  is  a  garderobe  forming  part  of  the  external  turret 
already  noted,  opening  from  the  eastern  end  of  the  south 

The  upper  suite  of  rooms,  as  already  explained,  is  entered 
from  the  exterior  by  a  doorway  in  the  angle  of  the  western 
wall,  which  projects  beyond  the  chapel,  originally  approached 
by  steps.  So  far  as  can  be  seen  they  correspond  in  size  and 
number  with  the  rooms  below,  the  doorways  in  the  partitions 
being  next  the  southern  wall,  with  the  exception  of  the 
doorway  into  the  little  chamber  above  the  porter's  lodge, 
which  is  directly  over  that  below. 

The  southern  wall  of  the  western  chamber  of  this  suite 
contains  in  succession,  going  eastward,  a  window  much  larger 
than  the  one  below  (following  the  castle  rule),  a  fireplace,  and 
a  garderobe  entered  like  its  companions  by  a  lancet  doorway 
— the  turret  thus  containing  a  set  of  four.  The  southern 
wall  of  the  second  chamber  contains  in  like  succession  a 
garderobe,  window,  and  fireplace,  the  chimney  from  which 
is  boldly  corbelled  on  the  exterior.  The  window  had  a 
traceried  head  and  a  stone  seat  formed  in  the  sill.  The 
northern  wall  of  all  three  is  mainly  in  a  state  of  ruin. 
These  rooms  were  the  principal  residential  part  of  the  castle 
in  its  latest  form.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  small 
chamber  was  an  oratory  or  private  chapel.  What  appears 
to  be  a  corbel  from  below  has  a  drain,  and  may  well  have 
been  a  piscina,  though  unusually  placed. 


At  the  western  end  of  the  group  of  chambers  is  what 
p  is   commonly  known  as  the  chapel,  but  this  is  evidently 

v  a  portion  of  a  larger  structure,  which  has,  perhaps  for  the 

most  part,  disappeared.  The  orientation  is  clearly  dictated 
by  the  lines  of  the  main  body  of  this  section  of  the  castle, 
being  N.E.  and  S.W.  It  is  14  feet  in  width  by  20  in 
length,  and  has  a  two-light  window,  with  the  remains  of 
traceried  heads,  in  each  side  wall,  and  a  very  elegant  trefoil 
headed  piscina  in  the  southern  wall,  of  good  Early  English 
type,  but  rather  late,  corresponding  with  the  fragments  of 
the  window  tracery.  As  the  east  wall  of  the  chancel  is 
the  west  wall  of  the  guard-room  block  there  is  no  east 
window.  The  position  of  the  piscina  shows  that  the  floor 
must  have  been  considerably  above  the  present  level  of 
the  ground.  At  the  western  end  of  the  north  chancel 
wall  are  the  remains  of  one  side,  with  the  springing,  of  what 
was  evidently  another  window,  but  beyond  this,  whether 
to  the  north  or  south,  there  are  only  a  few  fallen  masses 
of  masonry,  of  which  nothing  can  be  made. 

On  the  south,  however,  the  wall  is  continued  at  right 
angles,  transeptal  fashion,  to  the  remains  of  a  small  chamber 
in  a  projecting  square  tower,  which  contains  an  arrow 
slit  It  is  not  at  all  improbable — in  fact,  most  likely — that 
the  residence  of  the  priest,  or  chaplain,  was  here,  but  the 
whole  of  this  part  of  the  fabric  is  too  much  ruined,  broken 
down,  in  fact,  nearly  to  the  foundations,  to  allow  of  any 
very  definite  deductions.  It  does  not  seem,  however,  to 
have  been  part  of  the  chapel,  which  probably  consisted 
of  little  if  anything  more  than  the  present  chancel  and  area 
connected  with  an  extension  westward.  Several  of  the  roof 
corbels  remain  in  the  chapel,  and  the  walls  are  battlemented. 
At  the  western  end  of  the  chapel,  and  its  adjacent  tower, 
there  is  a  gap  broken  in  the  outer  wall,  which  commences 
again  at  the  corner  of  a  chamber  that  has  almost  wholly 
disappeared,  but  still  contains  the  remains  of  another 
garderobe.  There  was  a  two-storied  building  here,  continued 
by  the  curtain  wall  to  the  keep  mound,  completing  the 
enclosure,  but  very  little  can  be  made  of  it  beyond  the  fact 
that  there  are  two  posterns — one  in  what  appears  to  have 
been  the  building,  approached  from  within  by  a  flight  of 
steps,  and  the  other  in  the  curtain  wall.  The  former  has 
a  kind  of  projecting  penthouse  hood  on  the  exterior. 

\  The  dressings  vary  in   material,   from  ordinary  granite 

to   a  fine  working  elvan,  and  a  close  reddish  grit  which 


I  learn  comes  from  Hatherleigh,  and  which  in  some  parts,  as 
elsewhere  noted,  retains  the  tool  marks.  This  stone  was 
used  for  the  tracery  of  the  chancel  windows,  and  the  piscina 
appears  to  be  of  kindred  material  Yet,  in  spite  of  its 
excellent  state  of  preservation,  it  is  so  free  working  that  it  is 
easily  cut  with  a  knife,  as  the  well-known  inscription  by  one 
of  the  French  prisoners  of  war,  interned  at  Okehampton  early 

in  this  century,  testifies:  "Hie  V 1  fuit  captivus  belli, 

1809."  The  early  masonry  is  very  massive  and  solid,  and 
much  of  the  later  shows  very  good  work.  The  granite 
dressings  are  the  rudest,  but  this  may  quite  as  much  be  due 
to  the  refractory  character  of  the  material,  as  to  any  note- 
worthy want  of  skill  on  the  part  of  the  workmen,  though  it 
is  most  probable  that  the  different  dressing  materials  are 
indicative  in  the  main  of  different  periods  of  operation. 

The  general  conclusions  which  I  draw  from  the  structural 
character  of  the  remains,  with  such  slight  aid  as  history 
affords,  may  be  summed  up  very  shortly.  Baldwin  the 
Sheriff,  in  the  first  place  isolated  and  scarped  the  castle 
mound,  and  reared  thereon  a  square  keep,  of  which  the  base 
of  the  western  section  of  the  present  keep  is  essentially  part, 
the  northern  wall  shewing  some  of  his  work  practically 
intact.  Somewhat  later,  but  still  in  Norman  times,  the 
eastern  section  of  the  keep  was  added.  We  have  no  clear 
trace  of  what  other  buildings  there  may  then  have  been 
on  the  slopes  below,  now  occupied  by  the  main  body  of 
the  castle,  and  possibly  they  were  neither  very  extensive 
nor  permanent  in  character.  Be  that  as  it  may,  they  have 
all  disappeared.  There  must,  however,  have  come  a  time 
during  the  continuance  of  the  Bedvers  lordship,  when  the 
need  of  better  residential  accommodation  than  the  keep 
afforded  must  have  been  urgent ;  and  to  that  period,  it  seems 
to  me,  belong,  at  least  in  inception  and  origin,  the  northern 
range  of  buildings,  especially  the  hall  and  its  adjuncts,  which 
carry  out,  as  I  have  said,  precisely  the  customary  twelfth- 
century  plan  of  such  structures.  Of  course,  there  must  also 
have  been  other  buildings  completing  the  enclosure  on  the 
south,  but  of  their  character  we  have  less  direct  evidence. 
Finally,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Courtenay  regime — per- 
haps commencing  with  Isabella  de  Fortibus,  Bess  of 
Hardwick  is  not  the  only  great  lady  builder — towards  the  ^_-- 

end  of  the  thirteenth   century,  this  northern    block    wa3    >'*/'■,£** 
rebuilt,  with  its  elegant  chapel,  and  a  suite  of  residential 
apartments  for  the  lord  and  his  family,  which  in  these  days 


would  have  been  regarded  as  "exceeding  magnifical,"  while 
the  whole  of  the  elder  buildings  that  were  retained,  the  keep 
included,  were  reconstructed,  and  brought  into  harmony  with 
the  new  work.  There  were,  of  course,  minor  stages  and 
subsequent  changes,  but  these  seem  to  me  the  main  features 
in  the  structural  history  of  the  Castle  of  Okehampton.  It 
may  be  that  the  judicious  clearing  out  of  the  soil  and 
rubbish,  which  has  in  the  course  of  centuries  accumulated 
to  a  considerable  extent  in  some  of  the  chambers,  would 
throw  further  light  upon  many  interesting  details,  but  I  do 
not  think  it  would  add  materially  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
main  facts. 

N'B     TOWER." 



BT   8IB  J.   B.   PHBAR,    M.A.,    F.G.8. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895^ 

The  ancient  walls  of  the  Castle  at  Exeter  have,  on  two 
recent  occasions,  formed  the  subject  of  short  notices,  which 
have  found  place  in  the  Transactions  of  this  Association. 

The  first  of  these  notices  (read  at  Tiverton,  July,  1891) 
stated  the  circumstances  under  which  considerable  repairs 
had  been  carried  out  in  the  spring  of  1891,  with  the  object 
of  rendering  the  southern  wall  of  the  Castle-yard  secure, 
and  also  described  the  discovery  made,  in  the  course  of  that 
work,  of  human  skeletons  beneath  the  floor  of  the  Castle- 
keeper's  Lodge. 

The  second  (read  at  Plymouth  in  the  following  year) 
continued,  virtually,  the  same  story  somewhat  farther.  The 
rebuilt  portion  of  the  wall  had,  in  the  interval,  suddenly 
collapsed,  giving  way  at  the  foundation,  and  carrying  with 
it,  at  each  extremity,  additional  portions  of  the  inner  face 
of  the  ancient  wall.  The  work  of  repair  had  to  be  recom- 
menced on  a  larger  scale  than  before ;  and  in  the  course  of 
the  excavations,  incidental  to  making  the  requisite  founda- 
tions for  this  purpose,  and  in  also  clearing  the  ground  for 
a  new  lodge,  some  more  skeletons  were  discovered,  as  well  as 
a  few  Roman  coins,  small  fragments  of  armour,  and  other 
articles  of  interest,  which  seemed  to  deserve  mention  in  the 
pages  of  the  Association's  Transactions. 

The  purpose  of  the  present  paper  is  to  record  briefly 
certain  other  repairs,  which  have  since  been  done  to  two 
other  entirely  distinct  portions  of  the  Castle  walls,  one  on 
the  south,  and  the  other  on  the  north  side  of  the  Castle-yard ; 
and  to  draw  attention  to  some  points  of  interest  disclosed 
in  the  course  of  the  work. 

voi*  XXVIL  l 


It  should  be  mentioned  that  the  existing  remains  of  the 
Castle,  consist  of  massive  ancient  walls,  which,  roughly 
speaking,  face  respectively  north  and  south,  east  and  west, 
and  enclose  a  quadrangular  space  of  approximately  300  feet 
square.  The  present  entrance  to  this  quadrangle,  or  court, 
now  the  Castle-yard,  is  by  a  roadway,  which  has  been  made 
in  comparatively  modern  times,  through  the  southern  wall, 
a  little  to  the  west  of  its  middle  point ;  and  just  adjoining 
that,  to  the  west  again,  is  still  standing  the  old  gate- 
tower,  sometimes  called  the  Barbican,  which,  approached 
by  a  drawbridge  over  the  outside  ditch,  constituted  the  main 
entrance  to  the  fortress  in  Plantftgenet  days.  It  is  now  a 
mere  shell,  but  it  retains  its  full  height,  or  nearly  so;  and 
covered  with  ivy,  as  it  was  until  lately,  to  its  very  top,  it 
has  long  formed  a  widely-known  and  interesting  feature  in 
picturesque  Exeter. 

A  few  months  ago  several  successive  falls  of  large  pieces 
of  stone,  from  the  upper  portions  of  the  tower,  served  as 
a  warning  to  indicate  that  the  structure  was  in  a  very 
dangerous  state,  and  on  careful  examination  it  was  dis- 
covered that  unless  measures  were  promptly  taken  to  secure 
the  building,  it  was  almost  certain  that  the  tower  would  ere 
long  suddenly  collapse  and  fall  in  ruins. 

The  work  of  reparation  was  at  once  entrusted,  by  the 
County  Authority,  to  the  able  and  experienced  hands  of 
Mr.  Harbottle,  the  County  Surveyor,  and  the  measures 
which  he  found  it  necessary  to  take,  and  which  extended 
in  time  over  a  period  of  many  months,  are  thus  concisely 
described  by  him : 

"  The  tower  was  found  to  be  in  a  most  dilapidated  condition. 
The  Norman  work  was  so  damaged  and  fractured  by  the  growth 
of  ivy  roots  and  young  trees,  that  it  was  with  great  difficulty 
much  of  the  walling  could  be  preserved.  By  careful  under- 
pinning, and  by  replacing  some  of  the  quoins,  which  in  many 
places  were  the  only  tie  to  the  structure,  it  has  been  made  secure. 
The  mortar,  with  which  it  is  built,  more  resembles  earth  than 
anything  else,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  walls  ivy  roots  were  found 
grown  to  a  thickness  of  three  inches.'1 

There  are  several  particulars  of  interest  apparent  in  this 
old  gate- tower,1  which  are  doubtless  known  to  many  members 
of  this  Association,  but  which  perhaps  may,  without  impro- 
priety, be  shortly  indicated  here.     Although  placed  to  serve 

1  The  great  gate-tower  is  l>y  local  tradition  utill  known  as  Athelstan'H 
Tower.     And  Bishop  Grandisson,  according  to  Dr.  Oliver  {Hid.  of  Ext:te.rt 


the  purpose  of  a  barbican,  the  form  and  structure  of  the 
work  is  rather  that  of  a  Norman  keep.  It  is  square  in 
ground-plan,  with  its  side-walls  projecting  beyond  the  gate- 
way, in  the  manner  of  buttresses,  towards  the  ditch.  The 
ground -floor  of  the  Tower  was  simply  roadway,  opening 
outwards  to  the  drawbridge  and  inwards  to  the  Castle-yard, 
by  two  semicircular  Norman  archways.  In  addition  to 
these  archways,  north  and  south,  there  is,  in  the  eastern 
side-wall,  a  small  opening,  or  doorway,  with  a  pointed 
heading,  which,  seemingly,  gave  access  to  the  ditch.  Above 
this  ground-floor  of  the  Tower  there  were,  in  keep-fashion, 
three  or  four  stories,  as  shown  by  openings  in  the  walls,  to 
admit  the  ends  of  floor-joists ;  but  no  trace  of  any  per- 
manent staircase  can  be  detected.  Probably  step-ladders, 
similar  to  those  which  are  commonly  used  as  the  means  of 
communication  from  deck  to  deck  on  board  ship,  here  took 
the  place  of  masonry  staircases. 

Of  the  two  above-mentioned  archways  of  this  gate-tower, 
the  outermost  is  now  filled  up  with  masonry — the  materials 
for  the  purpose  having  evidently  been  taken  from  other 
parts  of  the  old  buildings.  This  blocking  up  was,  doubtless, 
done  at  some  time  when,  the  Castle  having  become  useless 
as  a  fortification,  and  more  or  less  ruinous,  the  more  con- 
venient modern  entrance  roadway  was  made  by  filling  up 
the  ditch,  and  cutting  through  the  Castle  wall  on  one  side 

p.  179),  observes  in  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  King  Edward  III.  (Beg. 
vol.  L  fol.  286) : 

"Si  len  regarde  Men  les  cronicles,  len  trouvera  que  le  Roy  Adelstou  fist 
enclore  la  Vyile  D'Excestre  et  fist  le  chastel." 

One  of  the  chronicles  referred  to  is  probably  that  of  William  of  Malmes- 
bnry  (cite.  1142),  a  passage  of  which  (quoted  by  Freeman  in  his  History 
of  ExtUr,  p.  25,  note)  runs  thus : 

"Urbem  illam  quam  contaminate  gentis  repurgio  defecaverat,  turribus 
munivit,  muro  ex  quadratis  lapidibus  cinxit." 

It  may  well  be  that  in  this  case  tradition  is  to  be  trusted.  Athelstan's 
work  must  have  been  completed  less  than  150  years  before  the  Conquest ; 
and  it  must  have  been  Anglo-Saxon  in  character,  because,  although  Athelstan 
was  closely  connected  by  marriage  both  with  France  and  the  Empire,  the 
Danish  settlement  of  Normandy  was  only  just  then  assuming  permanent 
shape,  and  could  hardly  have  developed  a  style  of  architecture.  Now,  the 
pair  of  triangular-headed  windows,  the  long-and-short  work  at  the  corners, 
and  the  absence  of  masonry  stairs  in  the  existing  building,  certainly  point 
to  an  Anglo-Saxon  origin,  even  if  the  equally  unmistakable  Norman  arch- 
ways ana  flat  side  buttresses  suggest  a  period  of  transition,  or  of  subsequent 

At  any  rate,  it  would  seem  that  this  old  record  in  stone,  left  us  by  our 
ancestors,  has  not  yet  received  all  the  attention  it  deserves  ;  and  is  likely  to 
repay  further  consideration. 

I.  2 


of  the  Tower,  in  substitution  for  the  old  road  over  the  draw- 
bridge and  through  the  Tower  itself. 

The  accompanying  drawings  show  the  plan  of  the  Tower 
in  horizontal  and  vertical  section ;  and  the  larger  photograph 
gives  the  outside  view  of  the  Tower  from  Castle  Street.  Mr. 
Harbottle,  describing  the  details  of  its  two  archways,  writes : 

"  The  outer  one  is  a  massive  Norman  archway  of  two  orders ; 
the  inner  order  is  carried  on  an  attached  shaft,  with  moulded  base 
and  cap.  The  moulding  of  the  cap  is  carried  across  the  front  face 
of  the  impost,  which  carries  the  other  arch. 

"  The  archway  itself  is  filled  in  with  rubble  masonry,  in  which 
there  are  two  lancet  windows. 

"  On  the  archway  there  are  two  openings  with  Norman-moulded 
imposts,  on  which  stand  two  triangular  arches. 

"  The  entrance  to  the  Tower  from  the  Castle-yard  is  through  a 
Norman  archway,  similar  in  detail  to  that  just  described." 

The  foregoing  constitutes  the  first  item  of  reparation  to 
which  this  paper  relates.  The  other  was  a  much  slighter 
affair,  though  hardly  less  interesting  in  its  disclosures. 

In  preparing  the  foundations  for  an  extension  of  the 
County  buildings,  which  stand  within  the  Castle  quadrangle, 
adjacent  to  its  northern  side,  and  in  making  certain  incidental 
alterations  of  the  ground,  it  became  necessary  to  remove  a 
considerable  amount  of  soil  lying  banked  against  the  foot 
of  the  northern  wall,  and  to  clear  the  wall  of  some  vegetation. 
Mr.  Harbottle  states  the  resulting  appearances  as  follows  : 

"The  old  wall  on  the  north  side  of  the  Castle-yard  is  cased 
with  comparatively  modern  stone  rubble,  and  in  stripping  off  the 
ivy,  and  removing  some  of  the  loose  stones,  it  was  found  that 
behind  the  rubble  work  was  the  original  wall,  constructed  of 
herring-bone  stone-work  of  the  hardest  and  soundest  description, 
very  differently  built  from  the  walls  in  the  southerly  side  of  the 
yard,  portions  of  which  fell  a  few  year*  ago.2 

"  On  the  inside  of  the  northerly  wall  there  are  the  remains  of 
the  foundation  of  what  appears  to  have  been  a  round  tower.  It 
measures  about  fifteen  feet  in  diameter.  Photographs  have  been 
taken  of  it." 

In  another  memorandum,  with  a  plan  attached,  Mr. 
Harbottle  gives  the  following  further  details : 

"The  foundations  of  what  appears  to  have  been  a  round  tower, 
are  built  on  an  artificial  deposit  of  earth  and  rubble-stone.  They 
are  about  the  same  depth  as  the  Castle  wall,  and  are  of  common 
rubble  masonry.  There  are  two  holes  in  the  wall  near  the  bottom, 
which  appear  to'  have  been  used  as  a  support  for  a  cross  beam.   The 

•  In  1891. 



inner  face  of  the  wall  is  fair  stone-work,  but  the  outer  face  appears 
to  have  been  built  against  the  earth,  as  the  ends  of  the  stone  are 
irregular.  There  is  no  indication  of  paving  inside,  nor  any 
openings  in  the  walls,  except  the  holes  for  bearings.  The  founda- 
tion walls  were  covered  over  with  earth ;  and  a  modern  (or  rather 
indications  of  a  modern)  arch  was,  no  doubt,  built  over  them ;  as, 
I  believe,  a  cottage  stood  on  the  site,  where  these  foundation  walls 
were  discovered." 

These  last-mentioned  circular  foundations  have  been  left 
exposed,  but  are  protected  by  an  iron  railing.  Norden's 
plan  of  the  Castle,  purporting  to  have  been  made  in  1617, 
shows  such  a  round  tower,  as  this  might  have  been,  nearly 
at  the  middle  point  of  the  southern  wall  on  its  outside, 
but  does  not  indicate  anything  of  the  kind,  either  inside  or 
outside,  throughout  the  length  of  the  northern  wall.  Nor 
do  either  of  the  other  maps  referred  to  in  the  paper  of  1891. 
And  it  is  not  easy  to  see  what  purpose  a  tower  so  placed 
within  the  wall  could  answer. 

The  strong  contrast  which  Mr.  Harbottle  draws  between 
the  solidity  and  character  of  the  northern  wall,  and  the 
conspicuous  weakness  of  structure  in  the  southern,  seems 
to  gain  significance,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  northern 
and  eastern  walls  of  the  Castle  are  essentially  portions  of 
the  old  City  walls,  while  the  southern  and  western  are 
defences  thrown  up  inside  in  such  manner  as  to  practically 
convert  the  highest  angle  of  the  City  into  a  square  redoubt. 


BT    REV.    T.    W.    WHALE,    M.A. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1805.) 

We  learn  from  Domesday  (Association  Edition,  p.  382)  that 
Bratona  or  Bratone  belonged  to  Baldwin  the  Sheriff. 
Brictric  held  it  before  him.  It  contained  15  plough  lands, 
and  there  were  in  it  two  thanes  holding  half  a  virgate  of 
land  freely. 

Reference  is  made  to  a  successor  of  one  of  these  thanes 
in  the  Hundred  Roll  for  Lifton. 

Another  Bratona  or  Brotone  (now  Bratton  Fleming,  p.  333) 
belonged  to  Earl  Robert.  Ordulf  held  it  before  him,  and 
Erchenbold  of  the  Earl. 

The  Manor  of  Botintone  (p.  107)  belonged  to  Bishop 
Osbern,  and  he  had  common  pasture  at  Bratone.  Mr. 
Worth  thinks  this  manor  of  Botintone  is  Benton  in  Bratton 
Fleming.  It  was  an  appendage  of  Braunton  and  afterwards 
of  Hauston  (Lysons). 

The  hundred  men  (p.  457)  declared  that  the  manor  of 
Blackewille  belonged  to  the  above  manor  of  Bractone.  This 
is  Blakewell,  Marwood. 

There  is  also  a  Bratton  or  Bractone  in  Minehead,  where 
(Kirby's  Quest  for  Somerset)  Robert  de  Bractone  held  one  fee 
of  John  de  Mohun,  and  he  of  the  king ;  and  it  is  remarkable 
that  John  de  Mohun  held  also  fees  in  Bratton  Claville,  as 
will  be  referred  to  below.  Pole  (p.  27)  tells  us  that  lands  in 
Devon  were  held  of  the  honor  of  Dunden  and  Dunster  in 

It  is  highly  probable  that  Sir  Hen.  de  Bracton  sprang  from 
Bratton  Clovelly,  for,  in  addition  to  the  name,  the  Church  is 
dedicated  to  St.  Mary,  and  St.  Mary's  Altar  or  Bratton's 
Altar  is  found  in  Exeter  Cathedral;  but  I  am  inclined  to 


think  that  there  were  two  of  the  name,  and  that  the  great 
Lawyer  was  not  the  same  as  the  Chancellor  of  the 

We  can  find  no  further  mention  of  the  Manor  of  Bratton 
till  we  come  to  Sir  Hamlyn  D'Eudon,  and  we  pause  to  see 
what  changes  occur  in  respect  of  his  name.  Sir  William 
Pole  (p.  275)  calls  him  Sir  Hamlyn  de  Deandon,  but  p.  49 
we  read  "Baldwin  Mallet  of  Deandon  Knight,  by  Mabil 
daughter  and  heire  of  Hamelin  Deadon,"  and  p.  46  "Hamelin 
Deaudon  of  Deaudon  KV  He  was  one  of  the  Knights 
of  the  1240  Survey  of  the  Moor.  Lysons  always  write 
u  Deaudon  of  Deaudon,"  and  say,  p.  537,  "  Deaudon  in  the 
parish  of  Withecombe  in  the  Moors  passed  to  the  Malets." 
In  1748  Bawlin  Mallock,  Esq.,  purchased  the  royalty  of 
Dutton  (no  doubt  corrupted  from  Deudon)  Malet,  and 
Dunston  in  this  parish.  He  tells  us  that  Eoger  Mallock 
bought  Cockington  in  1654,  so  that  Dutton  can  hardly  be  an 
appendage  of  Cockington.  In  Somerset  fines  (36  Hen.  III., 
p.  153)  he  is  called  Hamelin  de  Doudon ;  but  in  Testa  Nevill 
(p.  110)  Hamel  Dy-an-dune. 

Sir  Baldwin  Mallet  and  Letitia  his  wife  granted  (14  Bich. 
II.)  lands  in  Deandon ;  but  (9  Hen.  IV.)  we  have  in  a  deed 
(Lansdown  MSS.  Brit.  Museum,  No.  255),  "  Know  ye  that  I 
have  confirmed  the  Mannors  of  Enemer  and  Dutton  to  Sir 
Baldwine  Mallett  and  Amisia  his  wife." 

Bisdon  calls  him  Deandon. 

Wm  de  Deandon  = 


Sir  Hamlyn  de  Deandon=Lucelina 


Joan = Sir  Roger 
(ob.  1280)  Mabil -Sir  Baldwyn  Malet 

of  Enemer  (near  Taunton). 

I  I 

Sir  Jno  Malet  Wm  Malet= 

Lucy  Malet  =■  1st  Simon  de  Meriet  =  2^*  Thos  de  Tymmeworth 

(ob.  circa  1325)  I        of  Hestercombe 

ob.  1296. 

I  I  I 

Walter  Meriet  Richard    Hawisia-=Jno  de  Berkeley 

s.p.  1313    ob.  1317. 

(Pole,  p.  275  ;  and  Somerset  Archl.  Records,  vol.  xxviii.  p  178. 
Widecombe  in  the  Moor.) 


In  Inq.  post  m.  we  read : 

35  Ed.  III.  122.  "Henry  Duke  of  Lancaster  held  Deandon 
— Devon. 

16  Ed.  I.  18.     "  Joh'es  Malet  Deandon  manr  ex*. 

19  Ed.  II.,  p.  331.  "  Wm  s.  Wm  Martyne,  Dendon,  \  fee, 
which  therefore  was  most  likely  held  of  the  Barony  of 

42  Ed.  III.  40.  "  Jno  f.  JB0  Meriet  consang.  et  heres  Joh'es 
de  Beauchamp  de  Somerset  pro  predicto  Joh'e  et  Joh'a  uxore 
ejus — Dendone  maner*  rem1  eidem  Joh'i — Somerset." 

Deandon  seems  to  be  a  mistake  for  Deaudon,  and  the 
name  to  be  D'eau-don,  derived  from  the  river  Weddiburn. 
He  had  two  daughters — Joan,  married  to  Sir  Roger  Clavill, 
whence  probably  comes  Bratton  Clavill — I  suppose  owners' 
names  were  added  to  manors  about  this  time,  and  it  will  be 
seen  below  that  afterwards  Bratton  was  called  Bratton-francis 
for  a  like  reason — and  Mabil,  married  to  Sir  Baldwyn  Malet 
Joan  and  Mabil,  with  their  husbands,  entered  into  a  covenant 
(Lansdown  MSS.)  as  to  the  lands  which  belonged  to  Hamelin 
Deaudon,  their  father;  and,  I  take  it,  Hamelin  Deaudon, 
Walter  de  Bathon,  and  Richard  le  Bret  were  trustees  for 
Joan  and  Mabil. 

The  name  Eudon  occurs  in  Rot  Han.  for  the  counties  of 
Salop  and  Huntingdon — "  Eudon,  Auger  de,"  p.  81 ;  "  Eudon, 
Kad.fil,"p.  677. 

Mabil  (had  ?)  granted  the  manor  of  Bratton  in  her  widow- 
hood (Inq.  9  Ed.  I.,  1280)  to  Thomas  de  Tynworth,  Lucia, 
his  wife,  and  Richard,  their  son. 

Pole  tells  us  that  Tho8  de  Tymmworth  held  the  manor 
(ob.  1296),  and  that  Lucie,  his  widow,  who  married  2dl*  Sir 
Simon  de  Meriet,  held  it.  30  Ed.  I.  (1301.)  Walter  de* 
Meriet,  their  son  (Oct.  of  St.  Martin,  5  Ed.  II.,  1311,  Finalis 
Concordia,  53,  Somerset)  conveyed  it  to  Simon  le  Sauvage, 
junr.,  in  trust  for  (1)  Lucy  de  Meriet  for  her  life;  (2) 
Hawisia,  her  daughter;1  and  Hawisia  dying  without  issue, 
the  manor  fell  again  to  Walter  de  Meriet.  He  was  Chancellor 
of  Exeter  in  1322,  and  afterwards  Prebendary  of  Wells.  (See 
18  Ed.  III.,  Finalis  Concordia,  177.) 

He  died  {Inq.  p.  m.  7  June  19,  Ed.  III.,  55)  having  no 
lands  in  Devon,  but  possessed  of  Widecombe,  EUworthy, 

1  Hawisia  de  Berkly  held  the  manor  8  Ed.  II. ;  her  husband  died  in  1317. 
— Pole. 

Jno  dc  Berkeley  held  the  manor  of  Bratton  cum  Borsleigh  (Hund.  of 
Lifton).  {Somerset  Arch.  Records,  1316.) 

14  Ed.  II.,  24— Jno  de  Berkeleye  of  Erlyngham.— Somerset. 


and  Plash  in  Somerset,  so  he  must  have  parted  with  Bratton. 
Pole  tells  us  that  19  Ed.  III.,  1345  (t.e.  at  the  death  of 
Simon  de  Meriet),  Tho8  de  Somerton  held  Bratton,  Bratton 
St.  Mary  (no  doubt  the  advowson),  Combe,  and  Gondescott. 
Also  Tho8  his  son,  and  Rob*  de  Somerton  after  him. 

The  manor  rolls  show  a  change  of  owner  to  a  lady  in  1408, 
and  refer  to  court  expenses  of  Bd  Mille  and  others.  And 
again  to  another  lady  in  1416. 

The  rolls  for  1437  refer  to  court  expenses  of  Henry 
Fraunceys,  and  show  change  of  owner  to  another  lady. 
From  Inq.  p.  m.  35  Hen.  VI.,  12,  1456,  we  find  that  Henry 
Franceis  owned  the  manor  "ut  de  feodo  de  Tho8  Comite 

The  Inq.  21  Ed.  IV.,  20,  on  the  death  of  his  son  Nicholas, 
shows  that  then  Bratton  was  alienated. 

Westcote,  p.  46 :  "  Franceis  of  Combe  Flory ;  and  Franceis 
Court  in  the  parish  of  Broad  Clyst. 

Wm  Franceis = Alice  d.  &  h.  of  Nicholas  de  Ilele  and  Alice 

his  wife  d.  &  h.  of  Flory. 

Hen?  Francis = 
ob.  1456 


b.  1435. 

ob.  1480. 

"  7  Ed.  IV.,  49, 1466 :  Robert  Kyrkham  was  seized  of  the 
manors  of  Trusselton,  Manaton,  and  Bratton/' 

I  take  it  this  refers  to  Bratton  Clovelly;  all  the  more 
probable  from  its  being  near  to  Trusselton.  And  the  name 
Eobert  Kirkham  occurs  often  in  the  Manor  Bolls,  in  1416, 
1432,  and  1437. 

In  1566  comes  a  deed,  in  my  possession,  of  the  division  of 
the  manor  of  Bratton  Clovelly  between  Richard  Langford 
and  Richard  Pengelly.  In  it  reference  is  made  to  leases 
granted  by  John  Pengelly,  his  father,  or  by  William  Francis, 

I  append  the  parts  assigned  to  each  by  arbitration : 


To  Rd  Langf d       Meyndey  Christ*  Drewe. 

Myltowne  Wm  Ellacott. 

1  Bratton  towne  ten1  Rd  Langford. 

SmythehowBe,andNorishe'spece  Tho8  Marshall. 

Griest  Myll  Rd  Langford. 
Volysdon  Woode  (pl) 
Birche  Wood  (p*) 


To  Rd  PeDgelly     Caylhowse  Jno  Gascoyn. 

Volly8don  Jno  Pengelly. 

Voliadon  Wood  (pl) 

1  Bratton  town  ten1  Rd  Pengelly. 

1  „  „  Tho- White. 

Shereston  Moore  Chn  Drewe. 

(Chester  Moor  now) 

Melihebery  Mede  Chn  Drewe. 

(Mashworthy,  or  Maahery  Mead  now) 

Jno  Toll. 

Birche  Wood  (p*) 

On  25th  April,  35  Elizabeth,  1593,  another  deed,  in  which 
Richard  Pengelly,  son  and  heir  of  Richard  Pengelly,  late  of 
Bratton  towne,  releases  his  right  in  a  fourth  part  of  the 
manor  of  Bratton  Clovelly,  alias  Bratton-fraunceis,  to 
William  Langyfford,  which  Richard  LangifTord,  father  of 
William,  had  recently  purchased  of  John  Pengelly  de 

Another  deed  is  dated  20th  Nov.,  12  Jas.  I.,  1614,  in 
which  Richard  Pengelly,  of  Bratton  Clovelly,  sells  for  £340 
to  Moyses  Laugefford  his  part  of  the  manor  of  Bratton 
Clavelly,  otherwyse  Bratton  Frauncis,  and  which  included 
Brattontown,  Voulsdon,  Calehouse,  Sherestone  Moore,  and 
Melihebery  Meadow. 

In  1690  there  is  a  Finalis  Concordia  between  Walter 
Langforde  de  Petertavy  and  Thomas  Hierne,  quer8 ;  William 
Langforde  and  Elizabeth  his  wife,  deforc8;  in  regard  to 
Swaddledown,  Bratton  Mille,  Culme  Pitte,  Bratton  Church 
Towne,  and  Voulsdon. 

1684,  Manor  Rolls:  "Wm  Langford  and  Tho8  Corindon 
lords  of  the  manor." 

(Tuckctt    Rd  Langesford^  Margery  <1.  Hillsworthy. 
p.  8)  of  Bratton 

Wm  Langesford=Thomazine  d.  Hen*  Bidlake. 

i  i 

Moses  Langesford  Dorothy = Tho5  Corindon, 

born  1576=Marg*  d.  1662,  of  Braton. 

(of  Swaddledowne) 
in  1646 

Rd  faverner. 
(S*  Teath) 

„    I  I  I  I  I  I 

Tavcrner     Hen*    Thos    Grace    Sibell    John. 

b.  1609  b.  1610 

(of  S«  Tfcth) 

in  1646. 


The  Manor  of  Godescote  (Dev.  Dames,  p.  391)  was  appended 
to  Bratton,  as  the  Manor  Rolls  clearly  show.  It  included  Yeo, 
Estelake,  Combe,  Nywelhani,  Stoddon,  Dountone,  Yeoldone, 
Trendelbeare,  Beggestone,  which  are  in  that  part  of  Bratton 
cut  off  by  Thrushelton,  and  the  tenants  appear  to  have  been 
all  freeholders.  Bristric  held  it,  then  Baldwin,  and  Goluin 
of  him. 

1  Hen.  VI.  63.  "  Hugh  Courtenay,  who  died  temp.  Hen. 
IV.,  held  Wyke  Langforde  in  baron*  de  Combe,  et  Godescote." 

Wyke  Langforde  is  the  same  as  German's  Week,  and 
probably  "  in  baron' "  should  be  written  '  cum  barton.' " 

We  must  be  careful  not  to  confuse  it  with  "Godescot" 
(9  Bich.  II.  55)  in  the  parish  of  Huntshaw,  which  is  called 
Godwnescoth  in  Testa  Nevill,  p.  177.  They  were  both  written 
later  on  "  Guscott."  Bishop  Stafford's  Register  tells  us  there 
was  a  chapel  of  St.  Margaret  at  Godescote,  now  Guscot  by 

7  Ed.  I.     "  Jno  de  Mohun  held  fees  in  Braicton  Clavill." 

14  Ed.  I.  33.  "He  held  Bracton,  Northcumb  (Southcumb 
in  Germansweek)." 

20  Ed.  I.  38.  "  Hugh  de  Curtenay  (no  doubt  in  chief) 
held  Bracton  lacerat'." 

4  Ed.  III.  35.  "Jno  de  Mohun  held  a  fee  in  Bratton 

Bosleia  or  Boslie  (Dev.  Domes.,  p.  382)  was  another  manor 
in  the  parish  held  also  by  Brictric  and  Baldwin.  Eoffus  held 
this  of  Baldwin. 

15  Ed.  I.  10.  "  Wm  Talbot  (who  held  also  Sourton  and 
Thrusselton),  Boreslegh  ex1." 

8  Ed.  II.  56.     "  Patricius  de  Cadurcis,  Boresle,  1  fee." 
So  also  8  Ed.  II. 

36  Ed.  III.  37.  "  Matilda,  wife  of  Wm  Duke  of  Bavaria, 
one  of  the  daughters  and  heir  of  Henry  Duke  of  Lancaster, 
held  Boreleghe." 

Placita  coram  rege,  1316.  "  JD0  de  Berkeley  held  Bratton 
cum  Boraleigh." 

Bishop  Stafford  tells  us  there  was  a  chapel  of  St.  James  at 

17  Hen.  VI.  51.  "  Alianora  Talbot.  Boreslegh  manr  ex1  ut 
de  cast.  Okhamp." 

There  is  a  licence  from  Ed.  III.  9  (Patent  Bolls)  to  Prior  of 
Plympton  to  grant  to  John  de  Grandisson,  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
the  Advowson  of  Bratton.  Three  years  later  we  fiud  a  licence 
to  the  Bishop  of  Exeter  to  grant  it  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter. 
In  1351,  a  licence  of  mortmain  to  the  Bishop  to  grant  to 




census  10d 

finis  12d 

mie  28  7d 

mie  5d 



the  College  of  St.  Mary  Ottery  the  advowsons  of  Bratton, 
Bridestowe,  and  Plympton. 

I  now  write  out  a  copy  of  the  Manor  Bolls  for  Bratton, 

for  Richard  II. : 

[Thurs._l  Oct.  1377.] 

Curia  legalis  tenta  ibidem  die  Iovis  proxima  post  festum 
Sancti  Michaelis  anno  Regni  Regis  Ricardi,  primo. 

Census  extenditur  hoc  anno,  ut  patet 

Decennarius  ibidem  presentat  quasdam  defaltas  Nicholai 
Kerham  qui  sectam  debet  ad  hunc  diem,  ideo  ipse  in 
misericordia,  postea  fecit  finem. 

Item  presentat  quod  Willelmus  **  Lobet,  Baldewinus  *** 
Clerke,  Ricardus  12d  Valeys,  et  Willelmus  12d  Lobet, 
communi  tappa  vendiderunt  cervisiam  contra  assisam, 
ideo  ipei  in  misericordia,  Item  predicti  Willelmus  ** 
Baldewinus  ld  et  Ricardus  2d  vendiderunt  cerviaiam 
per  falsam  mensuram,  ideo  ipsi  in  misericordia. 

Item  presentat  quod  2  pullani  provenerunt  ut  catalla 
Wayfiata  precii  12d  et  remanent  in  custodia  propositi. 

Item  eligunt  ad  officium  prepositure,  et  Willelmum 
Lobet  Decennarium,  qui  juravit  et  remanet  Item 
Henricum  Yysake  ad  officium  propositi  hoc  anno 
desinendos  domino.  Item  Willelmus  Chaddere  qui 
remanet  et  juravit. 

Decennarius  presentat  quod  Blytha  atte  yeo  levavit 
hutesium  juste  super  Reginaldum  7d  Hethman  ideo 
ipse  in  misericordia  ex  officio.  Et  predictus  Reginaldus 
in  misericordia  pro  transgressione  facta  Blythe  Yeo 
et  distringatur. 

Item   presentat  quod  predictus  Reginaldus  percussit 

in  misericordia  quia  non  fecit  execucionem 

Blytham  atte  Yeo  cum  1  baculo  contra  pacem  ideo 
ipse  in  misericordia  ex  officio  ad  dampnum  suum  3s 
unde  execucio. 

Item  presentat  quod  Johannes  Cole  levavit  hutesium 
injuste  super  Willelmum  Bokeput  ideo  ipse  in 
misericordia  ex  officio. 

Et  predictus  Johannes  Cole  in  misericordia  quia  non 
prosequitur  versus  eundum  Willelmum  in  placito 

Item  Johanna  Payn  cepit  de  domino  unum  cotagium 
ad  voluntatem,  illam  cotagium  quam  (etc.  M.S.) 
Ricardus  Valeys  pretermit  per  redditus  et  servicia 
inde  debita  et  consueta.  Et  fecit  domino  fidelitatem 
et  dat  de  recognicione  ut  patet. 


mia  6d 

quia  non 


•  Manors  in  bratton  clovelly.  151 

mia  6d         Henricus    Fenemur    in    misericordia    quia   prostravit 

boscum  domini  apud  Foelesdone  sine  licencia  ideo 
ipse  in  misericordia. 

mia  3d         Eicardus  Taylour  in  misericordia  pro  transgressione 

facta  Thome  Estelake  in  avenis  cam  averiis  suis, 
et  distringatur  pro  emenda. 

mia  pro  def  C  .  .  . 
att  Idem  Eicardus  queritur  de  Willelmo  Bortone  de  placito 

debiti.     Summonitus  non  venit,  ideo  attachietur. 

tnie  18d       Eobertus  **  Colyn,  Willelmus  w  Uppecote,  Eicardus  ** 

Grymyscote,  Johannes  **  Symftne,  in  misericordia 
quia  ceperunt  excessum  salarii  contra  formam  statuti. 

mia  2d         Johannes  Fochedone  in  misericordia  quia  non  levavit 

13"  4d  ad  opus  Alicie  Hethman  unde  execucio. 

mia  6d        Eogerus  Bredde  in  misericordia  eo  quod  cepit  unum 

vitulum  Johannis  Skedemur  contra  voluntatem  et 

Inq  Eicardus  Taylour  ponit  se  inquisicioni  versus  Thomam 

Estelake  quod  non  inparcavit  averia  sua  ad  dampnum 
suum  10"  per  plegium  Eoberti  Payn  et  Galfridi  Payn. 

mia  2d         Idem  Thomas  in  misericordia  pro  transgressione  facta 

Eicardo  Taylour  in  avenis  cum  averiis  et  distringatur. 

mia  6d        Idem  Eicardus  in  misericordia  pro  falsa  querela  versus 

eundem  Thomam  in  placito  transgressionis. 

in  mia  .  .  .  lex  quod  injuste  copit  jumentum 
rem  Thomas  Pacchecote  esaonium  querit  de  Eicardo  Grymys- 

suum  nee  ei  vetitum  per  plegium  Willelmi  Bouedone 
cote  de  placito  transgressionis  et  remanet. 
mia  quia  non  prosequitur 
rem  Johannes  Bate  querit  de  Roberto  Cole  essonium  de 

placito  transgressionis  et  remanet. 

mia  pro  licencia 
rem  Galfridus  Bremdone  querit  de  Willelmo  Lobet  essonium 

de  placito  debiti  et  remanet. 

mia  3d        Eobertus  Colyn  in  misericordia  pro  transgressione  facta 

Eicardo  Beamund,  eo  quod  etc. 

mie  2"  2d     Ballivus  presentat  quod   Walterus  M   Mansypdyche, 

Walterus  **  Eysdone.  Walterus  M  Ayre,  et  Galfridus 
**  Payn  fecerunt  transgressionem  cum  averiis  in 
pastura  domini  super  Schoerysdone. 

Inq  Eobertus  Blakegrove  et  Blythe  uxor  ejus  executores 

mia  quia  non  prosequitur 
testamenti  Willelmi  Colyn  versus  Eobertum  Payn  et 
Sarram  uxorem  suam,  quod  non  detinuerunt  eis  unam 
vaccam  et  2  oves  matrices  nee  etc.  ad  dampnum 
suum  20s  per  plegium  Johannis  Skedemur  et  Henrici 


prepoRitus  in  mia  quia  non  fecit  execu 
mia  3d        Johannes  Whetter  in  misericordia  pro  detencione  12s  8d 
ex  versus  Blytham  atte  Teo  unde  execucio. 

mie  4d        Galfridus  2d  Payn  et  Willelmus  2d  Bouedone  in  miseri- 
dis  cordia    quia   non    starent    nee    contribuerent   com 

decennario  et  tota  decenna  de  Brattorie  ut  compertum 
est  per  totum  homagium  et  distringantur. 

mie  2d        Duodecim  jurat i  dicunt  quod  via  regia  apud  Hedysdone 
dis  forde  est  lutoea  et  profunda  ad  nocumentum  patrie 

quam  decennarius  de  Brattone  tenetur  emendendam 
ideo  ipsi  in  misericordia  et  distringantur. 

3s  4d  12  jurati  dicunt  quod  Henricus  Fenemur  nuper  pro- 

positus cepit  de  tenura  apud  Fochedone  ultra  redditus 
Domini  3s  4d  unde  oneretur.  Item  de  tenura  quon- 
dam fuit  Johannis  de  Brattone  vocata  Trylleland 
ultra  redditus  Domini  2s  10d  pro  locacione  3  acrarum 

inq.  Robertas  Blagrove  et  Blythe  uxor  ejus  executores  testa- 

menti  Willelmi  Colyn  ponunt  eos.  (sic.)  Inquisicioni 
versus  Robertum  Colyn  quod  non  detinuerunt  2 
boves  precii  408  ex  dono  matris  sue  ad  dampnum 
208  per  plegium  Henrici  Yysak  et  Johannis  Skedemur. 
Item  quod  non  detinuerunt  1  vaccam  precii  108  ad 
dampnum  40d  per  plegium  ut  supra. 

att  Ricardus  Grymyscote  queritur  de  Henrico  Cole  qui  4 

defaltas  fecit  de  placito  transgressionis.  Et  attachiatus 
est  per  1  jumentum  Ideo  melius  distringatur. 

mia  ld        Johannes   Sy mound  in  misericordia  pro  defalta  con- 


condonacio  Reginaldus  Bredde  dat  domino  de  fine  eo  quod  appro- 

priavit  unum  vitulum  Johannis  Skedemur  contra 
pacem  et  contra  voluntatem  ejus  ut  compertum  est 
per  inquisicionem. 

Summa,  238  4d 
Expense  senescalli,  13d. 

[1  Dec.  1377.] 

Brattone      Curia  ibidem  tenta  die  Martis  in  crastino  Sancti  Andree 

anno  regni  Eegis  Ricardi,  primo. 

mia  4d        Propositus  in  misericordia  quia  non  fecit  execucionem 

de  38  ad  opus  Blythe  atte  Yeo  de  Rogero  Ethman  et 

mia  quia  non  prosequitur 
rem  Loquela  remanet  inter  Thomam  Estelake  querentem, 

et  Ricardum  Taylour  ob  defecto  jurati  quia  non 


imparcavit  averia  sua  interius  ad  dampnum  suum 
10s  per  plegium  Roberti  Payn  et  Galfridi  Payn,  etc. 

mia  3d         Johannes   Bate  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 

versus  Robertum  Cole  in  placito  transgressionis. 

mia  3d         Willelmus  Lobet  in  misericordia  pro  licencia  concordandi 

cum  Galfrido  Bremedone  in  placito  debiti. 

mia  3d         Propositus  in  misericordia  quia  non  fecit  execucionem 

de  128  8d  de  Johanne  Whetter  ad  opus  Blythe  atte 
Yeo,  et  distringatur. 

mia  4d         Robertus  Payn  et  Sarra  uxor  ejus  in  misericordia  quia 

non  prosequuntur  versus  Robertum  Bremegrove  et 
Blytbam  uxorem  ejus,  executores  testamenti  Willelmi 
Colyn  in  placito  detencionis  2  ovium  matricum. 

mia  3d         Ricardus  Grymescote  in  misericordia  pro  defalta  versus 

Thomam  Pacchecote  in  placito  transgressionis. 
mia  quia  licenciara  fregit 
lex  Ricardus  Grymescote  est  ad  legem  versus  Thomam 

?  quando 
Paccheshull  quia  injuste  cepit  unum  jumentum  ideo 
ei  vetuit  per  plegium  Willelmi  Bouedone  et  propositi. 

mia  6d         Reginaldus  Bredde  in  misericordia  quia  non  venit  ad 

Inquisicionem  quum  exactus  fuerit. 

mia  2d         Decennarius  et  tota  decenna  in  misericordia  quia  non 

emendaverunt  viam  regiam  apud  Hethdone  forde  que 
est  lutosa  et  profunda,  et  distringantur. 

mia  3d         Willelmus  Boertene  in  misericordia  pro  defalta  versus 

Ricardum  Taylour  in  placito  debiti. 

rem  Dies  datus  est  Ricardo  Taylour  querenti  et  Willelmo 

mia  pro  licencia 

Boertone  de  placito  debiti,  et  remanet  per  preces 

Esson  Robertus  Blakegrove  et   Blytha  uxor  ejus  executores 

testamenti  Willelmi  Cole  versus  Robertum  Colyn  de 
placito  detencionis  2  bourn  precii  40°  unde  Inquisicio. 
Et  remanet  dicta  Inquisicio  per  essonium  dictorum 
Roberti  et  Blythe  ad  nunc  diem. 

att  Ricardus  Grymyscote  queritur  de  Henrico  Cole  qui 

4  fecit  defaltas  in  placito  transgressionis  et  attachiatur 
per  unum  jumentum,  et  non  venit,  ideo  melius 
attachietur  contra  proximam. 

7d  Johannes  Fochedone  nuper  propositus  in  misericordia 

mia  dis  quia  non  levavit  13s  4d  ad  opus  Alicie  Hethman  de 

bonis  et  catallis  Willelmi  Bortone  et  distringatur. 

rem  Dies  datus  est  Ricardo  Payard  querenti  et  Blythe  atte 

Yeo  de  placito  convencionis,  et  remanet 
VOL.  xxvn.  M 


lex  Willelmus  Bouedone  est  ad  legem  versus  Walteram 

Langeford  querentem,  quod  non  levavit  208  de  bonis 
et  catallis  Alicie  Cadie,  sine  warencia  per  quod 
predictus  Walterus  ...  ad  dampnum  suum  10s,  per 
plegium  Galfridi  Payn  et  Johannis  Skedemur. 

non  prosequitur 
lex  Robertas  Valays  est  ad  legem  versus  Ricardum  Valays 

quod  nullos  conventus  ei  fregit  per  ipsum  factos  de 
ultima  audiencia  curie,  nee  attachiatur,  per  plegium 
Roberti  Payn  et  Henrici  Vysake. 

attachiatur  per  plegium 
attachi-    Galfridus  Payn  queritur  de  Rogero  Langeworthy,  non 
amentum       Willelmi  Chaddere  et  propositi 

attachiato  de  placito  transgressionis,  ideo  attachietur. 

mia  10d       Ballivus  presentat  quod  Galfridus  **  Payn,  Walterus 

id  Rysdone,  Walterus  2d  Manchypysdiche  fecerunt 
transgressionem  in  pastura  domini,  ideo  ipsi  in 
misericordia,  et  distringantur. 

finis  18d      Galfridus  Payn  dat  domino  de  fine  pro  pastura  in 

Schurstone  usque  ad  festum   Sancti   Michaelis  ut 

P**6*-  Summa,  4*  10d. 

Expense  senescalli,  lld. 

[Thurs.  6  May,  1378.]        (C) 

Brattone     Curia  legalis  tenta  ibidem  die  Jovis  in  festo   Sancti 

Johannis  ante  Portam  Latinam  anno  Regni  Regis 

Ricardi — primo. 

prep5  in  mia  quia  non  distrinxit 

Godiscote    Decennarius  ibidem  presentat  quod  Johannes  Adecote 

dis  ingressus  est  in  foedum  domini  apud  Yeo,  ut  in  foedo 

suo.   Ideo  distringatur  ad  proximam  ad  ostendendum 

quare,  etc.     Willelmus  Bykelake  pro  eodem, 

mia  28         Item  presentat  [quod]  Ricardus  M  Payard  1,  Rogerus 

M  Hethman  1,  Willelmus  M  Bykelake  1,  tappa  et 
brasiaverunt  et  fregerunt  assisam  cervisie,  ideo  ipsi 
in  misericordia.  Et  predicti  Ricardus,  2d  Rogerus,  2d 
et  Willelmus  2d  vendiderunt  cervisiam  per  falsam 
mensuram  et  per  discos  ciphis  in  singulis,  ideo  ipsi  in 

extraura      Propositus  presentat  quod  unus  bolloc  .  .  .  precii  3" 
finis  6d  provenit  de  extraura  die  lune  proxima  ante  festum 

Sancti  Martini  Episcopi  et  remanet  in  custodia  pro- 
positi. Et  Johannes  Parkere  venit  in  placitum  curie 
et  probavit  predictum  bolloc  esse  suum  proprium. 
Et  dat  de  fine  et  Warancia  ut  patet. 

mia  2d        Thomas  Estelake  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 

versus  Ricardum  Taylour  in  placito  transgressionis. 


Brattone     Decennarius  ibidem  presentat  quod  Johannes  Skedemur 
mia49  10d      2d   1,  Walterus  «*  Roberd  2,  Thomas. M  Cloue  1, 

Willelmus  **  Uppecote  1,  Johannes  M  Veyse  1, 
Johanna  **  Roue  1,  Johannes  M  Aylecote  1,  Henricus 
6(1  Vysak  1,  Johannes  ^  Miller  1,  Thomas  M  Lange- 
worthy  1,  Robertas  6d  Colyn  1,  brasiaverunt  cervisiam 
et  vendiderunt  contra  assisam,  ideo  ipsi  in  miseri- 

mia  18d        Item  presentat  quod  Willelmus  12d  Lobet,  Ricardus  M 

Valays  communi  tappa  et  vendiderunt  cervisiam  et 
fregerunt  assisam,  ideo  ipsi  in  misericordia.  Item 
presentat  quod  predictus  Willelmus  Lobet  vetuit 
assisam  cervisie  Johanni  Roberd  et  aliis,  ideo  non 
in  misericordia. 

mia  6d         Item    presentat    [quod]    Blytha    Blakegrove    levavit 
mia  4d  hutesium  juste  super  Reginaldum  Brede  ideo  ipse  in 

misericordia  ex  officio.  Et  predictus  in  misericordia 
quia  non  prosequitur  versus  eundem  in  placito 

mia  4d         Item  presentat  quod  Reginaldus  Brede  percussit  pre- 

dictam  Blytham  cum  1  baculo  contra  pacem  domini 
regis,  ideo  ipse  in  misericordia  ex  officio. 

mia  6d         Item    presentat    quod    Rogerus    percussit    predictam 

Blytham  ad  effusionem  sanguinis,  ideo  ipse  in 
misericordia  ex  officio. 

mia  2d  Item  presentat  quod  Ricardus  Meletone  percussit 
Robertum  Blakegrove  contra  pacem  ideo  ipse  in 
misericordia  ex  officio. 

mia  6d         Item    presentat    quod     Ricardus     Bolham    percussit 

Willelmum  Fenemur  contra  pacem  domini  regis 
ideo  ipse  in  misericordia  ex  officio. 

mia  6d         Item  presentat  quod  Willelmus  2d  Bouedone,  Galfridus 

dis  2d  Payn,  Henricus  2d  Vysake  se  recusaverunt  stare  et 

contribuere    cum   Decennario   et   tota   decenna   de 

Brattone,  ideo  ipsi  in  misericordia.   Et  distringantur. 

Godiscote    Decennarius  ibidem  presentat  quod  Ricardus  Taylour 
mia  6d  levavit  hutesium  juste   super  Willelmum   Bortone 

rem  idio  ipse  in  misericordia  ex  officio.    Et  partes  pre- 

dicts habent  diem  ad  proximam  prece  parcium  et  sic 

mia  3d         Ricardus  Grymyscote  in  misericordia  quia  defecit  de 

lege  et  transgressione  facta  Thome  Pacchecote  eo 
quod  cepit  jumentum  suum,  et  distringatur  pro 

mia  3d         Willelmus    Bortone    pro    licencia    concordandi    cum 

Ricardo  Taylour  in  placito  debiti. 

m  2 


mia  2d         Eobertus  Colyn  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 

versus  Robertum  Blakegrove  in  placito  debiti. 

Distr  Adhuc  distringere  Blytham    Yeo   ad   respondendum 

mia  quia  non  prosequitur 
Eicardo  Payard  in  placito  convencionis  etc. 

mia  ld  Walterus  Langeford  in  misericordia  quia  non  prose- 
quitur versus  Willelmum  Bouedone  in  placito 

mia  ld         Ricardus  Yaleyse  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 

versus  Robertum  Valeyse  in  placito  convencionis  per 

plegium  Roberti  Focbedone  et — Falays. 

lex  quod  non 
mia  Galfridus  Payn  queritur  de   Rogero  Langewortby  de 

cepit  jumentum  suum  sine  warancia       precii     ad  dampnum 
dis  2d  placito  transgressionis  nee  venit.     Et  attachiatur  per 

plegium  Willelmi  Chaddere  et  propositi.      Et  quia 

ipsum  non  babent  ideo    ipsi    in    misericordia    et 


mia  3d         Robertus  Colyn  in  misericordia  pro  non  prosequendo 

versus  Jobannem  Paccbecote  eo  quod  cessavit  dis- 
tringere ipsum  per  3  dies  et  non,  ideo  distringatur 
pro  amerciamento. 

Item  presentat  quod  Ricardus  Grymyscote,  Walterus 
Uppecote  operati  sunt  Alicie  Medere. 

farlf  3d         Item  presentat  quod  unum  cotagium  quod  Johanna 

Payn  tenuit  in  iuanus  domini,  unde  accidit  de 
farleif  ut  patet. 

mia  ld         Duodecim  jurati  presentant  quod  via  regia  apud  Wykes- 
dis  bill  est  profunda  et  lutosa  ad  nocumentum  patrie. 

Et  decennarius  et  tota  decenna  tenentur  emendare. 
Et  non,  ideo  ipsi  in  misericordia  et  distringantur. 

mia  ld         Item  via  regia  apud  Cbemyswortby  est  lutosa  et  pro 
dis  funda  ad  nocumentum  patrie  quam  decennarius  et 

tota  decenna  tenentur  emendare,  et  non,  ideo  ipsi  in 

mia  4d         Ballivus    presentat    quod    Walterus    Rysdone    fecit 

tran8gressionem  cum  averiis  suis  in  pasture,  apud 
Scherysdon  ideo  ipse  in  misericordia. 

mia  2d         Henricus  Fysake  in  misericordia  pro  detencione  38  4d 
ex°  versus  Jobannem  Forsdone  in  placito  debiti  unde 


fin  6d  Tbomas    Paccbesbill    dat    domino  de  fine  ad  unum 

jumentum  arestatum  manibus  propositi  ad  sectam 
Ricardi  Grymyscote. 

Summa,  158. 
Expense  1  mensis  sen  esc  alii,  16£d. 





mia  ld 



mia  4d 




mia  3d 

mia  6d 

mia  2d 



[Thurs.  1  July,  1378.]        (C) 

Curia  tenta  ibidem  die  Jovis  proxima  post  festum 
Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  anno  regni  regis  Bicardi, 

attr  per  pleg"1  Wm  Chaddere  et  Prepositi 
Johanna  Bornebe  versus  Willelmum  Monk  queritur  de 
placito  tran8gres8ionis. 

ut  supra 
Thomas  Foys  versus  eundem  queritur  de  eodem. 

Prepositus  in  misericordia  quia  non  distrinxit  Johannem 
Adecote  et  Willelmum  Bykelake  ad  ostendendum 
qualiter  ingressi  sunt  in  foedum  domini  et  dis- 

Willelmus  ^  Bouedone  et  Thomas  ld  Benet  attachiati 
sunt  cum  averiis  suis  in  defensionem  domini,  ideo 
ipsi  in  misericordia. 

mia  quia 

Willelmus  Lobet  est  ad  legem  versus  Bobertum  Vakys 
non  prosequitur 

quod  non  tenetur  ei  in  2  busellis  et  dimidio  siliginis 
pro  sua  nee  etc  per  plegium  Henrici  Yysak  et  Roberta 

Johannes  Bate  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 
versus  Johannem  Cole  de  placito  transgressionis. 

Prepositus  in  misericordia  quia  non  distrinxit  Willelmum 
Bouedone,  Galfridum  Payn  et  Henricum  Vysake  [ad] 
stare  et  contribuere  cum  decennario  et  tota  decenna 
de  Brattone,  vel  ad  ostendendum  quare  non,  vel 
dicere  sciat  quare  non.     Et  distringatur. 

Bicardus  Taillour  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 
versus  Willelmum  Bortone  de  placito  transgressionis 
contra  pacem. 

Bicardus  Payard  in  misericordia  quia  non  prosequitur 
versus  Blytham  Yeo  de  placito  convencionis. 

Bogerus  Langeworthy  in  misericordia  pro  defalta  versus 
mia  quia  non  prosequitur 
Galfridum  Payn  de  placito  transgressionis. 

Bogerus  Langeworthy  est  ad  legem  versus  Galfridum 
Payn  quod  1  jumentum  suum  sine  Warancia  non 
ceperat,  ideo  injuste  positum  in  penfald,  nee  etc,  ad 
dampnum  et°  per  plegium  Bicardi  Falays. 

Preceptum  est  distringere  decennarium  et  totam 
decennam  de  Brattone  ad  reparandum  viam  regiam 
lutosam  apud  Wykyshille  et  viam  lutosam  apud 
Chemyse worthy.     Et  distringantur. 


mia  ld        Prepo8itus  in  misericordia  quia  non  fecit  execucionem 

debito  modo  versus  Johannem  Forsdone  de  3s  4d  ad 
opus  Henrici  Fyshlake.     Et  fiat  execucio. 

farleif  6d    Homagium  presentat  quod  Cristina  Vowedone  et  Sana 
cotag  rem        Gyffard   reddiderunt    in   manus   domini   2   cotagia 

unde  accidit  domino  de  eorum  farleis,  ut  patet  in 

eorum  carta. 

Summa  istius  curie,  2»  4d. 

Item  expense  senescalli,  8d. 

Summa  4  curiarum,  428  2d. 

unde  de  censu,  10d. 

The  next  roll  I  have  is  for  10  Hen.  IV.,  1408-9.  Assaults 
are  frequent,  and  the  tithing  fined  for  not  producing  weapons ; 
also  rescue  of  cattle,  and  neglect  of  entering  for  census. 
After  a  year  stray  cattle  were  adjudged  to  the  lady  of  the 
Manor.  The  tithing  of  Bratton  was  fined  for  not  repairing 
the  king's  highway  near  "Hiddestone  brygge,"  and  was 
required  to  produce  all  measures  of  beer,  etc.,  under  penalty 
of  208.  Rob1  Reva  was  chosen  reeve,  and  Jno  Benete 
tithingman  for  Brattone,  who  presented  that  Rob1  Eeva,  Jno 
Bussope,  jr.,  Step.  Colyn,  Rob1  Roberte,  and  Rd  Charde  had 
worked  out  of  the  manor  and  county,  and  had  to  answer  to 
the  manor  and  the  king  as  having  done  "  contra  statutum 
domini  Regis  "  ;  this  offence  occurs  repeatedly. 

Rob1  Reva  had  assaulted  Jno  Boghechurch  with  a  "suga."1 
The  homage  were  to  repair  the  "Poundfalde  of  the  lord,  and 
this  often  occurs.  The  tenants  paid  "de  recognicione,"  in  all 
20s  and  14  capons,  to  the  new  lady  of  the  manor.  Rd  Mille 
seems  to  have  been  her  representative.  There  was  a  difficulty 
over  a  felon's  goods  because  the  tithing  had  not  made  a 
"  scrutineum,"  and  were  required  to  do  so  by  next  Court 
under  a  penalty  of  40s.  John,  Pryor  de  Frythelstoke,  held 
Nywelham  in  Godescote,  but  the  tithingman  knew  not  by 
what  service.  The  twelve  jurors  present  Geoffry  Tdly  as 
"  communis  perturbator  et  disturbator  pacis  domini  Regis  " ; 
the  tithing  had  concealed  this.  Toly  had  prohibited  Wm 
Bourtone  from  making  the  scrutiny.  The  proceeds  of  six 
courts  for  the  year  were  £4  5s.  3d.  Stitched  to  the  roll 
are  "nomina  censorum  anno  21mo" — 38  names  with  their 
pledges.  Also — "  Nomina  tenendum  ibidem  19°."  Heirs  of 
Nich8  Kyrkham,  Wm  Bortone,  Hen.  Vysake,  Tho8  Estelake, 
freeholders.    Also  Rd  Charde,  Jno  Bate,  Walt.  Roberte,  Rob1 

1  This  is  an  unusual  word,  and  is  explained  as  a  blood  letter,  probably  a 


Aleyn,  Tho8  Benete,  Jno  Fowedone,  Bob1  Roberta,  Rob* 
Fowedone,  Rob*  Colyn,  Wm  Pasmere,  Rogr  Vowedone,  Rd 
Cranbury,  Jno  Pithercote,  Tho8  Sybily.  Next,  list  of  the 
jury,  and  "panella  pro  rege."  In  another,  list  of  rents 
amounting  to  £6  Is.  9d. 

In  the  roll  for  1416  Rd  Woberhall  had  drawn  a  "daggarium" 
over  Rob*  Stone,  which  had  been  given  up  to  the  steward, 
who,  out  of  respect  to  Jno  Wyse,  had  handed  it  back ;  blood 
had  been  drawn.  The  tenants  of  the  homagium  pay  "de 
recognicione,"  20s.  Bratton  freeholders — heirs  of  Langeforde: 
Roger  Waye,  Rob*  Kirkham,  Jno  Uppecote,  Wm  Charde, 
Tho8  Skidemore,  Wm  Bortone,  Rd  Estelake. 


Jno  Skydemore  &  Mat.  Beamounde  .  heirs  of  Langeforde 
Hen.  Stoddone,  Rob*  Cranbury,  and 

Jno  Charde  .  „  Wm  Bourtone 

Step.  Vowedone,  Jno  Charde,  Hen. 

Clerke,  and  Tho"  Skydemore        .        „  Rog.  Waye 
Tho8    Ranisre,    Jno    Pachecote,   Jno 

Morystone,  Jno  Wandre,  Wm  Body        „  Rob*  Kirkham 

In  1422  Rd  Estelake  was  chosen  tithingman.  Wm 
Hankeforde  "dat  domine  de  fine  (12d)  pro  secta  sua 
relaxanda  usque  ad  festum  Michaelis." 


"  Via  regia  apvd  It  fosse  in  parte  boreali  de  Brattone  est 
lutosa  et  profunda  ad  nocumentum  patrie,  quam  Decennarius 
et  tota  decenna  de  Brattone  emendare  tenentur."  "Vocata 
le  fosse  "  in  the  other  courts.  This  road  which  passes  along 
under  Bradbury  Castle,  pointing  towards  Holsworthy,  seems 
to  be  the  continuation  of  one  from  Chagford  over  Okehampton 
Park,  possibly  the  great  Roman  road. 

Prepositus  fined  "  quia  non  distrinxit  Robertum  Maynard 
ad  reparandum  viam  Regiam  apud  Dountone." 

And  "Willelmum  Bourtone  ad  disobstringendum  viam 
communem  inter  more  et  Brattone/" 

Tithing  of  Brattone  fined  "quia  non  reparaverunt  viam 
Regiam  inter  Regestone  et  Westbornebury." 

M.,  J.,  and  J.  Frankicheyny  to  do  homage  for  tenements 
in  Fowedone;  Wm  Hankeforde,  clericus ...  in  Combe,  Prior  of 
Plymptone,  Prior  of  Frydelstoke ;  and  Rob*  Dounynge  ...  in 

Proceeds  of  9  courts,  448  4d. 

Item  de  finibus  terre,  12s. 

Fines  for  defalts  of  Wm  Hankeforde,  Priors  of  Plymptone 
and  Fridelstoke ;  of  Martin  Lerchedekene  (who  seems  to  be 


the  same  as  M.  Frankicheyny) ;  of  Steph.  Fowedone,  and 
of  Jno  Charde— "respecta,  quia  non  possunt  levari"  After- 
wards "oneretur  de  amerciamentis  Willelmi  Hankeforde  et 
Martini  Lerchedekene,  quia  non  debent  perdonari."  Bp. 
Bronescombe,  p.  476,  tells  us  that  the  Prior  of  Plympton  held 

In  1437  Rob*  Maynarde,  who  held  of  the  lord  in  Godescote 
a  parcel  of  land  at  Dountone,  Yeoldone,  and  Trendelbeare, 
by  military  service,  had  died.     Jno  was  his  son  and  heir. 

jno  Maynarde,  Tho8  Stoddone,  and  Jno  Schillestone  to  do 
fealty  for  holdings  in  Godescote;  and  tenants  of  Roger  Waye 
"virtute  perquisicionis  inde  post  statutum."  This  phrase 
often  comes,  and  means,  I  suppose,  by  virtue  of  purchase, 
after  a  year ;  just  as  '  non  tenentes '  were  to  be  brought  into 
the  census  after  a  year. 

Rob1  Hokkeday  and  Jno  Toly  had  cut  down  an  oak  in  the 
lord's  wood,  "ceperant  et  asportaverant  mel  et  locustas." 
Gloucestershire  folk  say  they  grow  a  kind  of  pulse  called 
locusts,  and  we  think  of  Jno  the  Baptist.  In  Wicklifs 
Translation  of  the  New  Testament  (a.d.  1380)  we  read  "  he 
ete  hony  soukis,  and  wilde  hony."  In  Anglo-Saxon  u  hunig 
suce "  is  the  plant  lovage,  a  herb  of  the  genus  ligusticum, 
sometimes  cultivated  as  a  pot  herb. 

1437.  Jno  Wyse,  who  held  J  knight's  fee  in  Brokescombe, 
had  died.     Tho8  his  son,  of  full  age,  to  do  fealty. 

"  Ad  hanc  curiam  veniunt  Jno  Vysake,  Sr.,  Jno  Vysake,  Jr., 
Wm  Charde,  Alice  Valeys,  Jno  Aleyn,  Rob*  Smythe,  Rob* 
Wynboghe,  Tho8  Hokeday,  Rob*  Cranbury,  Jr.,  Jno  Boughe- 
churche,  Jno  Benet,  et  dant  domine  de  recognicione,  et 
fecerunt  domine  fidelitatem,"  26  capons. 

Rob*  Kyrkham,  Jno  Schylstone,  and  Rd  Estelake  to  do 

"  Expense  Henrici  Fraunceys  et  senescalli,  40d." 

Mat.  Rysdone  came  and  took  one  parcel  of  land  called 

Account  of  Roger  Corndone,  bailiff  for  1  year  (8  Hen.  VII.) 
from  Mich8 1492. 

Rents  of  assise  .  .        .     £6  15"  9d 

98  ld  from  7  courts,  8d  from  censure 

rent,  58  8d  from  estrays  .  .        .     £7  ll8  ld 

Expenses— Tho8  Corndone,  life  annuity  208;  Bailiff  48  10d; 
Jno  Walshe  and  Roger  Corndone  at  Okehampton,  at  the  audit, 
&c,  12d;  Parchment  and  writing  the  rolls  12d;  To  the  bailiff 
of  E.  of  Devon  of  his  honor  of  Okehamptone  38  7d.     To 


Andrew  Harlewyne  rent — at  Xmas  £1   58  8d — at  Easter 
£2  17-  6d. 

1552.  Bailiff  "in  misericordia  quia  non  attachiavit 
Willelmum  Southeo  ad  respondendum  domino  de  eo  quod 
accusatus  est,  eo  quod  custodit  in  domo  sua  quamdam 
mulierem  suspectam  unde,"  &c. 

Wm  Aylacott  elected  tithingman,  Jno  Aylacott  reve. 

"  Godescote  "  changed  to  "  Guscott." 

1627.  Henry  Pengelly  occupied  Calahouse ;  Ed  Pengelly 
occupied  Vowsdon ;  Wm  Pengelly  occupied  Fursdon. 

Sir  Tho8  Wise,  K.C.B.,  Sir  Shilston  Calmady,  heirs  of  Sir 
Wm  Kirkham,  Jno  Moore,  Esq.,  Jno  Dynham,  Esq. — Free 

In  this  year  there  were  a  large  number  of  plaints. 

Liber  Curiae  Manerii  de  Bratton  pro  anno  de  festo  Sancti 
Michaelis  1684. 

Wm  Langford  and  Tho8  Corindon,  lords  of  the  Manor. 

Achille  Prest— Bailiff. 

Freeholders — Heirs  of  Wm  Langford  for  Langworthy; 
Eev.  Cha8  Hutton  for  Bannadowne;  Jno  Pengelly  for  p*  of 
Fursdon;  Josias  Calmady,  Esq.,  for  Eastlake;  heirs  of  Ed. 
Wise,  K.C.B.,  for  Brockscombe ;  heirs  of  Jno  Moore,  Esq.,  for 

;  heirs  of  Jno  Dinham,  Esq.,  for  Blackabroome ;  heirs 

of  Jao  Dinham,  Esq.,  viz.  Jno  Harris  and  Nich8  Hickes,  West 

Burneby  and  Rexon ;  Jno  Chasty  pro ;  Wm  Langford, 

Esq.,  pro ;  Jno  Lavers  pro  £  Calahowse ;  Jno  Corindon, 

pro  Lower  Vowdon  and  Tymbrell  Downe. 

Leaseholders — Jno  Hole,  Francis  Hole,  Jno  Lavers,  Benjn 
Stambury,  Maria  Skelly,  Wm  Hill,  Fr.  Northey,  Jno  Pike  and 
J00  Hill,  Hen.  Soper,  Tho8  Newton,  Geo.  Newton,  Christ. 
Hall,  Ed  Dell,  Hen.  Bullis,  Step.  Caddy,  Fr.  Caddy,  Chr 
Rudstone,  Fr.  Lavers,  Sibel  Hutton. 

Sectatores  ad  curiam — 
Jno  Pengelly,  heirs  Wm  Langford,  Esqr  for  Langworthy. 

Sectatores  ad  curiam — 

Heirs  of  Rd  Burnaby,  Esqr.,  Jno  Corindon,  Esqr.,  Jno 
Chasty,  Arth.  Pengelly. 

16.    Censores. 

Decimarius  de  Bratton — Benj.  Stambury.  Decimarius  de 
Guscutt — Hilly  Peirce.    Jurors  for  "  Domino  Rege  "  chosen. 

High  way  from  Rexon  Water  to  Whiteacross ;  high  way 
from  Bradwood  Water  to  Bradamoor;  high  way  from 
Heddisdon  More  to  Luddon  Corner ;  high  way  from  Wrixell 
Bridge  to  Long  Crosse  —  in  decay,  to  be  repaired;  so  also 
"  Colliatrigium  "  et  "  Abapum." 


Jno  Hole,  prepositus  for  coming  year.  Jno  Pengelly,  Esq., 
of  Fursdon  . . .  decimarius  for  coming  year.  Jno  Stuky,  beer 

19  Chas.  I.  1633,  comes  a  deed  relating  to  West-Borough, 
in  the  Bosleia  part  of  Bratton.  Jao  Saunders  of  Bratton 
conveys  his  right  for  term  of  years  to  Moises  Langifforde  in 
trust     It  was  sometime  the  inheritance  of  Jno  Hockadaye. 

Many  interesting  names  occur  in  the  Eolls. 

Borneby,  Joan  in  1377,  Edw*  in  1432,  Wm.,  Rd.,  and  Rob* 
in  1684.  Their  pedigree  is  set  down  by  Vivian,  p.  119.  I 
have  a  deed  signed  "Thomas  Burnebury."  Thurs.  before 
29  June,  1490.  "Noverint  ...  me  Thomam  Burnebury 
armigerum  remisisse  .  .  .  Johanni  Dymok  armigero  .  .  . 
in  Westwertha  in  parochia  de  Wike-germyn." 

Estelake  begins  in  1377,  and  is  found  in  all  the  rolls  till 
after  1552. 

Kirkham.  Kerham  in  1377 ;  Kyrcham  and  Kirchamyston, 
1408 ;  then  Kirkham. 

Hokkeday  regularly  from  1416  to  1552. 

Langeford —  from  1552  —  belonged  to  one  of  the  oldest 
Devon  families.  I  have  some  hundred  deeds  which  belonged 
to  them,  dating  back  from  the  thirteenth  century. 

Mansypdyche,  or  Manchypsydiche,  is  remarkable.  There 
is  a  farm,  Mandich,  close  to  Bradbury  Castle,  and  Maindea 
in  Bratton.  Also  Quodich,  or  Cowdich,  a  few  miles  to  the 
West.  Also  Youldich  by  Meldon,  and  Olditch  by  Stickle- 
path.  By  Hannaditches  near  Seaton  are  the  remains  of 
a  Roman  villa.     We  have  Wm  Mansip.2 

Pengelly  will  interest  members  of  the  Association.  They 
were  for  some  time  lords  of  the  Manor. 

Manscipe  in  Anglo-Saxon  means  what  belonged  to  man, 
just  as  lordship  what  belonged  to  the  lord.  This  may 
suggest  that  the  hundred  court  was  held  at  Bradbury.  But 
we  have  also  mancipium,  "a  buying,"  and  mancipatio, 
manumissio ;  mancipium  is,  moreover,  sometimes  a  villa. 
The  last  seems  to  afford  the  true  explanation,  and  then  the 
farm  now  called  Mansditch,  adjoining  Bradbury,  will  be  the 
Farm  by  the  Ditch,  and  we  might  find  there  traces  of  a 
Roman  villa.  Again,  Cair — mancipit  (vol.  xxiii.  p.  67,  Trans.) 
is  Verulam,  where  Caesar  defeated  Cassivelaunus — i.e.  the 
villa  of  the  caer,  ceaster,  or  Chester. 

Next  we  notice  Shereystone,  Shuryston,  Sherestooerdone — 
called  in  the  Tithe  Map,  Chestermoor.    Sher,  caer,  castr  seem 

*  Somerset  Records,  v.  36. 


to  be  from  the  same  root.     So  Sher-es-t-over-down  is  the 
down  of  the  rill  of  the  fortified  place. 

Eysdone,  Eyssdone,  Beysdone  occurs  from  1408  to  1437. 
They  lived  at  a  farm  in  Bratton,  still  called  Eisedon,  meaning, 
probably,  having  regard  to  its  situation,  rising  ground.  This 
seems  to  have  been  the  cradle  of  the  family.  The  Ardiqvary 
tells  us  they  came  from  near  Okehampton.  I  append  an 
abstract  of  a  deed  of  conveyance  of  "  Eisdon." 

15  Dec.  20  Hen.  7.  1504— "apud  Eisdone."  "Omnibus  . . . 
Nos  magr  Tho8  Austell  Tresaurarius  (sic.)  ecclesie  Cathedralis 
Exon8,  Wm  Kelly  de  Southweke  armiger,  et  Nicholaus 
Hokkeday.  .  .  .  Cum  nos  .  .  .  per  Wm  Eisdone  f.  et  her 
Thome  Eisdone  .  .  .  nuper  feoffati  fuerimus  de  et  in  .  .  . 
ipsius  Wm  Eisdone,  in  Eisdone,  cum  le  Bromehill,  et  medie- 
tate  terre  sue  de  Godmisdone  in  par.  de  Brattone,  cum 
communi  pasture  in  Bozisleghe  .  .  .  et  eciam  de  et  in  toto 
prato  suo  in  Cronslade,  cum  communi  pasture  in  Pyttyllyl- 
worthy  in  par.  de  Sorton,  etc." 

In  trust  for  Wm  Eisdone  for  life ;  remr  to  Jno  s.  &  h. ;  rem' 
to  Tho8  Wm  and  Nich8 ;  remr  to  Joan  sist.  Jno.  Attornies — 
Wm  Hockeday,  Jno  Corindone.  Witnesses — Hen.  Estlake, 
Wm  Dowe,  Eogr  Corindone. 

Swathele— 1408— Wm 

5  Ap.  20  Hen.  8.  1528— "  Omnibus  .  .  .  Eogerus 
Langyfibrde  et  Johannes  Putcot  imperpetuum  recuperavimus 
.  .  .  Swatheledowne  aliter  dictum  Landone  .  .  .  versus 
Johannam  Yeldone  viduam  per  breve  domini  Eegis  de 
ingressu.  .  .  ." 

Swaddledowne  was  the  residence  of  the  Langfords. 

Trybuke— Colyn  de,  1408.  Trebek  Tho8,  1482.  We  have 
also  Trylleland  (which  belonged  to  Jno  de  Bratton),  Tymbrell 
Down,  and  Tymbury,  which  seem  to  indicate8  the  "  cucking 
stoole,  anciently  Tymbrel  or  Trebucket,  by  Bracton,  Tym- 

There  is  a  farm  near  the  village  called  Calehouse,  which 
was  Calewhouse  and  Calwehous  in  1432,  Calahouse  in  1684. 
The  index  to  Glouces.  Corpor.  Records  mentions  "Bald, 
Caluus,  le  Cauf,  Henry  the  .  .  .  Callow,  Calewe,  le  Calwe, 
Eobert  atte  Caluwe.    Also  Cayleway  Elias." 

I  take  it,  then,  Calehouse  is  a  place  of  bare,  thin,  poor 
soil;  that  Cayleway  or  Kellaway,  the  ancient  name  of  the 
Staffords,  is  from  the  same  source ;  and  also  such  names  as 
Cold-harbour,  Cole-house,  which  often  occur  in  Devonshire 
and  other  counties. 

3  Blount,  And.  Tots.  117. 


Meletone  Rd— thus  the  name  is  written  in  1377.  In  1408 
it  is  Bd  Mille,  and  in  1432  Hen.  atte  Mille.  The  manor 
courts  were  held  at  Milltown.  Melhuish  is,  of  course,  a 
well-known  name  in  this  part  of  Devon.  Mel-hus  is,  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  a  meal  house,  a  mill — hence  the  origin  of  the 
name.  Again,  Melihebury  mead,  Upper  and  Lower  Melbury 
are  near  Bradbury  Castle,  and  near  them  is  a  mill,  so  that 
Melbury  seems  to  be  the  mill  of  the  stronghold. 

Between  Bratton  and  Bradbury  we  have  Metherell, 
Swatheledown,  and  Voghelesdon,  or  Woghelesdone.  Are 
we  wrong  in  taking  these  to  mean  (1)  the  more  wearisome 
hill  (med-er),  (2)  the  sweat  hill  down — now  Swaddledown, 
(3)  the  farm  at  the  cross  roads  of  the  hill  (wog-es,  of  the 
turning)  ? 




BY  REV.  OSWALD  J.  RBICHEL,  M.A.,  B.C.L.,  F.S.A. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

In  the  following  paper  I  propose  to  enquire  into  the  connec- 
tion which  exists  between  the  contents  of  the  Domesday 
Book1  and  the  contents  of  the  Geldroll,  so  far  as  they  relate 
to  this  county.  The  Geldroll  is  a  record  of  the  total  sums 
paid  into  the  King's  Exchequer,  or  excused  from  being  paid, 
in  the  year  1084  on  the  basis  of  the  then  existing  assess- 
ment ;  the  Domesday  Survey,  a  record  of  the  several  estates 
liable  to  contribute  to  the  King's  geld,  and  the  amount  of  the 

1  In  a  former  paper  (Trans,  xxvi.  148)  I  fear  I  have  too  readily  followed 
Dr.  Oliver  in  identifying  Wrfciete  with  Hurdwick.  Plenty  of  other  instances 
may,  nevertheless,  be  quoted  to  prove  the  confusion  of  t  and  k.  Thus 
Spioewito  is  now  Spitchwicfc.  Edril  and  Edric  are  constantly  interchanged. 
Barfestan  and  BacAestan  seem  to  be  variants  of  the  same  name.  Devonshire 
people  still  call  a  casfc  a  casl,  and  a  misl  a  mis£  (Trans,  xiii.  90),  and  many 
others  say  as*  for-asfe.  Mr.  Hutchinson,  in  his  "  Population  of  Sidmouth  in 
1260,"  (Trans,  vii.  205),  gives  No.  35,  Codde  or  Todde ;  No.  57,  Cocele  or 
Totele;  No.  133,  Costinere  or  Tostinere,  as  equivalents.  Churchstowe  was  in 
the  13th  century  frequently  written  Thurescowe  (Oliver,  Mon.  374),  and  in 
the  After  Death  Inquests,  47  Henry  III.,  of  Baldwin  de  Insula,  Tamer  ton 
Foliot  was  written  Caverton  Foliot.  Alberic,  of  the  Exchequer  Domesday,  is 
called  Alberid  in  the  Exeter  Book,  under  Stochelie  (No.  434,  p.  416).  It  has 
been  pointed  out  to  me  that  in  identifying  Edwin's  Buterlie  ( Trans,  xxvi  155) 
with  Butterleigh  in  Hairidge  Hundred,  Butterleigh  Parish,  which  is  a 
detached  part  of  Cliston  Hundred,  is  left  unaccounted  for.  I  readily  accept 
the  correction.  And  since  Edwin  had  only  two  holdings,  one  of  which  was 
in  Cliston,  the  other  in  Hairidge  Hundred,  it  follows  that  Edwin's  other 
holding,  Clist,  must  be  in  Hairidge  Hundred.  We  can  hardly,  then,  do 
otherwise  than  identify  it  with  Clist  William  in  Plymtree,  a  small  farm  of 
about  80  acres,   which   lies  in  Hairidge  Hundred.     Thorn  bury  mentioned 

£163  is  not  in  Cheriton  Bishop,  but  is  a  detached  part  of  Hittisleigh  Parish, 
ardon  mentioned  pp.  163  and  311  is  also  not  in  South  Tawton  Parish,  but 
is  a  detached  part  of  Drewsteignton  Parish. 


liability  of  each  in  the  year  1086.  The  subject  of  assess- 
ment is,  therefore,  common  to  both.  May  I,  then,  be 
permitted,  before  comparing  the  contents  of  the  two,  (1)  to 
say  a  word  on  the  system  of  assessment  in  use  among  the 
Saxons  in  levying  the  taxes  severally  known  as  the  Dane- 
geld,  the  Heregeld,  and  the  King's  geld  ? 2  I  will  then  (2) 
draw  attention  to  the  apparent  discrepancies  between  the  two 
records,  and  finally  (3)  offer  some  suggestions  which  may  help 
to  explain  them. 



1.  The  invasions  of  the  Northmen  or  Danes  began,  as  is 
well  known,  before  the  accession  of  Egbert  to  the  throne,  in 
the  year  787  a.d.  Mr.  Freeman,  in  his  History  of  the 
Norman  Conquest,  has  shewn  that  in  these  invasions  three 
periods  may  be  distinguished,  (1)  one  of  mere  plunder,  from 
787  to  855  a.d.  ;  (2)  one  of  settlement,  from  855  to  897  a.d.  ; 
and  (3)  one  of  political  conquest,  from  980  to  1016  A.D.8  It  is 
in  the  last  of  these  periods  that  the  Danegeld  commences. 

In  the  year  991  a.d.,  the  Northmen,  under  Justin  and 
Guthmund,  made  a  serious  attack  upon  the  East  of  England, 
intending  to  establish  themselves  there.  Against  them  the 
Alderman  Brihtnoth  took  the  field.  Just  as  he  was  preparing 
for  battle,  the  enemy  sent  a  herald  offering  to  withdraw  on 
payment  of  a  sum  of  money,  to  be  assessed  at  their  dis- 
cretion. The  proposal  was  scouted,  and  the  battle  of  Maldon 
fought,  in  which  Brihtnoth  was  slain  and  the  Northmen 
were  victorious.  After  the  country  had  been  ravaged  by 
them,  their  offer  was  reconsidered  by  the  advice  of  Archbishop 
Sigeric,  and  ultimately  accepted ;  and  thus,  as  Mr.  Freeman 
expresses  it,  "  was  inaugurated  the  fatal  policy  of  trying  to 
effect  by  gold  what  could  not  be  effected  by  steel,  and 
trusting  to  barbarians  who  never  kept  their  promises,  and 
who,  as  soon  as  they  had  spent  one  instalment  of  tribute, 
came  back  to  exact  another."4  The  payment  then  first  made 
to  buy  off  massacre  and  plunder  was  called  Danegeld. 

2  In  Trans,  xxvi.  153,  following  Freeman's  Norman  Conquest  i.  672, 1  have 
used  the  '*  Danegeld  "  to  express  ail  three.  It  might  have  been  better  to  call 
it  the  King's  geld.  The  King's  geld  is  called  Danegeld  in  a  charter  of 
Richard  I.  quoted  by  Oliver,  Afonaslicon,  p.  373 . 

3  Freeman,  Norman  Conquesti.  pp.  12,44;  Davidson,  in  Trans,  xiii.  107. 
Pengelly,  in  Trans,  xiii.  140,  musters  all  the  authorities  dealing  with  the  first 
appearance  of  the  Danes  in  787  a.d.,  and  p.  146  sums  up  in  favour  of  Port- 
land being  the  place  at  which  they  landed. 

4  Freeman,  Ibid.  pp.  296,  304. 


Three  years  afterwards,  the  South  of  England  was  overrun 
and  plundered  by  the  same  foe.  A  simiL  expedient  was 
resorted  to,  and  a  sum  of  £16,000  paid  to  the  two  Danish 
kings,  not  as  the  price  of  withdrawal  from  the  country,  but 
of  abstention  from  massacre  and  plunder.5  Six  years  later, 
in  1001  A.D.,  the  Danes  again  overspread  the  country,  wast- 
ing, burning,  killing  in  their  accustomed  manner.  The  men 
of  Somerset  and  Devon  gathered  their  forces  and  met  the 
enemy  at  Pinhoe ;  but  the  force  of  two  shires  was  not 
enough  for  the  purpose.  The  Danes  had  the  advantage  of 
numbers,  and  put  the  irregular  English  levies  to  flight.6 
Again  they  had  to  be  bought  off  on  their  own  terms,  and 
this  time  £24,000  was  asked  and  paid. 

In  the  winter  of  1006-1007  a.d.  the  Danes  were  once  more 
at  their  old  practices.  This  was  the  most  fearful  inroad 
which  England  had  yet  seen.  But  such  was  the  weakness 
of  the  country,  and  the  incompetence  of  its  rulers,  that 
nothing  could  be  thought  of  save  the  old  expedient  of 
money.  The  price  was,  however,  raised.  This  time  £36,000 
had  to  be  paid.7 

Once  more,  in  1011  a.d.,  the  same  miserable  scenes  were 
gone  through.  The  price  was  then  further  raised,  and  £48,000 
demanded.8  Finally,  when  in  the  year  1016  a.d.  the  forces 
of  Edmund  had  been  defeated  by  Cnut  at  Assandun,  the 
heaviest  Danegeld  of  all  was  demanded  as  a  condition  of 
peace — £10,500  to  be  paid  by  London,  and  £72,000  by  the 
rest  of  the  kingdom.9  To  avoid  the  recurrence  of  such 
crushing  demands  in  future,  the  Witenagemot  assembled  at 
London  elected  Cnut  for  sovereign  and  lord,  and  with  this 
election  the  payment  of  Danegeld,  as  such,  came  to  an  end. 
What  was  subsequently  called  Danegeld,  was  in  reality 
Heregeld,  or  the  King's  geld.10 

2.  Long  before  the  Danegeld  was  thought  of,  in  fact  from 
the  time  when  the  Saxons  first  established  themselves  in  this 
country,  money,  as  well  as  men,  was  from  time  to  time 
required  for  purposes  of  defence.  To  raise  this  money  a  tax 
was  imposed,  called  Heregeld  or  army  tax.  The  system 
according  to  which  the  Heregeld  was  levied  appears  to  have 
been  the  following.  The  sum  required  to  be  raised  was 
apportioned  among  the  contributory  shires,  the  quota  of  each 

5  Freeman,  Ibid.  p.  317. 

6  Ibid.  p.  340,  and  Peterborough  Chronicle,  quoted  by  Davidson,  Trans, 
xt.  146. 

7  Ibid.  p.  361.  8  Ibid.  p.  382.  9  Ibid.  p.  462. 
10  Ibid.  i.  572  ;  ii.  124. 


shire  being  determined  by  the  number  of  the  existing  Saxon 
homesteads.  Instead  of  paying  so  much  in  the  pound,  as  is 
the  modern  custom,  each  full  homestead,  mansa,  cassata,  or 
hide11  was  required  to  contribute  a  specified  sum,  4Jd.  in  one 
case,  Is.  or  2s.  in  other  cases,  and  all  the  land  under  cultiva- 
tion was  grouped  under  homesteads.  Thus  the  homestead  or 
hide,  and  not  the  pound,  was  the  unit  of  assessment. 

At  first,  no  doubt,  when  the  defence  of  each  shire 
was  conducted  by  its  own  ealderman,  the  number 
of  assessed  homesteads,  or  hides,  may  have  kept  pace 
with  the  actual  number  of  existing  homesteads,  two, 
three,  or  four  small  homesteads  being  grouped  together  so 
as  to  count  as  one  full  homestead.  But  as  the  kingdom  was 
consolidated,  such  a  system  would  be  found  to  have  many 
drawbacks.  Unless  the  number  of  homesteads  available 
for  a  levy  were  approximately  known,  the  central  authority 
would  be  unable  to  determine  the  rate  at  which  the  tax 
should  be  gathered.  Accordingly  the  kingdom  had  no  sooner 
become  consolidated,  than  the  number  of  contributory  hides 
in  each  shire  appears  as  a  fixed  number,  and  also  the 
number  apportioned  to  each  hundred  composing  the  shire. 
Henceforth,  as  new  homesteads  sprang  up,  they  seem  to 
have  been  made  to  contribute  to  the  Heregeld,  not  by 
increasing  the  number  of  hides  or  assessment-units  in  the 
shire  or  Hundred,  but  by  redistributing  the  existing  assess- 
ment-units between  the  old  and  the  new  homesteads,  some- 
what after  the  manner  in  which  the  land-tax  is  now  dealt 
with.  This  state  of  things  may  possibly  have  been  brought 
about  during  Egbert's  over-lordship.  Even  redistribution 
probably  ceased  after  King  Alfred's  time,  which  may  account 
for  the  stories  which  refer  to  him  the  institution  of  Hun- 
dreds and  tithings.  I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  evidence 
to  shew  that  any  changes  were  made  in  the  Hundreds,  between 
the  time  of  King  Alfred  and  the  Conquest.  Indeed,  it  is 
not  easy  to  see  how  the  Hundreds  could  have  been  courts 
of  record,  as  we  know  they  were,  had  their  constituent  parts 

11  Mansa  is  the  term  generally  used  in  the  Charters  to  express  what  is 
called  hide  in  Domesday.  For  instance,  the  half  mansa  at  Littleham,  in 
the  Charter  quoted  by  Mr.  Davidson  in  Trans,  xv.  148,  is  the  half  hide  in 
Dmncsday,  ISo.  289,  p.  263.  According  to  Ine's  Law  a.d.  693  (Law  13  in 
Johnson,  61  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  EccUs.  Documents,  iii.  217), 
Church  shot  had  to  be  paid  "  according  to  the  healm  [or  roof]  and 
to  the  fire  hearth"  which  a  man  occupied  at  midwinter.  This 
method  of  supporting  the  Church  by  paying  so  much  for  each  homestead 
was,  doubtless,  the  old  Saxon  system  before  the  payment  of  tithes  was 
introduced.  The  practice  of  giving  40  sheaves  from  each  holding,  referred  to 
in  Trans,  xxvi.  137,  n.  3,  appears  to  have  been  a  survival  of  it. 


been  ever-changing.  Such  changes  as  were  made  after  the 
Conquest  are  generally  said  to  have  been  made  wrongfully.12 
The  Hundred  system  was  breaking  up  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  when  tithings,  one  after  another,  withdrew  their 
suit  and  rendered  it  where  they  pleased. 

So  far  as  Devonshire  is  concerned,  it  may  be  inferred  from 
the  extreme  sub-division  of  the  hides  or  assessment-units 
among  the  estates  mentioned  in  Domesday,  that  the  quota 
of  each  Hundred  must  have  been  fixed  at  a  time  when  the 
Saxon  population  was  very  sparse.13  If  the  Conquest  of 
Devon  was  effected  as  early  as  Cynewulfs  reign  (755-784 
a.d.),  as  Mr.  Davidson  gives  good  reason  for  believing,14 
there  is  nothing  about  the  circumstances  of  this  county 
to  militate  against  dating  the  fixing  of  the  assessment 
from  Egbert's  time.  Here  and  there,  it  is  true,  indications 
of  a  thicker  population  are  to  be  found,  which  might  point 
to  a  later  date.  Thus,  ten  full  homesteads  must  have  existed 
at  Woodbury  when  the  number  of  assessment-units  was 
fixed,  but  these  may  have  included  also  the  assessment 
of  Lympstone,  since  in  the  After  Death  Inquests,  of  17 
Edward  I.,  Lympstone  is  not  described  as  a  manerium 
extentum,  but  only  as  a  hamlet.  There  were  also  twenty 
at  Paignton,  but  these  may  have  been  distributed  in  groups 
over  a  large  area,  including  Paignton,  Marldon,  Collaton 
St.  Mary,  and  Stoke  Gabriel.15  There  were  eighteen  at 
Bishopsteignton,  but  these,  again,  may  have  been  distributed 
over  Chudleigh,   Bishopsteignton,  and  West  Teignmouth,16 

19  Of  Bichenelie  (No.  62,  p.  57),  which  was  appurtenant  to  Tawstock,  in 
Fremington  Hundred  in  King  Edward's  time,  it  is  said  :  This  land  is  now 
wrongfully  appurtenant  to  Bichentone  [in  North  Tawton  Hundred].  Otber 
instances  of  withdrawal  from  the  tithing  to  which  they  belonged,  which 
may,  or  may  not,  have  involved  withdrawal  from  the  Hundred,  are  Swetton 
(No.  1107,  p.  1053),  Hanberie  (No.  1131,  p.  1073),  Doulton  (No.  1108, 
p.  1155).  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Hundred  Rolls  are  full  of 
presentments  of  withdrawals.  Thus  under  Shebbear :  Joanna  de  Campo 
Arnulpho  has  withdrawn  from  monthly  suit  to  the  Hundred,  and  renders 
it  to  the  Manor  of  Beaford. 

w  King's  Presidential  Address,  Trans,  vii.  39. 

14  Trans,  ix.  209. 

18  See  the  Deed  dated  10th  July,  1654,  quoted  by  Mr.  Lane  in  Trans,  xvi. 

u  The  Bishop's  Tantone,  No.  107,  p.  101,  contained  5810  acres.  The 
present  parish  of  Bishopsteignton  contains  3130,  or  only  half  that  quantity. 
West  Teignmouth,  which  contains  403  acres,  was  not  separated  from  Bishops- 
teignton before  Henry  IIL'g  time.  Dr.  Lake,  in  Trans,  vi.  377,  Quotes 
Risdon  as  saying  that  the  separation  was  effected  in  the  twenty-second  year 
of  Bishop  Blondy.  As  Bishop  Blondy  only  held  the  See  for  twelve  years, 
1245-1257  A.D.,  this  may  be  an  error  for  the  second  year,  a.d.  1246. 
Chudleigh,  which  contains  6230  acres,  appears  also  to  have  been  included 
in  the  Bishop's  Tantone.     It  is  not  otherwise  mentioned  in  Domesday. 



fourteen  at  Otterton,  twelve  at  Bishop's  Taw  ton,  again  dis- 
tributed over  an  area  of  some  15,000  acres,17  nine  at  Holcumbe 
Bogus,  seven  each  at  Musbury,  Chillington  or  Stokenham, 
and  Tallaton,  six  each  at  Werrington,  U  ply  me,  Kenn,  and 
Ashburton,  and  five  each  at  Tawstock,  Winkleigh,  Culmstock, 
Shebbear,  and  Ghulmleigh.  It  is  indeed  probable  that  for 
some  time  after  the  Saxon  Conquest  of  the  county,  when  the 
hostility  between  races  ran  high,18  Saxon  homesteads  never 
stood  alone,  but  always  in  groups,  and  each  homestead  may 
have  consisted  of  several  families.  But  as  the  Saxon  hold 
on  the  county  grew  firmer,  these  homesteads  and  families 
may  have  distributed  themselves  over  the  surrounding  area, 
or,  at  least,  have  distributed  the  liability  to  contribute  over 
it.  Thus  not  only  hides  are  met  with,  but  half-hides  and 
quarter  hides,  or  virgates,  and  half-quarters,  and  sixteenths 
or  ferlings,  and,  occasionally,  half  ferlings  and  third  ferlings.19 
3.  Upon  the  death  of  Harold  and  the  election  of 
Harthacnut  to  be  King  over  all  England  in  the  year  1040, 
the  tax  which  had  first  been  known  as  Heregeld,  and 
afterwards  collected  as  Danegeld  ceased  to  be  gathered 
for  these  purposes.  From  time  to  time  a  similar  tax  con- 
tinued to  be  levied  by  the  Sovereign  for  his  own  purposes, 
which  was  then  called  the  King's  geld.  Harthacnut  had 
come  over  with  sixty  ships.  For  each  man  of  their  crews 
he  demanded  twenty  marks,20  and  for  his  own  use  £22,000. 
This  tax  was  raised  in  exactly  the  same  way  as  the  Heregeld, 
viz.,  so  much  from  each  full  homestead  or  hide,  the  number 
of    hides   not  being  the    number   of    homesteads   actually 

17  Bishop's  Tautone  (No.  114,  p.  109)  contained  in  Domesday  15,136  acres 
Sawins  Birige  ...  (No.  306,  p.  285)         „  „  402  acres 

The  two  together    ...     15,538  acres 
Bishop  8  Tawton  Parish  now  contains    3863 
Land  key  ,,  ,,  3161 

Swymbridge  „  „  7061 

Together    ...     14,085  acres 

May  some  parts  of  Chittlehampton  have  been  included  in  the  Bishop's 
Tautone  ?    Or  were  the  plough  lands  only  ninety  acies  each  1 

18  Canon  59,  Concil.  Chelsea,  a.d.  816  :  "That  none  of  Scottish  extraction 
be  permitted  to  exercise  the  sacred  ministry  in  any  one's  Church." 

"  Thus  originally  there  may  have  existed  four  Saxon  homesteads,  all  lying 
together  at  Budleigh,  in  the  district  now  occupied  by  East  Budleigh, 
Withecombe,  Fen  Ottery,  and  Littleham  parishes.  It  would  then  pay 
for  4  hides.  As  the  families  composing  these  homesteads  distributed 
themselves  over  the  surrounding  country,  first  1  hide  was  charged  upon 
Withecombe,  then  1  hide  upon  Bicton,  4  hide  upon  Littleham,  £  hide  upon 
Dalditch,  £  virgate  each  upon  Landesherg  and  Boystock,  and  J  hide  upon 
Newton  Poppleford,  leaving  Budleigh  township  only  answerable  for}  hide. 

30  Freeman,  L  569. 


existing,  but  the  number  assessed  upon  each  shire  and 
Hundred.  In  1084  a.d.,  the  King's  geld  was  levied  at  the 
rate  of  6s.  per  hide ;  in  Henry  L's  time,  in  1130  A.D.,  at  the 
rate  of  2s. ;  in  Henry  II.'s  time,  in  1156  a.d.,  at  a  similar 

Under  this  system  of  assessment  the  burden  of  taxation 
fell  very  unequally  on  different  parts  of  the  kingdom.  In 
some  shires — in  Berkshire  for  instance,  where  the  county  was 
fully  peopled  by  Saxons  before  Egbert's  time — the  number  of 
assessed  homesteads  or  hides  very  nearly  corresponded  with 
the  actual  number.  In  Middlesex  it  was  even  in  excess  of 
it,  in  the  ratio  of  6  to  5.  In  the  western  counties  it  fell 
short  of  it,  in  Dorset  short,  in  Devonshire  shorter,  shortest  of 
all  in  Cornwall.  We  shall,  therefore,  do  well  to  remember 
that  the  hide  in  Devonshire  is  purely  a  measure  of  liability 
to  contribute,  and  not  a  measure  of  area.  Probably  no 
preater  confusion  has  ever  been  made  than  that  of  treating 
the  hide  of  Domesday  as  an  extendible  quantity,  and  speaking 
of  it  as  having  contained  so  many  hundred  or  thousand  acres, 
because  at  the  time  when  the  quota  of  each  Hundred  was 
fixed  only  so  many  Saxon  homesteads  existed  within  a  given 
area,  and  that  area,  if  equally  divided,  would  average  that 
number  of  acres  to  each.22  The  Saxon  homestead,  here  as 
elsewhere,  contained  approximately  about  100  acres  of  arable 
land,  sometimes  more,  occasionally  less,  but  in  this  county 
probably  less  than  elsewhere,  say  65  acres  as  a  minimum, 
115  as  a  maximum.  It  was  what  would  be  now  called 
a  four-horse  farm,  with  the  usual  adjuncts  of  meadow, 
pasture,  and  wood.  The  position  it  held  at  first  in  the 
surrounding  country  was  that  of  a  clearance  in  the  forest, 
an  oasis  in  the  desert.  The  surrounding  country  it  did 
not   originally  include,23  and   bore   no  relation  to  its   ex- 

21  Eyton's  Dorset  Domesday  i.  70. 

a  Around  Morbath,  for  instance  (No.  66.  p.  61),  which  paid  for  3  hides,  it  is 
stated  in  Domesday,  lay  2070  acres  ;  around  Holcumbe  Rogus  (No.  484, 
p.  457),  which  paid  for  9  hides  2474  acres.  We  cannot  thence  infer  that  a 
hide  in  Morbath  measured  690  acres,  and  a  hide  at  Holcumbe  275,  but  only 
that  three  Saxon  homesteads  existed  in  the  district  of  Morbath,  whereas  9 
existed  in  the  district  of  Holcumbe  at  the  time  when  the  contributory  quota 
of  these  districts  was  fixed. 

n  Astonishment  has  been  expressed  that  South  Molton  (No.  10,  p.  9),  with 
an  area  of  4400  acres,  should  only  have  paid  on  1^  vir^ates.  But  supposing 
that  there  were  originally  only  two  Saxon  homesteads  there,  or  a  number  of 
■mailer  ones  equivalent  to  two  full  ones,  we  may  imagine  that  as  the  hostility 
between  the  conquerors  and  the  conquered  subsided,  these  homesteads  over- 
flowed, and  first  included  Hacche  (No.  1126,  p.  1069).  upon  which  an  assess- 
ment of  J-hide  was  paid  ;  then  Bremeridge  (No.  199,  p.  181).  which  was 
assessed  also  at  2  virgates  ;  then  Ringedone  (No.  487*  p.  461)  called  upon  to 
contribute  to  the  extent  of  1  virgate  ;  North  A  Her  (No.  200,  p.  183),  South 

N  2 


tent.24  Liberty  to  enclose  or  "essart"  was  not  given  until 
King  John  disafforested  the  county  in  1204. 



We  pass  on  to  compare  the  contents  of  the  two  docu- 

1.  The  Geldroll  dates  from  the  year  1084  A.D.26  In  the 
following  year,  according  to  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  "  the  King 
held  a  great  consultation,  and  spoke  deeply  with  his  witan 
concerning  the  land,  how  it  was  held,  and  what  were  its 
tenants.  He  then  sent  his  men  over  all  England,  into  every 
shire,  and  caused  them  to  ascertain  how  many  hundred  hides 
of  land  it  contained,  and  what  lands  the  King  possessed 
there,  what  cattle  there  were  in  the  several  counties,  and 
how  much  revenue  he  ought  to  receive  yearly  from  each. 
He  also  caused  them  to  write  down  how  much  land  belonged 
to  his  Archbishops,  to  his  Bishops,  Abbots,  and  Earls,  and 
that  I  may  be  brief,  what  property  every  inhabitant  of 
all  England  possessed  in  land  or  in  cattle,  and  how  much 
money  this  was  worth.  So  very  narrowly  did  he  cause 
the  survey  to  be  made  that  there  was  not  a  single  hide,  nor  a 

Aller  (No.  1126,  p.  1069),  Ringedone  (No.  11,  p.  9)  required  to  contribute 
each  to  the  extent  of  £  virgate,  leaving  only  1}  virgates  to  be  borne  by  South 
Molton  itself.  Similarly  at  North  Tawton  (No.  3,  p.  5)  there  may  have  been 
originally  only  2  Saxon  homesteads,  and  hence  its  contribution  was  fixed  at 
2  bides.  Then,  as  Tawelande  (No.  1200,  p.  1135)  was  included,  it  was 
made  answerable  for  1  virgate  ;  Crook  (No.  1202,  p.  1137)  for  3  virgates  ; 
an  adjacent  settlement  (No.  1203,  p.  1137)  for  1  virgate  ;  Greenslade  (No. 
462,  p.  437)  for  J  virsrate  ;  Pafford  (No.  1143,  p.  1085)  for  1  virgate  ;  Nicols 
Nimet  (No.  458,  p.  433)  for  1  virgate,  until  only  J  virgate  was  left  as  the 
basis  of  contribution  tor  North  Tawton. 

**  Blacktorrington  (No.  58,  p.  53).  assessed  at  If  hides  is  found  in  an  area 
of  3300  acres  in  Domesday,  whilst  Sidbury  (No.  118,  p.  113),  assessed  at  3, 
is  found  in  an  area  of  3412  acies.  Woodbury  (No.  50,  p.  45),  assessed  at  10 
hides,  has  about  it  an  area  of  3890  acres,  whilst  Otter  ton  (No.  300,  p.  277), 
assessed  at  14,  has  2875;  Collumpton  (No.  1224,  p.  1157),  assessed  at  1 
virgate,  is  in  the  midst  of  3372  acres  ;  and  Lege  (No.  1185.  p.  1123),  also 
assessed  at  1  virgate  of  75  acres.  B  rede  lie  (No.  1130,  p.  1071),  assessed  at 
1  virgate,  has  around  it  672  acres,  and  Weaver  (No.  515,  p.  485),  assessed  also 
at  1  virgate.  220.  Hemyock  (No.  13,  p.  11),  assessed  at  1  virgate,  1656  acres, 
and  South  Molton  (No.  10,  p.  9),  assessed  at  1J  virgates,  4400.  Hille  (No. 
1196.  p.  1133),  assessed  at  £  ferling,  or  nVof  a  hide,  has  about  it  170  acres  ; 
the  adjoining  Combe  (No.  1197,  p.  1133),  with  the  same  assessment,  51. 
One  estate  at  Worlington  (No.  1137,  p.  1077),  assessed  at  1  ferling,  has  50 
acres ;  another  estate  at  Worlington  (No.  760,  p.  729),  also  assessed  at  1 
ferling,  102J.  In  one  case  an  estate  of  55  acres  at  Clist  William  pays  for 
J  hide  (No.  1251,  p.  1183),  in  another  an  estate  of  51  acres  at  Wood  and 
Honeyland,  Tiverton  (No.  990,  p.  951),  pays  for  1  ferling,  or  ^  of  a  hide, 
whilst  at  Standone  (No.  965,  p.  927)  an  estate  of  80  acres  pays  for  a  virgate. 

19  Eyton's  Dorset  Domesday,  p.  109.     Davidson,  in  Trans.  xvL,  p.  450.- 


rood  of  land,  nor — it  is  shameful  to  relate  that  which 
he  thought  no  shame  to  do — was  there  an  ox,  or  a  cow, 
or  a  pig  passed  by  that  was  not  set  down  in  the  returns,  and 
then  all  these  writings  were  brought  to  him."  The  returns 
seem  to  have  reached  the  King,  at  Winchester,  before  Easter, 
1086.  During  Pentecost  he  was  at  Westminster,  and  "he 
came  to  Salisbury  at  Lammas ;  and  his  witan  and  all  the 
landholders  of  substance  in  England,  whose  vassals  soever 
they  were,  repaired  to  him  there;  and  they  all  submitted 
to  him  and  became  his  men,  and  swore  oaths  of  allegiance  to 
him  that  they  would  be  faithful  to  him  against  all  others." 
The  transcript  from  these  returns,  either  in  its  unabbreviated 
form  as  the  Exeter  Book,  or  in  its  abbreviated  form  as 
the  Exchequer  Book,  is  therefore  a  Register  of  all  estates 
which  were  then  assessed  to  the  King's  geld,  whether 
exempt  or  not  from  payment ;  and,  inasmuch  as  the  Geldroll 
is  a  list  of  payments  made  into  the  Exchequer  from  the 
same  estates  only  the  year  previously,  it  follows  that  the 
contents  of  one  must  be  substantially  identical  with  the 
contents  of  the  other. 

2.  The  first  point  in  which  the  contents  of  the  two  seem 
to  differ  is  that  names  are  found  in  the  Geldroll  which 
do  not  appear  in  Domesday.  Thus,  in  Plympton  Hundred 
(p.  xliii.),  land  is  mentioned  as  held  by  Serlo  under  Godfrey, 
and  by  Adzo  and  Frotmund  under  Reginald ;  and  also 
in  Ermyngton  Hundred  (p.  xlvi.),  as  held  by  Odo,  Turstin, 
Letard,  and  Frotmund  under  Eeginald.  These  names  do  not 
occur  in  Domesday.  The  explanation  is,  however,  very 
simple.86  Each  estate  was  assessed  to  the  King's  geld  at  a 
certain  amount,  but  as  we  see  from  the  Exeter  Book  this 
assessment  was  divided,  so  much  on  the  lordship,  so  much  on 

98  Serlo's  J  hide,  held  tinder  Godfrey,  in  Plympton  Hundred,  may  possibly 
be  Winestane(No.  342,  p.  321),  i.e.,  if  Winestane  is  Weston  in  Yealmpton,  and 
not  Wisdom  in  Corn  wood ;  for  the  latter  is  in  Ermyngton  Hundred.  Or  else  it 
may  be  Tori  (No.  368.  p.  345).  Both  Winestane  and  Tori  are,  however,  in 
Domesday  said  to  be  held  by  Reginald,  not  by  Godfrey  [de  Valletorta,  p.  838], 
under  the  Earl  of  Moritain.  But  elsewhere  in  the  Exeter  Book  (No.  36, 
p.  32),  Godfrey  is  said  to  hold  Ferdendel  of  the  Earl,  whereas  in  the 
Exchequer  Book  (No.  386,  p.  365),  Ferdendelle  is  said  to  be  held  by 
Reginald.  There  seems  to  have  been  some  change  of  ownership.  Were  they 
father  and  son,  or  uncle  and  nephew  ?  Adzo's  £  hide  is  Hearaton  in  Brixton 
(Harestane,  No.  34,  p.  321);  Frotmund's  1  virgate  Spriddlestone  in  Brixton 
(Spredelestone,  No.  370,  p.  347),  both  said  in  Domesday  to  be  held  by 
Reginald  of  the  Earl.  Odo's  }  hide  held  under  Reginald  is  probably 
Lodbrook  (No.  338,  p.  317)  ;  Letard's  1  virgate,  Lupridge  in  North 
Hewish  (No.  839.  p.  319),  Frotmund's  £  virgate,  Torpeak  (Pech,  No.  890, 
p.  369).  and  Turstin's  J  hide,  the  part  of  Yealmpton,  called  Alfelmestone 
(No.  1039,  p.  997).  The  three  former  of  these  were  held  by  Reginald  of  the 
Earl  of  Moritain,  the  last-named  by  Reginald,  of  Ruald  Adobed. 

174     tea  Devonshire  domesday  and  the  geldroll. 

the  village-land,  and  the  lordship  itself  was  often  farmed  out 
The  collector,  who  knew  the  distribution  and  the  farmer, 
set  down  in  the  Geldroll  who  had  paid  and  who  was  in 
arrear.  But  the  Kings  Domesday  Commissioners  generally 
ignore  such  private  arrangements,  and  treat  the  lord  as 
owning  the  whole,  unless  the  farmer  happens  to  be  a 
frankling.  When  the  villagers  themselves  are  the  farmers,  it 
is  only  accidentally  noticed.27 

It  is,  of  course,  just  possible  that  between  1084  A.D.,  when 
the  Geldroll  was  drawn  up,  and  the  following  year,  when  the 
materials  for  the  Domesday  record  were  collected,  some 
changes  of  ownership  may  have  taken  place  other  than  those 
brought  about  by  grants  to  dependents  in  fee,  farm,  or  at 
will.28  But  it  is  in  the  last  degree  improbable  that  such 
changes  should  have  been  made  without  being  mentioned  in 
Domesday.  We  are  distinctly  told  that  the  King  holds 
Ermentone  (No.  36,  p.  31)  and  Auetone  *  (Blackawton,  No. 
37,  p.  31),  which  he  obtained  from  Walter  de  Dowai,  in 

17  Under  Herstanhaia,  in  Clistone  Hundred,  No.  894,  p.  862 :  Goscelm 
[the  Canon  of  Exeter,  p.  xzvi.]  has  a  barton-estate  .  .  .  which  paid  geld 
for  1J  hides.  There  Goscelm  has  six  villagers,  who  have  these  1J  hides  and 
these  three  plough-teams  to  farm. 

**  In  Colyton  Hundred,  p.  xxxiv.  the  widow,  Emma,  is  stated  to  have 
2J  virgates  exempt.  The  name  appears  only  once  in  Domesday,  as  that 
ot  Baldwin's  wife  holding  Bredeford  (No.  540,  p.  513),  but  Odo  is  stated  to 
hold  2  virgates  in  lordship  under  Baldwin  at  Come  (in  Gittisham,  No.  584, 
p.  557),  and  Rainald  to  have  2  ferlings  in  lordship  under  Baldwin  at  Offwell 
(No.  585,  p.  557).  Excepting  these  two  estates,  I  can  point  to  no  others 
in  Colyton  Hundred  which  could  represent  the  widow  Emma's  land.  Was 
this  Emma  Baldwin's  daughter  a  widow  atter  the  death  of  her  first  husband, 
Richard  Avenell  ?  If  so,  we  can  understand  why  Domesday  treats  her  estates 
as  Baldwin's,  who  may  have  given  them  to  her  in  frank  marriage,  and  held 
them  for  her  after  her  husband's  death.  In  Tiverton  Hundred,  p.  xxv., 
Alivet  is  said  to  be  in  arrear  on  2  ferlings,  which  he  held  under  Odo 
Fitz  Gamelin.  This  seems  to  be  Cilletone  (Che ten,  No.  1140,  p.  1081), 
which  in  Domesday  Odo  Fitz  Gamelin  himself  held.  Alivet  may,  therefore, 
only  have  been  farming  them,  or  a  tenant  at  will.  In  the  Hundred 
Rolls  of  3  Ed.  I.  a.d.  1274,  p.  31,  we  read  :  "  King  John  gave  the  Hundred 
[Budleigh J  to  William  Briwere  to  hold  at  the  will  of  the  King."  Ibid.  p. 
32.  Reginald  de  Sauser  now  holds  Chilsworthy  by  gift  of  the  King  at 
the  King's  pleasure. 

t9  That  the  King's  Auetone  must  be  Blackawton,  and  Ruald  Adobed's 
Auetone  (No.  1038,  p.  997),  Awton  Giffard,  may  be  shewn  as  follows: — 
I.  The  King's  Auetone  was  the  larger  of  the  two.  It  contained  2465 
acres,  whereas  Ruald's  Auetone  only  contained  1294.  Now,  Blackawton 
is  the  larger  of  the  two,  and  contains  5646  acres,  whereas  Awton 
Giffard  contains  3182.  This  raises  a  presumption  that  the  King's 
Auetone  is  Blackawton.  2.  In  Domesday,  Ruald  Adobed,  besides 
Auetone  held  also  Witecerce,  Lambretone.  Were,  Chempebere,  and  other 
places.  In  the  4th  year  of  Ed.  I.,  Emma,  daughter  of  Walter  Giffard,  died 
seized  of  Aveton  Giffard,  Whitechurch,  Lamerton,  Were,  Kempebere, 
and  Lemstelegh  {After  Death  Inquests,  p.  60).    This  raises  a  presumption 


exchange  for  Bampton  (No.  804,  p.  775).  We  are  also  told 
that  the  Bishop  of  Exeter  holds  Haxon  and  Button,  in 
Bratton  Fleming  (No.  113,  p.  109),  which  he  obtained  from 
the  Earl  of  Mortain  in  exchange  for  the  Castle  of  Cornwall; 
that  the  wife  of  Hervi  de  Helion  holds  Essestone  (Exton 
in  Woodbury,  No.  1150,  p.  1091),  and  other  lands  which 
she  obtained  in  exchange  for  Cilletone  (probably  XJheten, 
in  Tiverton,  No.  1140,  p.  1081);  and  that  Ruald  Adobed 
holds  Panestan  (Panson,  St.  Giles1  in  the  Heath,  No.  1014, 
p.  971),  which  he  received  in  exchange  for  Brockland  in 
Axmouth  (No.  1004,  p.  963),  and  Bedic  (Rayrish  in  South 
Leigh,  No.  1005,  p.  963).30  We  also  read  at  the  close  of 
the  entry  respecting  Sutone  (Sutton  Satchville,  No.  1208, 
p.  1145) :  The  above  estates  are  those  which  William 
the  Seneschal,  or  Dispenser,  got  by  exchange.  All  these 
references  to  exchange  are  made,  although  the  exchanges 
themselves  must  have  been  completed  before  the  time 
of  the  Geldroll.81  Is  it,  then,  unreasonable  to  suppose 
that  had  there  been  any  other  more  recent  exchanges  the 
Domesday  Survey  would  have  passed  them  over  without 
notice  ? 

that  Ruald's  Auetone  was  the  one  which  she  held.  3.  The  parish  of  Awton 
Giffard  contains  besides  Auetone  two  other  Domesday  estates,  Heathfield(No. 
283,  p.  257).  held  by  Rucfast  Abbey,  containing  1242  acres,  and  Jndhel's  Stad- 
bury  (No.  657,  p.  629),  containing  320  acres.  If  the  1562  acres  of  these 
two  latter  estates  are  deducted  from  the  3182  acres  which  the  parish 
contains,  there  remain  1620  acres,  an  adequate  amount  to  represent  Ruald's 
Auetone,  but  too  few  by  one-half  to  represent  the  King's  Auetone.  Lest  any 
one  might  think  to  get  over  this  difficulty  by  suggesting  that  the  Abbot 
of  Bucfast's  Heathfield  is  not  Heath  field  in  Awton  Giffard,  but  Heathfield 
in  Lodiswell,  the  Hundred  Rolls  of  3  Ed.  I.,  a.d.  1274  (quoted  by  Mr. 
Brooking  Rowe,  Trans,  viii.,  825,  876).  state  that  the  Abbot  holds  Battekes- 
burne  (Battisborough),  Hetfell  and  Essa  (Abbot's  Ash,  near  Brownstone, 
in  Modbury)  in  Ermyngton  Hundred.  Heathfield  in  Awton  Giffard  is 
in  Ermyngton  Hundred,  whereas  Heathfield  in  Lodiswell  is  in  Stanboro* 
Hundred.  The  latter  cannot,  therefore,  be  the  Abbot's  Heathfield.  4.  The 
Geldroll.  p.  xlvi.,  states  that  Ruald  Adobed  had  an  exempt  lordship 
of  1  hide  in  Ermyngton  Hundred.  Now,  Ruald  can  have  had  no  estate 
at  all  in  Ermyngton  Hundred,  unless  it  were  Aueton  assessed  at  3  hides, 
of  which  1  hide  was  in  the  lordship.  It  follows  that  Ruald's  Auetone  must 
lie  in  Ermyngton  Hundred,  which  Awton  Giffard  does,  but  Blackawton  does 

30  Called  Redarch  in  After  Death  Inquests,  20  Ed.  I.  a.d.  1291. 

11  The  Geldroll,  p.  xxxi.,  states  that  the  wife  of  Harvei  de  Helion  had 
\  hide  and  \  virgate  exempt  lordship  in  Budleigh  Hundred.  This 
cannot  be  Cilletone,  the  whole  assessment  of  which  was  only  2  ferlings, 
but  must  have  been  one  or  more  of  the  lands  received  in  exchange, 
either  Hacheurde  or  Essestone,  or  both.  Hacheurde  is  too  small  to  supply 
the  necessary  exemption.  Essestone  remains.  It  follows  that  Essestone 
must  have  been  in  the  possession  of  Hervi  de  Helion's  wife  before  the 
date  of  the  Geldroll. 


3.  There  is,  however,  a  seeming  discrepancy  between  the 
Geldroll  and  the  Domesday  Survey  of  a  far  more  serious  kind, 
viz.,  the  difference  between  the  total  number  of  assessment 
hides  enumerated  in  the  Geldroll,  and  the  total  number 
which  is  obtained  by  adding  up  those  mentioned  in 
Domesday.  Although  it  has  involved  long  calculations,  I  have  best  to  deal  here  with  the  totals  of  the  whole 
shire,  because  if  we  take  the  case  of  any  particular  Hundred, 
it  may  be  so  easily  suggested  that  the  Hundreds  have 
altered,  and  that,  therefore,  no  argument  can  be  based  upon 
the  difference. 

A.  According  to  the  Geldroll,  the  sum  total  of  all  the 
assessment-hides  in  the  shire  is  1026 J,  which  may  not 
impossibly  be  a  transcriber's  error  for  1027£,  the  VI.  being 
written  for  VII.,  just  as  in  another  place  VIII.  is  written  for 
VI.32  Even  so  this  figure  does  not  square  with  the  details  of 
the  Geldroll,  as  Mr.  Brooking  Eowe  has  already  pointed  out. 
He  has  accordingly  put  the  sum  total  at  1029  hides,  1 
virgate,  3  ferlings,  which  creates  a  fresh  difficulty.  He  has 
pointed  out  (p.  xvi.)  that  in  Fremington  Hundred,  where  the 
exempt  lordships  are  stated  to  amount  to  8  hides,  1  virgate, 
2  ferlings,  they  really  amount  to  8  hides,  3  virgates,  2 
ferlings,  and  that  in  Torington  Hundred,  where  they  are 
stated  to  amount  to  10  hides,  they  really  amount  to  10 
hides,  1  virgate.  In  both  these  cases  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  he  is  right,  because  the  figures  thus  corrected 
tally  with  the  details  of  the  exempt  lordships,  and  also  make 
the  sum  total  of  those  Hundreds  work  out  correctly,  in 
Fremington  Hundred  as  20,  in  Torington  as  34|  hides.  His 
suggestions  with  regard  to  Bampton  and  North  Tawton 
Hundreds  are  more  open  to  question. 

That  there  is  a  mistake  somewhere  in  Bampton  Hundred 
is  obvious.  Mr.  Brooking  Rowe  suggests  (p.  xxxvi.)  that 
7  hides,  3  virgates,  3  ferlings,  should  be  substituted  for 
7  hides,  3  virgates,  2  ferlings,  as  the  amount  of  the  exempt 
lordships.  This  suggestion,  however,  does  not  make  the 
sum  total  of  the  Hundred  work  out  to  25  hides,  as  stated  in 
the  Geldroll,  and  it  introduces  a  small  fraction  of  a  virgate 
into  a  Hundred  total,  for  which  there  is  otherwise  no 
precedent.  If  we  suppose  that  the  words  "  less  1  virgate " 
have  dropped  out  in  the  Hundred  total,  and  assume  that 

n  Under  Plympton  Hundred  (pp.  10  to  11)  the  King  is  said  to  have  received 
£3  108.  8d.  as  his  geld.  Now  the  geld  on  11}  hides,  at  6s.  a  hide,  only 
amounts  to  £3  10s.  6d.,  and  since  it  is  certain  that  more  was  not  accounted 
for  than  was  due,  it  is  obvious  that  viii.  is  an  error  for  vi 


some  error  has  crept  in  in  the  particulars  (not  in  the  total) 
of  the  exempt  lordships,  we  shall  find  that  the  total  for  the 
whole  shire  works  out  more  easily.  Perhaps  we  ought  to 
read  2  virgates,  2£  ferlings,  instead  of  2  virgates,  3£  ferlings, 
for  Walter  de  ClaviTs  exemption,83  or  1  hide,  2£  ferlings, 
instead  of  1  hide,  3£  ferlings,  for  the  Bishop  of  Coutances' 

There  is  also  an  error  somewhere  in  Heytor  Hundred. 
Either  the  particulars  are  right,  and  the  exempt  lordships 
amount  to  17  instead  of  16  hides,  and  the  total  hides  of  the 
Hundred  are  51,  not  50;  or  the  totals,  as  they  stand,  are 
right,  and  the  error  is  in  the  particulars.  I  am  disposed 
to  think  that  the  error  lies  in  the  particulars,  and  that 
probably  Eichard  Fitz  Turold's,  and  certainly  the  Abbot 
of  Tavistock's,  exemption  should  have  been  entered  as  \ 
instead  of  1  hide.  The  substitution  of  1  for  \  is  an  error 
which  will  be  found  elsewhere,  and  even  in  the  Domesday 

83  Walter  de  Clavil  held  Berlescome  (No.  864,  p.  831),  assessed  at  1  hide, 
1}  virgates,  in  Bampton  Hundred.  The  lordship  of  this  is  stated  to  have 
been  assessed  at  2  virgates,  1  ferling,  so  that  1J  ferlings  must  be  looked  for 
elsewhere  to  make  up  an  exemption  of  2  virgates,  2}  ferlings.  If  Schipebroc 
(No.  863,  831),  which  precedes  Berlescome,  and  is  assessed  at  1  virgate, 
with  1  ferling  in  the  lordship,  were  in  Bampton  Hundred,  we  should  nave 
2  virgates,  2  ferlings,  exempt  in  that  Hundred.  Riculf,  under  Walter, 
is  also  said  to  have  J  ferling  of  lordship  at  FereortSin  (No.  866,  p.  833), 
and  if  this  should  lie  in  Bampton  Hundred,  the  necessary  quantity  will  be 
made  np.  At  present  I  am  unable  to  identify  Schipebroc,  or  Fereorfein,  with 
places  in  Bampton  Hundred,  therefore  attacn  little  value  to  this  suggestion. 

84  It  would  seem  that  the  Hundred  of  Moll  and,  which  is  now  united  with 
that  of  South  Molton,  was  at  the  time  of  Domesday  united  with  Bampton 
Hundred.  Uffculm,  which  is  now  united  with  Bampton,  was  then  a 
separate  Hundred.  For  (1 )  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  the  24}  hides 
of  Bampton  Hundred,  or  for  the  Bishop  of  Coutances'  exemption  of  1  hide,  3J 
ferlings,  in  that  Hundred,  except  on  this  hypothsesis.  (2)  Domesday 
expressly  states  (No.  65,  p.  59)  that  to  Holland  belongs  the  third  penny 
of  the  three  Hundreds  of  North  Molton,  Bampton,  and  Braunton,  shewing 
that  Holland  was  the  head  of  Bampton  as  well  as  of  the  other  two  Hundreds. 
The  Bishop  of  Coutances1  exemption  in  Bampton  Hundred  remains  a 
difficulty.  The  following  may  help  to  clear  it  up.  The  Bishop  held  (1) 
Petton  (i.e.  Petit- town)  or  Little  Bampton  (Bedendone,  No.  203,  p.  185). 
the  lordship  of  which  was  assessed  at  £  hide.  He  also  held  (2)  Holland 
(No.  204,  p.  187)  in  Holland  Hundred,  the  lordship  of  which  was  assessed  at 
1  virgate.  Also  (3)  Anestige  (No.  205,  p.  187),  perhaps  Henstndge  in 
Berry  Narbor,  and,  if  so,  presumably  also  in  Holland  Hundred.  (Berry 
Narbor  is  still  part  of  South  Holton  Hundred.)  Anestige  is  stated  to 
be  assessed  at  1  virgate,  3  ferlings,  of  which  2}  ferlings  are  in  the  lordship, 
and  8£  ferlings  the  villagers  have.  Now  2&  +  3&  ferlings  —  1  virgate,  2 
ferlings  only,  and  there  is  1  ferling  short.  The  collector  becoming  aware  of 
this  deficiency,  may  possibly  have  altered  2J  ferlings  into  3£  ferlings  for 
the  lordship,  instead  of  looking  for  the  missing  ferling  where  it  is  more  likely 
to  be  found,  in  Fairleigh  (No.  203,  p.  183)  probably  a  dependency  of 
Anestige.  These  estates  make  3  virgates,  2}  ferlings,  of  lordship.  1  virgate 
still  remains  to  be  found. 


text  itself.86  For  instance,  Lege  (No.  855,  p.  823)  i^  said 
to  be  assessed  at  1  hide  less  1  virgate;  but  from  the 
particulars  furnished  by  the  Exeter  Domesday,  which  give 
the  lordship  as  2  virgates,  the  village  land  as  1J  virgates, 
it  is  clear  that  the  scribe  ought  to  have  written  1  hide 
less  £  virgate. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  show  that  Richard  Fitz  Turold  held 
sufficient  estates  in  Heytor  Hundred  to  account  for  an  exemp- 
tion of  1  hide,  provided  they  were  all  held  by  baronial  tenure, 
and  were  not  subordinate  to  other  baronial  estates.  Wood- 
huish,  in  Brixham  (No.  927,  p.  893),  assessed  at  1  hide,  and 
Notsworthy,  in  Widdicombe-in-the-Moor  (No.  928,  p.  893), 
assessed  at  1  ferling,  he  held  direct  under  the  King.  He 
also  held  St.  Mary  Church  (No.  359,  p.  337),  assessed  at 
1  hide,  under  the  Earl  of  Mortain  and  Sparkwell,  in 
Staverton  (No.  575,  p.  547),  assessed  at  £  hide,  under 
Baldwin.  As  regards  the  first-named  estates,  the  Exeter 
book  does  not  contain  particulars  as  to  the  amount  in  the 


88  Among  errors  in  the  Domesday  text,  to  which  attention  may  be  drawn, 
are:  (1)  Under  Liege  (No.  270,  p.  243),  instead  of  "Terra  est  1  carucae," 
we  must  read,  with  the  Exeter  Book,  "Terra  est  x.  carucis."  (2)  Under 
Madford  (No.  373,  p.  351),  instead  of  "  Geldabat  pro  una  virgate,"  we  should 
read,  "pro  dimidia  virgata."  For,  according  to  the  Exeter  Book,  1  ferling 
was  in  lordship,  and  the  villagers  had  1  ferling,  making  together  2  ferlings, 
or  £  virgate.  From  the  list  of  particulars  of  the  King's  Ex  minster  (No.  5, 
p.  6)  it  appears  also  that 

The  King  had       .  .  .         .003  ferlings, 


The  Villagers 
William  de  Ou 
Battle  Abbey 
Leaving  unaccounted  for 



10    0 

The  J  virgate  unaccounted  for  is  then,  most  probably,  the  }  virgate  of 
Madford.  (3)  Under  Selingeforde  (No.  712,  p.  681)  the  villagers  are  said 
to  have  1  hide,  whereas  it  should  be  &  hide.  For  William  Capra,  according 
to  the  Exeter  Book,  had  1  hide,  1  virgate,  in  the  lordship  there,  and  the  total 
assessment  was  1  hide,  3  virgates,  leaving  only  2  virgates,  or  i  hide,  for 
the  villagers.  That  the  mistake  lies  in  the  villagers',  and  not  in  the  lord's 
assessment,  may  be  shown,  because  William  Capra  is  said  in  the  Geldroll 
(p.  xxxvii.)  to  have  1  hide,  3  virgates,  1  ferling,  exempt  in  Exminster 
Hundred,  and  the  only  estates  held  by  William  Capra  in  Exminster  Hundred 
are : 

Selingeforde,  assessed  at  1     8    0  of  which  1     1     0  in  the  lordship. 

Exminster  ,,  100         ,,        020  „ 

Matford  „  0    0    2         „        0    0    14 


Total  in  the  lordships    1     3     14 

It  appears  also  that  a  few  errors  have  crept  in  in  transcribing  the 
Ansociation's  Domesday,  such  as,  Lwis  (No.  1114,  p.  1061)  for  I  wis,  Lweslei 
(No.  856,  p.  823)  for  lweslei,  Ludeford  (No.  1181,  p.  1119)  for  Judeford, 
Orescane  (No.  971,  p.  931)  for  Orescome. 


lordship  and  the  amount  held  by  the  villagers  respectively, 
but  we  may  assume  that  the  amount  in  the  lordship  was 
at  least  1  virgate.  At  St  Mary  Church,  as  we  learn  from 
the  Exeter  book,  the  lordship  included  2  virgates;  at  Spark- 
well,  1  virgate.  We  can  therefore  account  for  4  virgates,  or 
1  hide  of  lordship,  amongst  the  four  estates.  For  all  that,  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  Richard  Fitz  Turold  had  any 
baronial  estate,  except  as  under-tenant.  Probably  Woodhuish 
was  a  dependency  of  St.  Mary  Church;86  Sparkwell  of 
Staverton,  and  Noteworthy  a  thane's  land.  St  Mary 
Church  remains,  and  there  the  lordship  was  2  virgates,  or 
i  hida 

With  greater  certainty  it  may  be  stated  that  the  Abbot  of 
Tavistock  had  only  £  hide,  and  not  1  hide,  exempt  in  Heytor 
Hundred.  For  the  Abbey  had  only  two  holdings  in  that 
Hundred.  One  of  these,  Denbury  (No.  272,  p.  245),  was 
assessed  at  \  hide,  and  the  Abbot's  lordship  there  amounted 
to  \  virgate.  The  other,  Welle,  or  Coffinswell  (No.  273, 
p.  247),^  was  assessed  at  2  hides,  but  only  \  hide  was  there 
in  lordship.     Had  the  Abbot   been  allowed  exemption  in 

M  Under  Fees  held  of  the  King,  (24  Ed.  I.,  a.d.  1295)  in  the  Hundred  of 
Haytor  appears  the  following  (in  C.  Devon's  MS.,  24,770  in  Brit  Mas., 
p.  209) :  "John  de  Cirencester  holds  Woodhywis  for  \  fee  of  St.  Mary  Church 
of  the  fee  of  William  de  Cirencester.  And  the  sd  William  holds  St.  Mary 
Church  with  Woodhywis  and  Hoston,  which  is  in  the  Hundred  of 
Stan  borough,  for  1  fee  of  Oliver  de  Dinham  as  of  his  honour  of  Cardinan 
in  fee  Moreton.  And  the  same  Oliver  holds  of  the  Earl  of  Cornwall  by 
the  same  service,  and  the  Earl  of  the  King." 

91  The  Abbot  of  Tavistock's  Welle  (No.  273,  p.  247)  cannot  be  Morwell  in 
Milton  Abbot,  (1)  because  had  Welle  lain  in  Tavistock  Hundred  it  would 
have  been  enumerated  after  Tavistock,  Lege,  Lideltone,  and  other  places 
in  Tavistock  Hundred  ;  (2)  because  Morwell  is  a  sub-manor  under  Tavistock, 
and  included  under  the  Tavistock  of  Domesday,  and  (3)  because  unless  Welle 
is  placed  in  Heytor  Hundred  there  is  no  estate  belonging  to  the  Abbey 
which  can  account  for  the  Abbot's  exempt  lordship  in  Heytor  Hundred. 
(p.  xl.) 

Similarly  it  may  be  shewn  that  Ralph  Paganel's  Welle  (No.  944,  p.  907) 
must  also  have  lain  in  Heytor  Hundred.  For  Ralph  Paganel  was  allowed 
exemptions  for  1  virgate  in  Hai  ridge  Hundred,  for  1  hide  in  Won  ford 
Hundred,  for  1  hide  in  Teignbridge  Hundred,  and  for  1  hide  in  Heytor 
Hundred.  His  Domesday  holdings,  which  must  represent  these,  are 
Dunchideock,  in  Exminster  Hundred,  assessed  at  1  hide,  of  which  i  hide 
was  in  the  lordship  ;  Carsewelle,  assessed  at  2  hides,  of  which  \  hide  was  in 
the  lordship ;  Aire,  assessed  at  1  hide,  of  which  1  virgate  was  in  the 
lordship ;  Tnrowleiffh,  in  Won  ford  Hundred,  assessed  at  1  hide,  of  which  1 
virgate  was  in  the  lordship ;  Chagford,  in  Wonford  Hundred,  assessed  at 
\  hide,  of  which  £  hide  was  in  the  lordship ;  Ilsington,  in  Teignbridge 
Hundred,  assessed  at  2  hides,  of  which  $  hide  was  in  the  lordship  ;  Ingsdon, 
in  Te Urn  bridge  Hundred,  assessed  at  2  hides,  of  which  £  hide  was  in 
the  lordship  ;  West  Exe,  in  Tiverton  Hundred,  assessed  at  1  virgate  ;  Wash- 
field,  assessed  at  1  virgate,  and  Wille  assessed  at  2  hides,  of  which  1  hide 
was  in  the  lordship.    Of  these  places,  either  Carsewelle  (Keshill),  or  Aire,  or 


respect  of  both,  it  could  not  have  exceeded  2  virgates,  2 
ferlings.  We  may  safely  conclude  that  the  Abbot  was 
only  allowed  exemption  in  respect  of  Coffiinswell,  and  that 
Denbury  was  a  subordinate  estate. 

Mr.  Brooking  Eowe  also  suggests  an  error  in  North 
Tawton  Hundred  (p.  xxiii.).  This,  however,  will,  I  believe, 
turn  out  to  be  imaginary.  For  the  1  hide  from  which 
Walter,  the  man  of  Walter  de  Clavil  received  the  King's 
geld,  and  failed  to  account  for  12d.  of  it,  was  not  an 
additional  hide,  but  one  of  the  33£  hides  on  which  the 
King's  geld  had  been  paid  by  those  liable  to  pay  it,  and  one 

both  most  be  in  Hairidge  Hundred,  and  Wille  must  be  in  Heytor  Hundred. 
Otherwise,  Ralph's  holdings  in  these  two  Hundreds  would  remain  unac- 
counted for. 

Welle,  or  Wille,  appears  to  have  been  the  name  of  a  district  rather  than 
a  place,  and  is  not  con6ned  to  these  two  estates.  There  are  also  two  Cars 
Will  es,  and  one  Well  boro',  or  Whil  bo  rough,  in  the  district  The  Abbot  of 
Tavistock's  Welle  had  an  extent  of  824  acres,  Ralph  Paganel's  Wille  an 
extent  of  598.  The  present  area  of  Coffinswell  and  Daccombe,  which 
represents  one  of  these,  is  1126  acres,  that  of  Edginswell,  together  with 
Shiphay  and  Welles  Barton,  about  the  same. 

In  Burton's  list  of  fees,  a.d.  1302,  in  MS.  28,649,  under  Haytor  Hundred, 
is  the  additional  entry  made  by  Burton  himself  [No.  177]  :  "  It  is  found  by 
inquisition  returned  from  the  Exchequer  of  our  Lord  the  King  that 
Eggersvil  is  held  of  the  honour  of  Plyuiton,  which  John  Ferrers  now  holds 
by  service  of  half  a  fee,  which  was  concealed  in  the  inquisition."  In 
Charles  Devon's  MS.,  24,770,  p.  272,  Register  of  the  fees  of  Hugh 
Courtoey,  4  Ed.  II.  i.e.,  1310  A.D.,  under  the  Hundred  of  Heytor,  is 
the  following : 

"Eggeneswell  &  Odeknoll  which  John  de  Ferrers  &  Reginald  de 
Remmesbiry  hold  [1  fee]." 

In  Prince's  MS.,  28,649,  p.  485  (252),  occur  the  following  notices,  which 
shew  that  Coffinswell  was  held  by  the  Abbot  of  Torre,  of  the  Abbey  of 
Tavistock,  through  various  mesne  lords,  of  which  the  Spekes  were  ooe.  (1) 
"  In  the  30th  year  of  King  Henry  son  of  King  John  [i.<?.,  a.d.  1245]  the 
Abbot  of  Tavistock,  by  reason  of  the  minority  of  Richard  le  Speke  took 
a  relief  after  the  death  of  Jordan  Daccumb  "  [of  Daccumb  and  Wille].  (2) 
"  Richard  de  Espeke  to  all,  &c.  Know  ye  that  I  have  granted  to  Osbert 
Probus  and  Michael  his  brother  the  land  which  their  father  held  of  me 
in  Daccumb  and  Will,  and  I  will  that  Michael  and  his  heirs  shall  hold 
it  of  me  by  service  of  2  knights  ...  as  peaceably  as  his  brother  William 
held  it  on  the  day  when  he  set  forth  for  Jerusalem."  (3)  "  Summary  of  an 
instrument  whereby  William  le  Espeke  lord  of  Wem worthy  binds  himself 
under  a  penalty  of  £30  to  confirm  this  grant."  (4)  Summary  of  an 
instrument  whereby  Stephen  de  Baucen  grants  Wells  Coffin  to  Thor  Abbey 
which  he  held  by  grant  of  Jordan  de  Daccomb ;  and  of  another  whereby 
Jordan  de  Daccumb  grants  Daccumb  to  the  same  Abbey."  On  p.  487  (253) 
other  instruments  are  extracted  :  (5)  "  Extract  of  pleas  of  new  disseisin  in 
the  second  year  of  King  Edward  the  son  of  Edward,  i.e.,  a.d.  1308,  between 
Robert  de  Scobhul  and  Roger  de  le  Hull,  heirs  of  Robert  Coffin,  lord  of 
Wells  Coffin  plaintiff  and  the  Abbot  of  Thor  defendant  concerning  the 
whole  manor  of  Wells  Coffin  in  which  by  the  good  offices  of  friends  the 
afore8d  abbot  renounces  all  his  right  in  the  said  manor  to  the  said  heirs "  ; 
and  (6),  "Summary  of  a  grant  of  Wells  to  Thorr  Abbey  by  Margaret  daur. 


of  the  intermediaries  had  intercepted  12d.  in  transit  to  the 

In  the  case  of  Plympton  Hundred  there  is,  again,  a  mistake 
somewhere.  Probably  the  sum  total  of  the  Hundred  assess- 
ment is  correctly  stated,  but  in  giving  the  details  the  scribe 
has  omitted  some  estate  on  which  \  virgate  was  unpaid. 
Perhaps  William  was  in  arrear  on  the  \  virgate  of  Waliforde 
(No.  688,  p.  657)  which  he  held  under  Judhel.  Instances 
of  such  omissions  occur  in  other  Hundreds,  but  they  have 
generally  been  inserted  afterwards  as  interlineations. 

In  Wonford  Hundred  there  is  an  ambiguous  interlineation : 
"  And  for  one  hide  for  which  Roger  Fitz  Pagan  paid  his  geld 
in  another  Hundred,  the  King  has  the  same  geld  in  his 
exchequer  at  Winchester."  Does  this  mean  that  Roger  Fitz 
Pagan  had  a  hide  in  Wonford  Hundred  for  which  he  paid 
geld  elsewhere  ?  Or  that  he  had  a  hide  elsewhere  for  which 
he  paid  geld  in  Wonford  Hundred  ? 

The  Geldroll  gives  24  hides  and  2  ferlings  as  the  total 
of  the  lordships  exempt  from  payment  in  Wonford  Hundred. 
If  we  ignore  Roger  Fitz  Pagan's  hide,  this  amount  exactly 
tallies  with  the  particulars.  On  this  ground  I  should  be 
disposed  to  conclude  that  Roger  Fitz  Pagan's  hide  did  not 
lie  in  Wonford  Hundred. 

But  there  are  stronger  reasons.  If  Roger  Fitz  Pagan's 
hide  lay  in  Wonford  Hundred,  and  was  paid  for  in  some 
other  Hundred,  how  comes  it  that  this  fact  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  accounts  of  the  other  Hundred  ?  Why  should  it  be 
mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  Wonford  Hundred  ? 

Again,  if  Roger  Fitz  Pagan's  hide  lay  in  Wonford  Hundred, 
we  ought  to  be  able  to  identify  it  there.  But  how  stand  the 
facts  ?  In  Domesday  only  three  estates  appear  to  have  been 
held  by  anyone  of  the  name  of  Roger  in  Wonford  Hundred. 
One  was  Huxhani  (No.  977,  p.  939),  held  by  Roger  under 
Ralph  de  Pomeray.  This  was  assessed  at  Z\  virgates,  of 
which  \\  were  in  the  lordship.  Who  this  Roger  was  we  are 
not  told,  but  certain  it  is  that  Roger  Fitz  Pagan  did  hold  in 
another  Hundred,  that  of  Exminster,  the  estate  of  Peamore 
(No.  959,  p.  921),  under  Ralph  de  Pomeray.  Another  was 
Hobbin,  in  East  Ogwell  (No.  1179,  p.  1117),  which  a 
Koger,  who  is  called  Roger  the  Stinger  (aculeus),  held  under 
Nicolas.  This  was  assessed  at  1  virgate.  A  third  was 
Bagtor,  in  Christow  (No.  1180,  p.  1119),  which  the  same 
Roger  the  Stinger  also  held  under  Nicolas.  The  extent  of 
the  lord's  assessment  at  Hobbin  is  not  stated.  At  Bagtor  it 
is  given  as  1  ferling.    Probably  it  was  the  same  at  Hobbin. 


Now  since  the  Geldroll  definitely  states  that  Roger,  whom 
it  calls  the  Sandy  (flavus),  and  distinguishes  from  Roger 
Fitz  Pagan,  had  2  virgates  exempt  lordship  in  Wonford 
Hundred,  which  neither  the  1}  virgates  of  Huxham  alone, 
nor  the  2  ferlings  of  Hobbin  and  Bagtor  alone  can  account 
for,  but  which  exactly  tallies  with  the  amount  of  the  lord- 
ship in  the  three  holdings  taken  together,  it  follows  that  Roger 
the  Sandy  and  Roger  the  Stinger  are  one  and  the  same 
person,  that  he  was  a  different  person  from  Roger  Fitz  Pagan, 
that  he  must  have  held  all  three  of  the  estates  named,  and 
that  there  is  no  estate  left  in  Wonford  Hundred  which  Roger 
Fitz  Pagan  can  have  held. 

The  other  alternative  remains,  according  to  which  Roger 
Fitz  Pagan's  hide  lay  in  some  other  Hundred,  and  he  paid 
his  geld  for  it  to  the  King  in  Wonford  Hundred.  This 
alternative  is  also  borne  out  by  the  Domesday  record,  in 
which  it  is  stated  that  Roger  Fitz  Pagan  holds  Hanoch  (No. 
568,  p.  541)  in  Teignbridge  Hundred  under  Baldwin,  and 
that  this  estate  was  assessed  in  King  Edward's  time  at  1 
hide.  All,  then,  that  the  interlined  words  introduced  among 
the  exempt  lands  seem  intended  to  convey  is  that  on  paying 
in  Wonford  Hundred  for  1  hide  belonging  to  Teignbridge 
Hundred,  Roger  Fitz  Pagan  had  claimed  the  allowance  to 
which  he  was  entitled  in  that  Hundred.  The  sum  total  of 
the  paying  and  non- paying  lands  in  Wonford  Hundred 
appears  thus  to  have  been  53£  hides,  which,  if  we  substitute 
for  54,  take  24£  hides  for  Bampton  Hundred  instead  of  25, 
and  otherwise  add  up  the  totals  as  given  in  the  Geldroll,  we 
obtain  1027£  hides  as  the  total  number  for  the  whole  county. 

Before  leaving  that  part  of  the  Geldroll  which  deals  with 
Wonford  Hundred,  may  I  be  permitted  to  draw  attention  to 
an  error  which  the  translation  of  the  last  sentence  might 
seem  to  convey?  The  sentence  as  translated  runs:  "And 
from  the  3  hides,  and  1  virgate,  and  1  ferling  from  which 
the  Fegadri  say  that  they  received  20s.  from  William  Hostio 
and  Radulf  de  Pomeroy,  and  set  them  free  from  the 
obligation  of  carrying  the  geld  to  the  King's  Exchequer  at 
Winchester,  the  King  has  no  geld."  I  would  rather  it  had 
been  rendered :  "  And  from  3  hides,  1  virgate,  and  1  ferling 
as  to  which  the  fee-gatherers  say  that  they  received  the  King's 
pence — (the  word  denarios  is  used  because  the  exact  sum  was 
19s.  10 £d. — 20s.  is  only  a  rough  interlineation) — and  delivered 
the  same  to  William  the  Seneschal  and  Ralph  de  Pomeray, 
who  were  under  obligation  to  pay  it  in  at  the  King's  treasury 
in  Winchester,  the  King  has  not  his  geld."     The  former 


translation  seems  to  imply  that  William  the  Seneschal 
(hostiarius,  le  Dispenser  of  later  times)  and  Ealph  de 
Pomeray  paid  geld  on  3  hides,  1  virgate,  1  ferling  in 
Wonford  Hundred,  whereas  as  a  matter  of  fact  they  had  no 
such  amount  in  that  Hundred  either  jointly  or  severally. 
William  the  Seneschal  had  nothing  in  that  Hundred.  Ralph 
de  Pomeray 's  holdings  were  confined  to  three  estates,  viz, 
East  Ogwell  (No.  975,  935)  paying  for  3  virgates,  another 
estate  in  East  Ogwell  (No.  976,  p.  937)  paying  for  2  virgates, 
and  Huxham  (No.  977,  p.  939),  which  was  held  under  him 
by  Roger  the  Stinger,  these  three  together  only  paying  for 
1  hide,  1  virgate.  What  the  words  are  really  intended  to  con- 
vey is  that  William  the  Seneschal  and  Ralph  de  Pomeray,  who 
were  under  obligation  to  transmit  the  King's  geld  on  certain 
estates  to  Winchester,  had  failed  to  pay  in  19s.  10£d.  The 
fee-gatherers  had  paid  it  over  to  them,  but  they  were  in  default. 

B.  Let  us  see,  now,  the  figures  in  Domesday.  If  we 
assume  all  the  hides  enumerated  in  Domesday  in  the  county 
to  be  co-ordinate,  and  add  them  together,  we  shall  find  that 
they  number  close  upon  1140.  Besides  these  there  are  four 
unhidated  estates,  viz.,  Axminster,  Axmouth,  Silverton,  and 
Bampton,  but  these  are  not  included  in  the  Geldroll.  If 
obvious  re-duplications  such  as  Newton  St  Cyres,  first 
enumerated  as  held  of  the  bishop  (No.  105,  p.  99),  and  then 
as  held  of  the  King  (p.  1179) ;  Clavil's  Iweslie  (No.  856, 
p.  823),  which  was  part  of  the  King's  Edeslege  (No.  90, 
p.  85) ;  Lob  twice  mentioned  (No.  9,  p.  9,  and  No.  489, 
p.  461) ;  and  Sedeborge,  also  twice  mentioned  (No.  439, 
p.  413  and  1179),  are  left  out  of  consideration,  the  total 
number  of  hides  is  reduced  to  1135  hides,  2i  ferlings— an 
amount  which  is  some  10  per  cent,  in  excess  of  the  1027£ 
hides  according  to  the  summary  in  the  Geldroll. 

The  discrepancy  appears  still  greater  if  we  compare  the 
King's  Domesday  Estates  with  the  King's  exempt  lordships 
as  enumerated  in  the  Geldroll.38    The  latter  make  up  a  total 

*  It  may  be  here  observed  that  the  fact  of  the  King's  having  a  certain 
amount  of  exempt  lordship  in  any  Hundred  is  by  no  means  evidence  that 
the  estates  in  respect  of  which  the  exemption  was  allowed  were  actually  in 
the  King's  hand  at  the  time  of  the  Domesday  Survey.  For  the  King  had 
no  hidated  estate  in  Axmouth  Hundred  at  the  time  of  the  Survey,  yet  he 
was  allowed  an  exemption  for  1  hide  in  the  Geldroll.  In  Budleigh  Hundred 
the  assessment  of  his  estates  amounted  to  13$  hides,  yet  he  was  allowed  14 
hides  for  his  lordships  only  in  that  Hundred.  In  Hemyock  Hundred  the 
assessment  on  the  King's  estates  amounted  to  2\  virgates,  yet  he  was  allowed 
8J  virgates  for  his  lordships.  In  Lifton  Hundred  the  assessment  on  his 
estates  amounts  to  4  hide,  yet  he  was  allowed  S  hides  for  his  lordships. 
In  Witherid^e  Hundred,  his  assessment  amounted  to  1}  virgates,  yet  he  was 
allowed  3}  hides  for  his  lordships. 


of  141  bides,  2  virgates,  3  ferlings,  the  King  having  exempt 
lordships  in  every  Hundred  except  Crediton,  Uffculm,  and 
Ottery.  On  the  other  hand,  the  sum  total  of  the  hides  held 
by  the  King,  as  given  in  Domesday,  is  164  hides,  2  ferlings, 
independently  of  the  Church  lands  on  his  estates  at  Colyton 
(No.  23,  p.  21),  Plympton  (No.  29,  p.  25),  Yealmpton  (No. 
31,  p.  27),  Woodbury  (No.  51,  p.  45),  and  Pinhoe  (No.  77, 
p.  71),  and  the  added  or  dependent  estates  at  Witheridge 
(No.  49,  p.  43),  King's  Nympton  (No.  75,  p.  69),  Sherford 
(No.  53,  p.  49),  Blackpol  (No.  65,  p.  59),  Boystock  (No.  71, 
p.  65),  Irishcombe  (No.  96,  p.  89),  and  Ash  (No.  45,  p.  41), 
i.e.  16  per  cent,  in  excess  of  the  total  of  the  Geldroil.  Of 
this  total  number  of  hides,  47  hides,  1  virgate,  and  £  ferling, 
are  stated  in  Domesday  to  be  the  assessment  of  the  King's 
lordships;  109  hides,  1  virgate,  1£  ferlings,  the  assessment 
of  his  villagers ;  the  remaining  7£  hides  are  either  not 
specially  allotted  between  the  lordship  and  the  village,  or  not 
specially  accounted  for.  And  here  it  is  a  remarkable  fact, 
whatever  construction  we  may  put  upon  it,  or  whatever 
inference  we  may  draw  from  it,  that  if  the  109  hides,  1 
virgate,  If  ferlings,  which  constitute  the  assessment  upon 
the  King's  villagers  are  deducted  from  the  1135  hides,  2J 
ferlings  which  is  the  sum  total  of  the  hides  in  the  county 
of  Devon,  treating  them  all  as  co-ordinate,  the  remainder 
1025  hides,  3  virgates,  $  ferlings,  suspiciously  approximates 
to  the  1027J  hides  of  the  Geldroil.  It  looks  as  though  the 
Domesday  total  exceeded  the  Geldroil  total  just  by  the 
amount  of  assessment  on  the  King's  villagers. 


Mr.  Eyton  has  already  noticed  a  discrepancy  between  the 
two  records  in  the  case  of  Dorset ;  but  from  his  observations 
the  discrepancy  cannot  be  nearly  so  great  in  Dorset  as  in 
Devon.  To  explain  it,  he  makes  two  suggestions.  (1)  He 
suggests  that  the  assessment  may  have  been  sometimes 
increased  since  the  time  of  the  Geldroil.  (2)  He  thinks 
that  several  estates  may  be  enumerated  in  the  Domesday 
Survey  which  had  hitherto  escaped  notice. 

1.  So  far  as  Devonshire  is  concerned,  neither  of  these 
explanations  seems  satisfactory.  It  goes  without  dispute 
that  many  estates  had  increased  or  decreased  in  value  since 
King  Edward's  death,  and  the  Domesday  record  constantly 
says,  "  It  was  worth  so  much,"  "  It  is  worth  so  much  now." 
But  variations  in  value  since  King  Edward's  time  do  not 
necessarily  involve  variations  in  assessment  either  before  or 


after  that  time.  Variable  as  the  assessment  may  have  been 
once  upon  a  time,  apparently,  so  far  as  Devonshire  is  con- 
cerned, the  assessment  had  become  fixed  and  stereotyped 
neally  two  centuries  before  King  Edward's  time.  The  small 
subdivisions  of  the  assessment- units  in  this  county,  and 
their  distribution  among  the  several  estates  in  small  fractions 
are  simply  inexplicable,  except  on  the  hypothesis  that  the 
number  of  assessment-units  was  fixed  and  determined  when 
only  a  small  number  of  Saxon  homesteads  existed  in  the 
county.  This  hypothesis  will  also  explain  why  the  hides  in 
this  county  are  so  few,  and  in  others  so  many.89  In  some 
counties,  no  doubt,  the  number  of  hides  upon  which  estates 
paid  geld  was  extensively  altered  after  the  Conquest, 
generally  by  way  of  decrease,  not  of  increase,40  but  then  the 
alteration  is  mentioned  in  Domesday.  The  Devonshire 
Domesday  does  not,  however,  purport  to  give  the  assess- 
ment in  1086,  but  that  in  1066,  "on  the  day  on  which  King 
Edward  was  alive  and  dead";  and,  with  one  exception,  it 
mentions  no  change  since.  That  exception  is  Mock  ham,  in 
Charles  (No.  480,  p.  453),  as  to  which  the  record  runs: 
"  Mogescome,  in  King  Edward's  time,  discharged  itself  in 
the  matter  of  geld,  along  with  the  last -mentioned  estate 
[i.e.  Charles],  by  paying  for  1  virgate  of  land;  now  they 
are  reckoned  as  2  virgates."  This  entry  is  quite  unique  in 
Devonshire,  and  probably  only  records  some  shifting  of 
liability  from  one  estate  to  another,  not  an  increase  in 
the  total  number  of  assessment-units.     Had  such  changes 

w  To  compare  two  parishes  of  about  the  same  size.  Sparsholt,  in  Berks, 
contains  5844  acres,  and  six  estates  in  it  are  mentioned  in  Domesday.  The 
KiDg  had  one  estate  of  1084  acres  assessed  at  16  hides,  another  estate  of 
1500  acres  assessed  at  10  hides.  The  Abbey  of  Abingdon  had  a  third  of  450 
acres  assessed  at  10  hides.  Henry  de  Ferrers  had  two  estates,  one  of  100 
acres,  assessed  at  1J  hides,  the  other  of  203  acres,  assessed  at  3|  hides. 
Lastly,  Hascoit  Musard  had  an  estate  of  400  acres,  assessed  at  2  hides.  Two- 
thirds  of  the  parish  are  here  accounted  for,  and  the  assessment  upon  them  is 
42|  hides.  Compare  with  this  Woodbury,  in  Devon,  which  contains  5003 
acres,  and  has  three  estates  mentioned  in  Domesday.  The  King  has  one  of 
3890  acres  assessed  at  10  hides,  Harvei  de  H  el  ion's  wife  another  of  734  acres 
assessed  at  1  hide,  2  virgates,  2£  ferlings,  and  Donne  a  third  of  609  acres 
assessed  at  1J  hides.  The  whole  parish  is  here  accounted  for,  and  the  assess- 
ment upon  it  is  13  hides,  2  J  ferlings.  And  yet,  for  Devonshire,  the  assessment 
of  Woodbury  is  very  high.    See  note  24. 

40  The  following  instances  are  taken  at  haphazard  from  the  Berkshire 
Domesday.  Gainge  (No.  82,  p.  viii.),  in  King  Edward's  time,  discharged 
itself  by  paying  for  10  hides,  now  for  2  hides  and  1  virgate.  Becot  (No.  97, 
p.  ix.),  in  King  Edward's  time,  for  5  hides,  now  for  2  hides,  4  acres.  Henley 
(No.  97,  p.  ix.),  in  King  Edward's  time,  for  6  hides,  now  for  2.  Whiteham 
(No.  108,  p.  ix.),  in  King  Edward's  time,  for  20  hides,  now  for  13  hides,  1 

VOL.  XX  VII.  O 


been  made,  it  is  inconceivable  that  they  should  not  have 
been  mentioned  in  this,  as  in  other  counties. 

2.  The  same  expression,  "  This  estate  paid  for  so  much  on 
the  day  on  which  King  Edward  was  alive  and  dead,"  also 
excludes  the  theory  that  in  Domesday  many  estates  are 
brought  into  account  which  had  previously  escaped  notice.41 
A  few  estates  may,  indeed,  be  found  in  which  hides  and 
virgates  are  mentioned  without  the  words  that  this  was  the 
amount  of  their  assessment  "in  King  Edward's  time."  These 
words  may  have  been  omitted  intentionally  in  those  cases,  or 
only  by  accident  Suppose  we  exclude  them  from  our 
calculations,  there  will  still  remain,  if  we  treat  all  the  hides 
enumerated  as  co-ordinate,  some  1130  hides  which  are  said 
to  have  paid  geld  in  King  Edward's  time,  whereas  from  the 
Geldroll  there  appear  to  have  been  fewer  than  1030  pay- 
ing, or  excused  from  paying,  in  the  county. 

3.  The  conclusion  which  suggests  itself  from  the  above  is 
that  the  hides  enumerated  in  Domesday  are  not  all 
co-ordinate,  but  that  the  hides  are  often  enumerated  twice 
over;  first  as  the  assessment  of  some  subordinate  estate, 
and  then  included  in  the  assessment  of  the  chief  estate 
to  which  it  was  subordinate;  in  short,  that  when  an  estate 
was  held  of  another,  and  the  payment  of  the  King's  geld 
was  made  through  another  estate,  the  amount  of  the  assess- 
ment charged  upon  the  dependent  estate  is  not  additional  to, 
but  included  in,  that  of  the  chief  estate.  I  proceed  to  give 
some  instances  in  support  of  this  conclusion  : — 

A.  Passages  in  the  Exeter  Book  shew  that,  in  some  cases 
of  tenure  by  Knight-service,  the  assessment  of  the  sub- 
ordinate estate  is  given  over  again,  after  being  already 
included  in  the  total  of  the  chief  estate.  "The  Abbot  of 
Tavistock,"  it  runs  (No.  253,  p.  228),  "  has  an  estate  called 
Tavistock,  which  in  King  Edward's  time  paid  geld  for 
3£  hides.  .  .  .  Thereof  the  Abbot  has  \  hide  in  the  lordship, 
and  the  villagers  have  \\  hides."  This  accounts  for  2  hides 
out  of   3 \.     It  then  continues :    "  Of    these   3 \   hides,   6 

41  I  very  much  doubt  whether  the  dependency  of  Eastleigh  (No.  711] 
p.  681),  the  land  of  William  Capra,  can  be  said  to  have  escaped  notice  before, 
as  to  which  Domesday  has  the  following:  "To  this  estate  [viz.  Eastleigh, 
belongs  half  a  virgate  of  land,  and  it  is  concealed  so  that  the  King  has  no 
geld  Iroin  it."  The  words  rather  imply  that  it  did  pay  geld  in  King 
Edward's  time,  but  not  at  the  time  of  the  Domesday  Survey,  because  it 
could  not  be  identified.  William  Capra's  exemption  in  Freroington  Hundred 
(xvi.)  is  made  up  as  follows:  In  respect  of  Huniseue  (No.  709,  p.  678)  1 
virgate  ;  in  respect  of  Lei  {Eastleigh^  No.  710,  p.  680)  4  virgate ;  in  respect 
of  the  lost  land  the  whole  assessment  (No.  711,  p.  680)  \  virgate.  Total — 
2  virgates. 


military  tenants  hold  1J  hides,"  the  particulars  of  which 
follow.  From  this  statement  we  see  that  6  military  tenants, 
in  the  quantities  enumerated,  held  the  1£  hides  before 
unaccounted  for.  Their  assessment  is  therefore  unquestion- 
ably included  in  the  assessment  of  the  chief  estate.  There 
is  no  indication  of  this  in  the  Exchequer  Domesday. 

Again,  the  Exeter  Book  says :  "  The  Abbot  has  an  estate 
called  Hatherleigh  (No.  258,  p.  235)  which,  in  King 
Edward's  time,  paid  for  3  hides.  .  .  .  Thereof  the  Abbot  has 
in  the  lordship  £  hide  .  .  .  and  the  villagers  H  hides." 
Thus  2  hides  out  of  the  3  are  accounted  for.  It  continues : 
"Of  this  land  Nigel  holds  £  virgate  less  \  ferling,  Walter 
2  J  virgates,  Goisfrid  \  virgate  and  £  ferling,  Balph  £  virgate." 
These  subordinate  holdings  amount  exactly  to  1  hide,  not 
an  additional  hide,  but  a  hide  already  included  in  the  3  hides 
of  the  chief  estate.42 

Battery,  again  (No.  769,  p.  737),  is  stated  to  pay  for  3 
hides,  but  when  the  particulars  are  looked  at  in  the  Exeter 
Book,  it  appears  that  William  de  Faleise  himself  only  paid 
for  1  hide,  and  his  villagers  for  1  hide,  1£  virgates.  Two  and 
a  half  virgates  are  thus  not  accounted  for.  "There,"  con- 
tinues the  Exeter  Book,  "  2  military  tenants  have  a  virgate 
and  a  half.  .  .  .  And  a  certain  Englishman  holds  thereof  1 
virgate,  which  he  himself  held  on  the  day  on  which  King 
Edward  was  alive  and  dead."  The  assessment  on  these 
subordinate  holdings  together  amounts  exactly  to  the  miss- 
ing quantity,  and  is  therefore  already  included  in  the 
assessment  of  the  chief  estate. 

B.  If  estates  held  by  military  service  are  thus  found 
included  in  the  assessment  of  the  chief  estate,  much  more  so 
is  this  the  case  with  estates  held  in  free  socage,  or  in 
perpetual  farm.43    The  clearest  instance  of  such  inclusion 

42  It  seems  probable  that  although  the  phrase  "  held  of  this  estate  "  means 
included  in  its  assessment,  it  does  not  mean  included  in  the  acreage  given  of 
it  No  doubt,  at  Tavistock,  where  there  was  sufficient  land  for  40  ploughs, 
and  the  Abbot  had  only  5,  and  his  villagers  14,  there  was  plenty  of  room  in 
the  area  so  described  for  the  6  ploughs  of  the  military  tenants.  Still,  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  area  of  Tavistock  is  described  as  only  5256  acres, 
whereas  the  parish  contains  13,982  acres.  It  is,  therefore,  more  probable  that 
the  estates  of  the  military  tenants  lay  outside  the  5256,  which  constituted 
the  agricultural-unit  of  the  Abbey,  and  formed  separate  agricultural-units  by 
themselves.  The  existence  of  four  subordinate  manors  within  the  parish — 
those  of  Morwell,  Ogbear,  Passmore,  and  Blanchdown — confirms  this  view. 
These  probably  represent  the  holdings  of  some  of  the  thanes  to  whom  the 
six  military  tenants  succeeded.  Wick  Dabernon  is  probably  the  land  of 
another.  ' 

49  In  Oliver's  Afonastiton,  p.  156,  the  Abbey  of  Bee  granted  Christow  to 
St  Andrew's  Priory  in  perpetual  farm. 

o  2 


will  be  found  in  Odo  Fitz-Gamelin's  estate  of  Toritone 
(No.  1117,  p  1063).  That  Odo  Fitz-Gamelin's  Toritone 
most  be  Great  Torington  in  Fremington  Hundred,  can,  I 
think,  be  proved  beyond  dispute  by  the  following  con- 
siderations: (1)  The  Hundred  Rolls  group  together  as 
contributories  to  Fremington  Hundred,  Great  Torington, 
and  Iittlewear,  and  in  Domesday  Littlewear  is  said  to  be 
appurtenant44  to  Odo's  Toritone.  (2)  We  know  from  the  Geld- 
roll  (p.  xvi.)  that  Odo  Fitz-Gamelin  had  an  exempt  lordship 
of  3  virgates  in  Fremington  Hundred,  and  that  his  villagers 
were  in  arrear  on  1  hide  in  the  same  Hundred.  Both  of 
these  statements  agree  with  the  particulars  of  Odo's  Toritone 
as  given  in  the  Exeter  Book,  and  are  not  fulfilled  by  any 
other  estate  which  Odo  appears  possessed  of  in  Domesday. 

The  estate  of  Toritone  was  a  large  one,  containing  some 
4560  acres.  It  included  not  only  the  present  parish  of  Great 
Torington  (the  acreage  of  which  is  3-456),  but  also  the 
greater  part  of  St.  Giles'-in-the-Wood  (the  acreage  of  which 
is  4827).  The  assessment  on  this  estate  and  its  depen- 
dencies was  3A  hides.  Thereof,  the  Exeter  Book  informs  us, 
"  Odo  has  3  virgates  in  the  lordship,  and  the  villagers  have 
2  hides,"  so  that  2\  hides  are  thus  accounted  for,  and  3 
virgates  left  unaccounted  for.  It  continues :  "  Of  the  aforesaid 
3£  hides,  3  franklings  have  3  virgates.  Goscelm  holds  one  of 
these  virgates,  and  it  is  worth  15s.  a  year;  Walter  another, 
and  it  is  worth  15s. ;  and  Ansger  a  third,  and  it  is  also 
worth  15s." 

44  Mr.  King,  in  Trans,  vii.  37,  and  Mr.  Davidson,  in  Trans,  viii.  399, 
have  sufficiently  shewn  that  Toritone  is  the  tun  on  the  Tone  (pronounced 
Toridge).  Domesday  enumerates  several  Toritones,  and  also  one  Toridge-hayes 
(Torsewis).  In  the  rendering  of  Adjacet  the  translators  seem  to  have  taken 
considerable  liberty.  Under  Tiverton  (p.  xxv.)  and  South  Tawton  (No.  44, 
p.  41)  they  have  rendered  it  "  Is  adjacent."  Under  Slapeford  (No.  96,  p.  84) 
**  Is  annexed  to."  and  the  same  rendering  is  used  in  regard  to  a  fishery  at 
Sideford  (No.  87,  p.  81).  Under  Seteborge  (No.  439,  p.  413)  and  Kenn 
(No.  464,  p.  439)  it  appears  as  "  Was  joined  to,"  ana  under  Scobecome 
(No.  1132,  p.  1073)  as  "  Lay  adjoining.11  None  of  these  renderings  seem  to 
give  the  real  meaning  of  the  word.  It  cannot  mean  "  Is  adjacent  to  "  ;  for 
the  burgesses  of  Exeter  were  not  adjacent  to  Kenn.  Neither  is  Scobecome 
adjacent  to  Broadhembury,  whether  we  identify  it  with  Shapcombe,  in 
Luppitt,  or,  as  seems  more  probable,  with  the  Combe  of  many  names — 
Combe  Raleigh.  Nor  is  Irisncombe,  which  lies  near  Meshaw,  adjacent  to 
Lapford.  The  technical  meaning  of  Adjacet  is,  to  use  an  expression  of  the 
Exeter  Book,  "  lying  in  another  estate  "  for  purposes  of  jurisdiction  and 
assessment  but  not  geographically,  i.e.  forming  part  of  the  tithing  or  unit 
responsible  for  the  King's  peace,  without  being  part  of  the  township  or  ham 
which  constituted  the  agricultural-unit.  With  regard  to  Combe  Raleigh, 
Prebendary  Hingeston- Randolph  informs  me  that,  in  addition  to  its  other 
names,  Combe  Coffin,  Combe  Baunton,  Combe  next  Honiton,  it  is  also  called 
Byschopscombe,  of  which  Scobecome  may  be  an  abbreviation. 


If  we  now  turn  to  Domesday,  we  find  that  Goscelm  holds 
Dodecote  (Dodscot  in  St.  Giles',  No.  870,  p.  839),  which  is 
assessed  at  1  virgate,  and  stated  to  be  worth  15s.  We  have 
therefore,  in  Dodscot,  Goscelm's  1  virgate  held  of  Odo's 
estate  of  Great  Torington.  Similarly,  Walter  de  Clavil 
holds  Instow  (No.  860,  p.  827),  an  estate  assessed  at  1 
virgate,  and  worth  15s.  We  have,  therefore,  in  Instow, 
not  far  from  Great  Torington,  and  in  the  same  Hundred, 
Walter's  1  virgate,  held  of  Odo's  estate  of  Great  Torington. 
Lastly,  Ansger  de  Montacute  (or,  as  he  is  elsewhere  called, 
Ansger  de  Pont  Senard)  holds  Toritone  (No.  1102,  p.  1049), 
an  estate  1  virgate  in  extent,  and  valued  at  15s.  We 
have,  therefore,  in  Toritone — which,  if  it  is  not  in  Little 
Torington,  may  be  Kingscot  in  St.  Giles',  since  it  lies  on 
the  Torridge — Ansger's  1  virgate  held  of  Odo's  estate  of 
Great  Torington.46  The  3  virgates  of  these  3  estates  appear, 
therefore,  twice  over  in  Domesday,  first  as  forming  part  of  the 
assessment  of  Odo's  Toritone,  and  then  separately  under  the 
names  of  their  respective  holders. 

This  is,  perhaps,  the  clearest  entry.  There  are,  however, 
a  number  of  cases  in  which  the  amount  held  in  the  lordship 
and  the  amount  held  by  the  villagers,  when  added  together, 
do  not  exhaust  the  total  of  the  assessment.  In  these  cases 
we  may,  I  think,  well  infer  that  the  missing  amount  repre- 
sents some  smaller  estate  held  of  the  chief  estate  in  perpetual 
farm.  Unless,  therefore,  the  missing  amount  is  deducted 
from  the  assessment  of  the  chief  estate,  when  adding  up  the 
totals,  the  assessment  of  the  smaller  estate  will  be  reckoned 
twice  over.  For  instance,  North  Lew  (No.  83,  p.  77)  is  said 
to  be  assessed  at  1  hide,  1  virgate,  and  1  ferling,  whereof, 
as  the  Exeter  Book  informs  us,  the  King  has  1  virgate  in 
his  lordship,  and  the  villagers  have  1  hide.  One  ferling  is 
thus  left  unaccounted  for.     The  text  does  not  continue  as  it 

48  We  have  thus  Great  Torington  (No.  1117,  p.  1063)  containing  4560  acres. 

Dodscote  (No.  870,  p.  839)  containing    176    ,, 

Possibly  Kingscot  (Toritone,  No.  1102,  p.  1049)    containing    204    „ 

Littlewear  (No.  1116,  p.  1063)  containing    404    „ 


to  represent  the  two  parishes  of  Great  Torington  and  St  Giles'-in-the-Wood, 
containing  together  8283  acres.  According  to  Dr.  Colby,  in  Trans,  vii.  92  St. 
Giles1  Chnrch  was  built  in  1309,  the  whole  district  having  been  previously 
included  in  Torington.  Ansger  is  called  Ansger  de  Pont  Senard,  in  the 
Geldroll.  p.  xxil,  and  that  this  is  the  same  person  as  Ansger  de  Montacute 
is  proved  by  the  entry  among  the  terra  oecupatae  in  the  Exeter  Domesday : 
u  Ansger  de  Senarpont  holds  Chadeledon  "  (No.  1104,  p.  1051),  to  which 
another  Chadeledon  has  been  added.  He  is  also  called  Ansger  the  Briton 
(No.  323  p.  300). 


well  might  have  done :  "  Of  the  land  of  this  estate  Baldwin 
holds  1  ferling,  and  it  is  worth  5s.,  and  Bernard  holds  it 
of  Baldwin."  For  we  know  from  another  place  in  Domesday 
that  Gorhuish,  or  as  we  should  now  call  it,  Gorse  hayes  (No. 
430,  p.  403),  which  lies  in  North  Lew  parish,  was  held  by 
Bernard  under  Baldwin,  and  that  it  was  assessed  at  1  ferling. 
Can  we  then  be  wrong  in  finding  the  missing  ferling  in 
Gorhuish  ?  If,  so  the  assessment  of  Gorhuish  appears  twice 
over  in  Domesday. 

Under  North  Tawton  Hundred,  the  Geldroll  (p.  xxiii.) 
informs  us  that  "  for  half  a  hide,  which  lies  in  the  Manor 
of  Winkleigh,  the  King  had  no  geld."  Where  was  this  half 
hide  ?  Domesday  mentions  two  estates  at  Leusdon,  within 
the  parish  of  Winkleigh,  one  held  by  Walter  de  Clavil  (No. 
859,  p.  825),  assessed  at  half  a  hide  ;  the  other  held  by 
Goscelm  (No.  872,  p.  841),  also  assessed  at  half  a  hide.  The 
latter  of  these  estates  is  probably  the  one  referred  to.  The 
assessment  of  the  whole  Manor  of  Winkleigh  has  been 
already  given  (No.  92,  p.  85).  If  we,  then,  treat  the  assess- 
ment of  Leusdon  as  though  it  were  co-ordinate,  we  get  that 
assessment  reckoned  twice  over.  Possibly  the  same  is  true 
of  Walter  de  ClaviTs  Leusdon. 

Again,  Ashcombe  (No.  957,  p.  919),  together  with  three 
other  thanes'  estates  in  Exminster  Hundred,  is  stated  in 
Domesday  to  be  assessed  at  2  hides.  Thereof,  as  the  Exeter 
Book  informs  us,  £  hide  was  in  the  lordship,  the  villagers 
had  \  hide,  leaving  1  hide  unaccounted  for.  Three  virgates 
of  this  1  hide  seem  to  be  represented  by  the  estates  of  Hole- 
come  (No.  958,  p.  921)  ™  Peamore  (No.  959,  p.  921),  and 

46  Dr.  Lake,  in  Trans,  vi.  381,  states  that  a  portion  of  the  Den  at  Teign- 
mouth,  which  he  distinguishes  from  the  Manor  of  Teign mouth  Courtney, 
was  held  by  the  Courtneys  as  part  of  their  Manor  of  Kenton.  Mr.  David- 
son, in  Tram.  xiii.  14,  repeats  this  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Lake,  and 
(p.  130)  identifies  Holecome  with  Teignmouth  Courtney.  Dr.  Lake  had  such 
opportunities  of  local  knowledge,  that  one  hesitates  to  question  any  state- 
ment made  by  him.  Yet  the  language  of  Domesday  seems  to  connect 
Holecome  with  Ashcombe,  and  the  Survey  of  Kenton  Manor  makes  no 
reference  to  any  part  of  Teignmouth.  Is  it  not  possible  that  both  Briinley 
and  Teignmouth  Courtney  may  be  sub-manors  of  aftercreation,  not 
mentioned  in  Domesday  ?  The  point  seems  set  at  rest  by  the  After  Death 
Inquests  of  1  Hen.  VI  No.  63,  which,  among  the  fees  of  **  Hugo  Courtney 
qui  obiit  King  Hen.  IV."  enumerate  "  Holcombe  in  Exminster.  In  Donn's 
map  of  Devon,  published  1765,  on  a  small  stream  in  the  southern  part  of 
Exminster  appear  the  words  "Old  Saltworks."  As  the  chief  feature  of 
this  Domesday  Holcombe  was  its  salt-works  (for  its  extent  was  only  100  acres), 
can  there  be  a  doubt  that  we  have  here  in  Exminster,  rather  than  in 
Teignmouth  or  in  Dawlish  (correcting  what  has  been  said  in  Trans,  xxvi. 
152),  Hugh  de  Courtney's  Holcombe  in  Exminster,  and  the  Holecome  of 
Domesday  held  by  Pomeray  ? 


Bowhays  (No.  960,  p.  921),  all  three  within  the  parish  of 
Exminster.  The  fourth  virgate  may  possibly  be  Scapelie 
(No.  471,  p.  445).  But  wherever  it  is  placed,  we  have  the 
assessment  of  these  minor  estates  given  twice  over;  first, 
when  they  are  themselves  described,  and  again  in  the 
description  of  the  chief  estate. 

Longford,  in  Collumpton  (No.  508,  p.  479),  is  in  Domesday 
said  to  be  assessed  at  1  hide  3  virgates,  of  which,  according 
to  the  Exeter  Book,  3  virgates  were  in  the  lordship,  and  the 
villagers  paid  for  three.  One  virgate  is,  therefore,  left  un- 
accounted for.  If  this,  as  seems  probable,  is  the  adjoining 
estate  of  Wide  Heathfield  (No.  345,  p.  325)  in  Collumpton, 
held  by  Alured  under  the  Earl  of  Mortain,  the  assessment  of 
this  estate  also  appears  twice  over. 

Bradninch  (No.  736,  p.  707)  is  described  as  having  an 
assessment  of  2\  hides,  of  which  £-hide  was  in  the  lordship, 
and  the  villagers  had  \\  hides.  Half  a  hide  is,  therefore, 
unaccounted  for.  If,  as  seems  most  likely,  this  \  hide  is 
represented  by  Bernardesmore  (No.  517,  p.  487),  an  estate  of 
312  acres,  in  Bradninch  parish,  held  by  Kogo  under 
Baldwin,  we  have  yet  another  instance  of  a  twice-repeated 

Rashleigh  (No.  337,  p.  315)  in  the  parish  of  Wemb- 
worthy is  described  as  assessed  at  2  virgates,  of  which  1 
ferling  was  in  the  lordship,  and  the  villagers  had  3  ferlings. 
One  virgate  is,  therefore,  left  unaccounted  for.  This  virgate 
seems  to  be  Wembworthy  (No.  336,  p.  315).  For  these  two 
estates  were  closely  connected.  The  Exeter  Book  groups 
them  together  in  the  note  which  it  appends :  u  These  two 
barton  lands  were  discharged  (from  servile  duties)  on  the  day 
on  which  King  Edward  was  alive  and  dead."  Unless  we 
deduct  from  Bashleigh  the  1  virgate  which  forms  the 
assessment  of  Wembworthy,  we  have  again  the  same 
assessment   given   twice    over. 

Of  one  estate,  that  of  Greenslade  (No.  462,  p.  437),  in 
the  parish  of  North  Tawton,  in  which  one-half  of  the  total 
assessment  is  not  accounted  for,  we  are  distinctly  told  what 
has  become  of  it.  Greenslade,  says  Domesday,  paid  for 
1  virgate,  i.e.  for  2  ferlings.  The  Exeter  Book  then  tells 
us  that  \  ferling  was  in  the  lordship,  and  the  villagers  had 
A  ferling.  Thus  1  ferling  is  accounted  for.  What  became  of 
the  other  ferling ?  "A  moiety,"  it  continues,  " of  the  afore- 
said half  virgate  [i.e.,  1  ferling]  has  been  added  to  the  King's 
lordship-barton  of  North  Tawton." 

Northmolton   (No.  42,  p.  39)   is,  in   Domesday,  stated  to 


pay  for  1  hide,  2  virgates ;  but  when  the  particulars  in  the 
Exeter  Book  are  referred  to,  the  King,  it  is  found,  pays  on 
the  lordship  for  1  virgate,  and  the  villagers  for  3&  virgates. 
Only  1  hide  and  half  a  virgate  are  thus  accounted  for.  Shall 
we  be  wrong  if  we  find  the  missing  \\  virgates  in  Polham 
(No.  1033,  p.  993)  assessed  at  1  virgate,  and  Plantelie  (No. 
1034,  p.  993)  assessed  at  \  virgate,  both  within  the  parish  of 
Northmolton  and  held  by  Rainald,  under  Ruald  Adobed? 
If  so,  unless  we  deduct  1£  virgates  from  the  assessment  of 
Northmolton  before  adding  up  the  quantities,  the  assessment 
of  these  two  estates  will  be  found  to  have  been  enumerated 
twice  over  in  Domesday, 

Again,  South  Tawton  (No.  44,  p.  41)  is  stated  to  be 
assessed  at  3  hides  1  virgate,  whereof  the  King  has  £  hide 
in  the  lordship,  and  the  villagers  1£  hides  and  a  ferling. 
Two  hides  1  ferling  are  thus  accounted  for.  One  hide  and 
3  ferlings  remain  unaccounted  for.  These  will  be  found  (1) 
in  South  Zeal  (Donicestone,  No.  375,  p.  353) 47  assessed  at 
3  virgates  2\  ferlings,  and  held  by  the  Earl  of  Mortain ;  and 
(2)  in  Shapley  (No.  1153,  p.  1093),  assessed  at  1  virgate 
1  ferling,  and  held  by  Girold,  the  Chaplain.  The  two 
together  amount  to  1  hide  3£  ferlings,  which  tallies  within 
a  fraction  of  a  ferling  with  the  missing  quantity — and  we 
have  seen  a  fraction  of  a  ferling  disregarded  in  another  case, 
that  of  Tavistock.48  That  South  Zeal  was  held  under 
South  Tawton  is  natural  enough.  That  Girold's  Shapley 
was  held  under  South  Tawton,  might  seem  a  mere  guess, 
were  it  not  for  the  note  appended  to  it  in  Domesday: 
"  Shapley,  rendered  by  custom  to  the  lordship  barton,  which 
is  called  [South]  Tawton  10s. ;  but  since  Girold  has  held  it, 
the  King  has  not  had  his  custom  therefrom." 

Torintone,  again  (No.  440,  p.  413),  which  from  its  position 
between  Parkham  and  Heanton  Satchville,  it  may  be  con- 

47  See  Trans,  xxvi.  163,  for  the  identification  of  Donicestone.  According 
to  the  After  Death  Inquests  (48  Hen.  III.  p.  27),  Roger  de  Thony  died  in 
1263  a.d.,  seized  of  Sutanton  Manerium,  Terra  de  la  Sale. 

48  The  details  of  the  Military  Tenants'  Holdings  are  given  under  No.  253, 
p.  230,  as  follows : 


.     0 


2    ferlings 


.     0 


2        „ 


.     0 


2J       „ 


.     0 



Ralph  de  la  Tillaie  . 

.     0 


3        „ 


.     0 


1         „ 

Total    .  .        .12    0} 

Yet,  in  the  text,  it  is  described  as  one  hide  and  a-half,  the  fraction  being 


eluded,  lay  in  Shebbear  Hundred,  and  is,  therefore,  Little 
Torington — this  is  placed  beyond  dispute  by  the  occurrence 
of  Torington  with  other  places  in  Shebbear  Hundred 
among  the  fees  of  Hugh  de  Courtney  {After  Death  Inquests, 
1  Hen.  VI.,  No.  63) — is  described  as  being  assessed  at  1  hide 
1  virgate.  Thereof,  as  we  learn  from  the  Exeter  Book,  1 
virgate  was  in  the  lordship,  and  the  villagers  had  3  virgates. 
This  leaves  1  virgate  unaccounted  for.  Shall  we  be  wrong 
if  we  suppose  this  virgate  to  be  represented  by  Frizenham  in 
Little  Torington  (No.  344,  p.  323),  an  estate  of  321 J  acres, 
which  Aiured  held  under  the  Earl  of  Mortain,  the  Earl 
being  the  great  land-grabber  of  village  lands  in  this  county  I40 
If  so,  we  have  again  the  assessment  of  Frizenham  given 
twice  over. 

Once  more,  Olvereworfc,  or  Woolfardisworthy  (No.  1218,  p. 
1153),  in  Hartland  Hundred,  held  by  Coluin,  is  stated  to  be 
assessed  at  half  a  hide,  or  2  virgates.  But  when  we  look  at 
the  particulars,  only  1  virgate  is  accounted  for  by  Olvere- 
woril  itself,  1  ferling  being  in  the  lordship,  and  3  ferlings 
being  held  by  the  villagers.  We  must,  therefore,  look  else- 
where for  the  missing  virgate.  From  the  Geldroll  (p.  xiv.), 
however,  we  learn  that  Coluin  had  an  exemption  of  2  ferlings 
in  Hartland  Hundred.  It  follows  that  the  missing  virgate 
must  be  looked  for  in  some  other  estate,  held  by  Coluin  him- 
self, where  also  1  ferling  was  in  the  lordship.  Only  three 
such  places  are  mentioned  in  Domesday;  for  Ulvelie  (No. 
447,  p.  421)  also  held  by  Coluin  under  Baldwin  is  clearly 
in  Shebbear  Hundred.  The  three  are  Denes berge  (No.  1219, 
p.  1153),  which  follows  Olvereword,  Han  tone  (No.  1222, 
p.  1155),  which  occurs  a  few  entries  later,  and  Almerescote 
(No.  1113,  p.  1061),  which  Coluin  held  under  Odo  Fitz- 
Gamelin.  The  question  is,  which  of  these  three  lay  in 
Hartland  Hundred  ? 

48  Under  the  King's  estate  of  Ermyngton  (No.  36,  p.  31)  appears  this 
entry :  "  The  Earl  of  Mortain's  liegemen  hold  these  [subordinate]  lands,  and 
they  withhold  the  King's  customs."  Under  Lifton  (No.  39,  p.  35) :  "  To 
this  estate  belonged  2  lands  in  King  Edward's  time  ;  the  Earl  of  Mortain 
holds  them."  Under  Werrington  (No.  56,  p.  51):  "  Of  this  land  the  fcarl 
of  Mortain  holds  4  hide,  which  in  King  Edward's  time  belonged  there." 
Under  Beer  (No.  293,  p.  265) :  "  From  this  estate  has  been  niched  1  ferling 
of  land  and  4  salterns  ;  Drogo  holds  them  of  the  Earl  of  Mortain."  Under 
Dunsdon  in  Pancras-week  (No.  949.  p.  911):  "From  these  3  virgates  1 
virgate  has  been  filched  ;  this  the  Earl  of  Mortain  holds."  Under  Wear 
Giffard  (No.  1021,  p.  981) :  "  Of  the  same  estate  the  Karl  of  Mortain  holds 
1  virgate  of  land.'  As  appears  from  the  Exeter  Book,  this  £  virgate  was 
part  of  the  villagers'  land.  See  also  the  case  of  Wide  Heathfield,  in 
Collampton,  already  mentioned. 


We  may  at  once  put  Hantone  aside,  because,  as  Olvere- 
word  lies  in  Hartland  Hundred,  we  shall  not  be  justified  in 
placing  Hantone  in  the  same  Hundred,  unless  all  the  in- 
tervening places,  including  Denesberge,  lie  in  Hartland 
Hundred  ;  and  we  can  certainly  say  that  this  is  not  the  case, 
because  Coluin  had,  according  to  the  Geldroll  (p.  xviiL),  a 
whole  virgate  exempt  in  Shebbear  Hundred,  towards  which 
Alesland  (No.  1220,  p.  1155)  supplies  2  ferlings,  Hantone 
probably  another  ferling  (although  this  is  not  definitely  stated), 
and  Uluelie  the  remaining  ferling  in  Shebbear  Hundred. 

Mr.  Worth  places  Almerescote  in  Hartland  Hundred  by 
identifying  it  with  Elmscot  in  Hartland,  and  Denesberge  in 
Shebbear  Hundred  by  identifying  it  with  Dunsbere  in 
Merton.  The  objections  to  these  identifications  are :  (1) 
that  they  make  the  total  assessment  of  the  Hundred  of 
Hartland  fall  short  by  1  J,  or  at  least  by  1  virgate  of  the  total 
amount  stated  in  the  Geldroll ;  (2)  that  they  place  a  burge,  or 
berry,  in  the  low-lying  ground  of  Merton  ;  and  (3)  that  they 
leave  no  estate  to  represent  Odo's  exemption  in  Hartland 
Hundred.60  If  we  identify  Denesberge  with  Tosberry  in 
Hartland,  or  Ditchen  Hills  in  Clovelly,  both  of  which  are  in 
Hartland  Hundred,  and  Almerescote  with  Alscot,  a  detached 
part  of  the  parish  of  Langtree,  in  Shebbear  Hundred,  these 
objections  are  disposed  of,*and  Coluin's  estates  are  so  identi- 
fied as  to  account  for  his  2  ferlings  exempt  in  Hartland 
Hundred,  and  his  1  virgate  exempt  in  Shebbear  Hundred. 
But  whatsoever  identification  is  adopted,  the  assessment  of 
his  second  estate  in  Hartland  Hundred  is  given  twice  over. 

Let  us  assume  that  our  former  identification  was  wrong, 
and  that  Almerescote  lies  in  Hartland  Hundred,  and  since 
Almerescote  is  assessed  at  only  1  virgate,  let  us  suppose,  to 
make  up  the  quantity,  that  Ansgot's  Ferlie  (No.  1246,  p. 
1177)  assessed  at  \  virgate,  is  Velley  in  Hartland  Hundred. 
In  that  case,  (1)  we  shall  still  be  1  virgate  short  of  the  Hun- 
dred total,  because  the  1  virgate  of  Almerescote  is  already 
included  in  the  \  hide  of  Olvereword.  (2)  We  shall  have  no 
estate  left  in  Hartland  Hundred  to  represent  the  1  virgate  on 
which  Odo  himself  was  allowed  exemption,  and  the  \  virgate 
on  which  his  villagers  were  in  arrear  in  Hartland  Hundred, 

50  The  sequence  of  Odo  Fitz-Gamelin's  estates  is  as  follows  :  "  Staford  (in 
Liftoo  Hundred),  Almerescote,  Iwis  (in  Shebbear  Hundred),  Litelwere,  Tori- 
tone  (in  Freraington  Hundred),  Bocheland,  Willedene  (in  Braunton  Hun- 
dred). In  Trans,  xxvi.  417,  Bocheland  has  been  identified  with  Beckland 
in  Hartland  Hundred,  assessed  at  1£  virgates.  If  we  are  right  in  so  doing, 
Almerescote  cannot  lie  also  in  Hartland  Hundred,  unless  the  intervening 
places  lie  there  also,  which  is  clearly  not  the  case. 


because  if  Almerescote  lies  in  Hartland  Hundred,  Bocheland 
cannot  lie  there  also.  The  conclusion  seems  inevitable  that 
Almerescote  is  in  Shebbear,  and  Bocheland  in  Hartland 
Hundred.  We  have  then  1  ferling  the  lordship  of  Olvereword, 
and  1  ferling  the  lordship  of  Denesberge,  to  account  for 
Coluin's  2  ferlings  exempt  in  Hartland  Hundred;  and  we 
have  the  2  ferlings  of  Hasland,  the  1  ferling  of  West 
Heanton,  and  the  1  ferling  of  Uluelie  to  account  for  Coluin's 
1  virgate  exempt  in  Shebbear  Hundred. 

C.  If  we  have  found  several  instances  of  the  assessment 
of  estates  held  by  knight-service  being  included  in  the 
assessment  of  the  estates  under  which  they  were  held, 
and  more  instances  of  the  assessment  of  estates  held  in 
free  socage,  or  in  perpetual  farm  being  given  twice  over, 
what  shall  we  say  in  regard  to  estates  actually  carved  out 
of  village  lands  ?  The  assessment  of  these  must,  a  fortiori, 
have  been  included  in  that  of  the  chief  estate.  For  a  cotlif, 
barton-estate,  or  estate  of  bocland,  as  it  existed  in  the  tenth 
century,  always  consisted  of  two  parts,  and  was  not  complete 
without  both — one,  the  barton  and  home  farm  which  belonged 
to  the  lordship,  and  was  held  by  the  lord  or  his  farmer ;  the 
other  which  belonged  to  the  village,  and  was  occupied  by  the 
villagers  subject  to  the  obligation  of  cutivating  the  lord's 
land.61  Perhaps  the  essential  difference  between  alodial 
land  and  bocland  may  have  been  this,  that  the  holder 
of  alodial  land  had  to  cultivate  it  himself,  whereas'  the 
holder  of  bocland  had  the  services  of  the  villagers  to 
cultivate  it  for  him.  In  days  when  there  was  little 
money  the  village-land  was,  as  it  were,  the  capital  for 
cultivating  the  lord's  land.  The  conversion  of  alodial  land 
into  bocland  may  in  some  places  have  been  the  result 
of  Conquest,  yet  it  seems  also  to  have  been  deliberately 
adopted  among  the  free  Saxons.  By  a  wise  division  of 
labour,  some  did  military  duties  as  the  King's  thanes, 
whilst  others  cultivated  their  land  for  them.  But  there 
may  have  been  this  difference  between  bocland  when  it 
was  the  result  of  voluntary  arrangement,  and  bocland  when 
it  was  the  result  of  Conquest,  that  in  the  former  case — 
and  that  is  the  case  of  the  home  counties — the  villagers' 

51  The  term  Cotlif  will  be  found  used  by  A$elstan,  who,  as  stated  by 
Davidson  in  Trans,  xiii.  119,  endowed  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  and  St 
Peter's  with  twenty-six  cotlifs,  among  them  being  enumerated  Topsham, 
Monkaton,  Stoke  Cannon,  and  Culmstock.  The  relations  of  lord,  villagers, 
and  serfs  to  the  land  are  severally  described  in  Domesday  by  saying  that  the 
lord  holds  (tenet)  an  estate,  villagers  occupy  (habent)  the  village  land,  and 
serfs  dwell  upon  it  (manere  in).     See  p.  178  of  Domesday. 


and  the  lords'  land  lay  interspersed,  showing  that  the  lord 
was  only  a  villager,  exalted  by  the  favour  of  the  Sovereign, 
and  the  election  of  his  fellow- villagers ;  whereas  in  the  latter 
case — and  this  is  the  case  of  Devonshire — the  villagers  culti- 
vated lands  apart  by  themselves  in  some  trick,  cot,  or  ham, 
and  the  lord's  sele  and  lordship-land  lay  by  themselves  away 
from  the  land  of  the  villagers. 

Grants  appear  to  have  been  frequently  made  out  of  such 
village  lands  after  the  Conquest,52  and  when  thus  made  the 
assessment  is  still  quoted  as  forming  part  of  the  chief  estate. 
An  instance  of  this  may  be  seen  at  Halberton  (No.  100, 
p.  93).  Halberton,  it  is  said,  paid  geld  for  5  hides.  .  .  . 
Thereof  the  King  has  H  hides  ...  in  the  lordship,  and 
the  villagers  have  3i  hides.  These  two  amounts  exhaust 
the  total.  The  Exeter  Book,  however,  continues:  And  of 
these  five  hides  Goscelm  has  one  virgate  of  land,  viz.,  of 
the  villagers1  land  .  .  .  and  it  contributed  10s.  to  the  food- 
rent  paid  by  Halberton.  Here  Goscelm,  elsewhere  called 
a  frankling,  is  distinctly  said  to  have  an  estate  carved  out 
of  the  villagers'  land,  the  assessment  of  which  is  already 
included  in  the  villagers'  land  of  Halberton.  If,  as  seems 
probable,  this  virgate  of  land  is  Goscelm 's  estate  of  Wool- 
stancot  (No.  893,  p.  863),  so  called  after  the  Woolstan  who 
held  it  before  the  Conquest,  we  have  another  case  of  a  twice- 
repeated  assessment,  and  also  evidence  that  Woolstancot  had 
been  taken  out  of  the  village-land  to  form  a  separate  estate 
in  Saxon  times.  This  estate  seems,  probably,  to  be  that 
now  called  Boycot.  To  the  Exeter  Book  we  are  indebted 
for  information  as  to  the  source  whence  Goscelm's  estate 
was  derived.  In  how  many  other  cases  may  not  the  same 
thing  have  happened,  but  no  Hundred  jury  presented  it,  nor 
Domesday  scribe  recorded  it  ? 

4.  There  is,  however,  I  believe,  another  circumstance  to  be 
remembered,  which  will  diminish  the  apparent  difference 
between  the  totals  of  Domesday  and  the  Geldroll,  viz.,  that 
the  Hundreds,  of  which  the  Geldroll  contains  a  list,  do  not 
exhaust  all  the  Hundreds  of  the  County.  To  put  it  otherwise, 
besides  the  greater  Hundreds,  which  are  generally  spoken  of 
as  Hundreds,  there  appear  to  have  been  several  lesser  Hun- 
dreds, which  usually  went  by  the  name  of  Ancient  Demesne 
of  the  Crown,  and  are  not  included  in  the  Geldroll  at  all. 

M  In  the  Berkshire  Domesday  (No.  54,  p.  6)  appears  this  entry  under 
Curanor:  "In  Wintehara  [Whiteham]  Hubert  holds  of  the  Abbot 
[of  Abingdon]  five  hides  taken  out  of  t)u  villagers'  land.  Cases  in  which 
the  villagers  were  dispossessed  are  mentioned  in  the  Hundred  Rolls.  See 
Trans,  xxvi.  141,  n.  8." 


This  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  John  Hooker's  list  of  con- 
tributories  to  tenths  and  fifteenths,  in  Harlean  MS.  5837,  in 
the  British  Museum.  From  internal  evidence,  John  Hooker 
must  have  had  at  least  two  much  more  ancient  lists  before 
him  from  which  he  compiled  the  one  which  now  exists  in  bis 
handwriting.  He  often  failed  to  see  that  two  places  were 
the  same  when  they  were  spelt  differently,  and  hence  many 
names  appear  twice  over.  One  of  the  lists  from  which  he 
copied  appears  to  have  contained  the  amounts  paid  for  tenths 
and  fifteenths,  and  the  other  not63 

Now,  the  Hundreds   contained  in  Hooker's  list  are  the 

following :  (1)  Wonford,  with  72  names  of  contributories ; 

(2)  Hemyock,  with  9  ;  (3)  Axminster,  with  13 ;  (4)  Axmouth, 

with  10  ;  (5)  East  Budleigh,  with  29  ;  (6)  Clyston,  with  11 ; 

(7)  Colyton,  with  15;  (8)  Hairidge,  with  24;  (9)  Colridge, 

with  28  ;  (10)  Stanborough,  with  32  ;  (11)  Ermyngton,  with 

30  ;  (12)  Plimton,  with  25  ;  (13)  Roborough,  with  22 ;  (14) 

Tavistock,  with  3  ;  (15)  Exminster,  with  29 ;  (16)  Heytor, 

with  40 ;  (17)  Teignbridge,  with  20 ;  (18)  Lifton,  with  21 ; 

(19)  Hartland,  with  7  ;  (20)  Blacktorington,  with  46  ;  (21) 

Braunton,  with  41 ;  (22)  Fremington,  with  15 ;  (23)  Sher- 

well,  with  17  ;  (24)  Shebbeare,  with  26 ;  (25)  South  Molton, 

which  includes  Molland  and  North  Molton,  with  30 ;  (26) 

North  Tawton,  with  34;    (27)  Witheridge,  with  24;    (28) 

Tiverton,  with  15 ;  (29)  Halberton,  with  13 ;  (30)  Bampton, 

with  9 ;  (31)  Crediton,  with  22  ;  (32)  West  Budleigh,  with 

18 ;  besides  3  Hundreds  consisting  of  a  single  contributory, 

viz.,  (33)  Bansecombe,  if  I  have  read  the  first  letter  right, 

which  is  named  between  Hemyock  and  Axminster  Hundreds 

and  appears  to  be  Branscombe ;  (34)  Ottery  Mary,  which  is 

named  between  Clyston  and  Colyton  Hundreds;  and  (35) 

Winkleigh,  which  is  named  between  Witheridge  and  Tiverton 


In  addition  to  these  Hundreds,  after  Teignbridge  Hun- 
dred appears  another  list  of  contributories,  viz.,  (1) 
Ancient  Demesne  of  Brampton  (i.e.  Braunton,  in  Domesday, 
No.  8,  p.  7) ;  (2)  Ancient  Demesne  of  Shebbeare  (in  Domes- 
day, No.  60,  p.  55) ;  (3)  Ancient  Demesne  of  Delyston — 
clearly  Lyston  is  meant  (in  Domesday,  No.  38,  p.  35);  (4) 
Ancient  Demesne  of  Southinge64;  (5)  Ancient  Demesne  of 

83  Mr.  Davidson's  observations  in  Trans,  viii.  404. 

94  Possibly  Southinge  may  be  distinct  from  the  Hundred  of  Halford, 
mentioned  in  the  Hundred  Rolls  of  3  Ed.  I.  a.d.  1274  (See  Traits,  xxvi. 
146,  note  8),  in  Domesday  Alforde  (No.  742,  p.  711)  to  which  Mildedone  was 
appurtenant,  i.e.  Halford  in  Sampford  Courtney,  and  Meldon  in  Chagford 
{Trans,  viii.  64).  In  C.  Devon's  MSS.  24,774,  p.  167,  the  accounts  of  Thomas 


Northam,  (in  Domesday,  No.  303,  p.  280);  and  again  a  second 
list  after  West  Budleigh,  Hundred  consisting  of  (6)  Ancient 
Demesne  of  South  Tawton,55  (in  Domesday,  No.  44,  p.  41) ;  (7) 
Ancient  Demesne  of  Budleigh,  Fen  Ottery,  and  Brodeham  (in 
Domesday,  No.  14,  p.  13);  (8)  Ancient  Demesne  of  Axminster 
and  Membury  (in  Domesday,  No.  15,  p.  15,  and  No.  751,  p.  719). 
Possibly  Bradninch  may  have  held  a  similar  position,56  and 
the  district  called  Peadingtun,  referred  to  by  Mr.  Davidson 
(Trans,  viii.  396).  These  minor  Hundreds  are  now  included 
in  the  greater  Hundreds,  but  their  enumeration  is  quite 
distinct  in  Hooker's  list. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  my  present  paper  to 
discuss  the  Hundreds  of  Devon,  but  I  venture  to  think  that 
if  we  eliminate  the  assessments,  which  are  clearly  given 
twice  over  in  Domesday,  and  then  exclude  the  assessments 
of  places  which  are  extra  Hundredal,  or  outside  the  well- 
known  larger  Hundreds,  of  which  only  the  Geldroll  contains 
the  list,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  showing  that  the 
differences  between  the  Geldroll  and  the  Domesday  assess- 
ments are  non-existent. 

de  Swenesey,  clerk,  warden  of  the  King's  mines,  rendered  27  Feb.  29  Ed.  I., 
i.e.,  a.d.  1300,  mention  "monies  received  from  the  king's  manors  of 
Bradnech,  Lydford,  Dertemore,  and  Wyke,  £124  17s.  7*d."  Wyke  is  Week 
in  Chagford,  alias  Southteign,  as  appears  from  MS.  24,772,  p.  193,  where 
under  the  heading,  Manor  of  Suthteyng,  alias  Ham  pa  ton  Week,  in  a  brief 
dated  4  Sept  9  Chas.  I. ,  H  amps  ton  Week  is  said  to  adjoin  Suthteyng,  and 
the  manor  to  bear  both  names.     See  also  Trans,  viii.  64. 

65  In  Burton's  list  of  knights'  fees,  to  which  in  Note  37  attention  is 
directed,  South  Tawton  Hundred  is  mentioned  distinct  from  North  Tawton. 
It  has  only  one  entry  under  it  [No.  466] :  "  Cochtreu  is  held  for  J  fee."  To 
this  Hundred,  probably,  belonged  Girold  the  Chaplain's  Scapelie  (No.  1 1 63, 
p.  1093),  whether  we  identify  it  with  Ramsleigh  in  South  Tawton,  or  Shapley 
in  Chagford.  To  it  belonged  also  Gidleigh.  For  in  C.  Devon's  MS.  (Add. 
MSS.  24,770  in  Brit  Mus.)  p.  165,  is  an  extract  from  the  Pleas  of  the  Crown, 
9  Ed.  I.,  i.e.  a.d.  1280:  "The  Hundred  of  South  Tawton  appears  by  12  sworn 
men  who  say  that  William  de  Prouz  holds  the  manor  of  Gyddeleigh  in  capita 
of  their  lord  the  King."  In  an  After  Death  Inquest,  13  Ed.  IV.,  a.d.  1473, 
(quoted  in  MS.  24,  779,  p.  106).  the  jury  find  that  Walter  Code  held  the 
manor  of  Gideleigh  of  George,  Duke  of  Clarence,  by  military  service  as  of  his 
manor  of  South  Tawton. 

06  It  appears  from  MS.  24,770,  p.  225,  that  payments  were  made  to  Brad- 
ninch by  Clistwike  (St.  George's  Clist)  and  Hunshaw.  In  MS.  24,773,  p.  43, 
Bradninchton  is  said  to  consist  of  3  parts:  (1)  the  fee,  (2)  the  manor,  (3)  the 
borough.  "  The  fee  consists  of  freeholders,  holding  freeholds  of  the  manor 
in  Devon,  who  appear  twice  a  year  at  the  lord's  court  and  present  the  names 
of  deceased  freeholders.  These  have  their  own  bailiff.  At  the  manor  every 
tenant  appears  every  3  weeks  and  takes  his  holding  for  an  agreed  time,  and 
is  called  a  barton -tenant.  Customary  tenants  hold  by  straighter  sort  than 
barton  tenants.  The  borough  is  the  district  within  which  the  lord's  charter 


FOR  THE  YEAR   1588, 


BY    REV.    C.    H.    TAYLOR,   M.A. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

In  the  Monthly  Magazine,  or   British  Register,  vol.  xxix., 
part  i.,  for  1810,  we  read  this  heading  in  p.  458 : 

"  Scarce  Tracts,  with  Extracts  and  Analyses  of  Scarce  Books. 

"  It  is  proposed  in  future  to  devote  a  few  Pages  of  the  Monthly 
Magazine  to  the  Insertion  of  such  Scarce  Tracts  as  are  of  an 
interesting  nature,  with  the  use  of  which  we  may  he  favoured  by 
our  Correspondents;  and  under  the  same  Head  to  introduce  also 
the  Analyses  of  Scarce  and  Curious  Books." 

Then  follows : 

"Transcript  of  the  Parish  Expenditure  of  Milton  Abbot,  for 
the  year  1588 ;  in  the  order,  and  exactly  after  the  Letter,  of  the 

The  Transcript,  which  follows,  fills  four  pages  and  a  half 
of  the  magazine,  in  double  column,  small  print. 

This  Transcript  is  given  in  the  Report  and  Transactions  of 
the  Devonshire  Association,  for  the  year  1879.  The  meeting 
of  this  Association  for  that  year  was  at  Ilfracombe.  Here 
the  Transcript  is  preceded  by  an  introduction  of  2  pages,  and 
is  followed  by  32  \  pages  of  notes ;  both  the  introduction 
and  the  notes  being  by  Mr.  W.  Pengelly,  F.R.S.,  &c. 

A  careful  comparison  of  the  Accounts,  as  given  by  Mr. 
Pengelly,  with  the  Transcript  in  the  Monthly  Magazine,  gives 
just  eleven  differences.  They  are  mostly  of  the  character 
of  printer's  errors,  springing  from  the  old-fashioned  way  of 


spelling.  Two,  however,  are  more  important ;  on  page  218, 
in  Association  Report,  and  sixteen  lines  bom  the  bottom, 
iid.  is  given  for  ixicL  in  the  Transcript;  and  on  page  219 
of  same  Report,  nine  lines  from  the  top,  xvfs  is  given  for 
xxjs  in  the  Transcript  As,  however,  the  summing  up  is,  in 
other  particulars,  incorrect,  these  misprints  are  not  of  any 
great  consequence. 

The  following  are  the  several  misprints : 

1.  In  p.  217  of  Report,  fourth  line  from  the  top,  we  have 

"  drinke  "  for  u  drink  "  in  magazine. 

2.  In  p.  217  of   Report,  third  line  from  the  bottom,  we 

have  "  mo  "  for  "  mothe  "  in  magazine. 

3.  In  p.  218  of  Report,  nineteenth  line  from  the  top,  we 

have  "  the  "  for  "  this  "  in  the  magazine. 
4  In  p.  2L8  of  Report,  twenty-ninth  line  from  the  top, 
we  have  "  ijd."  for  "  Hid."  in  magazine, 

5.  In  p.  219  of  Report,  eighth  line  from  the  top,  we  have 

a  likewise  "  for  "  likewise  "  in  magazine. 

6.  In  p.  219  of  Report,  ninth  line  from  the  top,  we  have 

"xvjs"  for  "xxjs'1  in  magazine. 

7.  In  p.  219  of  Report,  fourteenth  line  from  the  top,  we 

have  "fyne  "  for  "fijie  "  in  magazine. 

8.  In  p.  219  of  Report,  thirty-second  line  from  the  top, 

we  have  "of"  omitted  for  "of"  inserted  in  magazine. 

9.  In  p.  220  of  Report,  fifteenth  line  from  the  top,  we 

have  "  xvijs  "  for  "  xvljs  "  in  magazine. 

10.  In  p.  220  of  Report,  nineteenth  line  from  the  top,  we 

have  "  Whytbourne  "  for  "  lVhitbourne  "  in  magazine. 

11.  In  p.  221  of  Report,  eleventh  line  from  the  bottom,  we 

have  "  comminge  "  for  "  coming  "  in  magazine. 

In  his  introductory  remarks,  Mr.  Pengelly  says,  speaking 
of  the  Transcript,  "  waiving  all  question  as  to  its  genuineness" 
Now  it  is  to  this  question  of  genuineness  that  I  wish  to 
address  myself  in  this  paper.  I  hope  to  show,  from  a  com- 
parison of  the  places,  and  persons,  and  circumstances  named 
in  this  Transcript,  with  the  names  of  the  places,  and  persons, 
and  circumstances  mentioned  in  the  deeds,  registers,  and 
papers  in  my  hands,  that  we  may  take  the  Transcript  to 
be  perfectly  genuine. 

Before  going  on  to  this  comparison,  in  order  to  give  any, 
who  have  not  the  Accounts  before  them,  an  idea  of  what  they 
contain,  I  cannot  do  better,  I  am  sure,  than  to  give  Mr. 
Pengelly's  description  of  what  they  contain,  taken  from 
his  introductory  remarks.      This  description  is  remarkably 

FOR  THE   YEAR   1588.       •  201 

accurate  and  good ;  as,  indeed,  are  all  the  notes,  which  be 
gives,  explaining  the  contents  of  the  accounts. 

*  'It  appears,"  he  says,  "that  the  parish  finances  were  placed  in 
the  hands  of  six  distinct  sets  of  officers — Collectors  for  the  Poor 
People;  Bread-wardens;  Wardens  of  the  Common  Store;  Hey-,  or 
flay-,  or  Heigh-wardens ;  Receivers;  and  Payers — and  that  each 
set  rendered  their  accounts  annually,  but,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Receivers  and  Payers,  no  two  of  them  at  the  same  part  of  the 

"  The  Collectors  for  the  Poor  People  "  were  two  in  number, 
and  were  "  electyed  and  chosen  att  the  feaste  of  the  Nativitie 
of  S.  John  the  Baptist  (24th  June)  for  one  whole  yeare." 
Their  funds  were  derived  from  payments,  or  gifts,  or  both, 
by  parishioners  whose  names  are  given ;  and  their  expendi- 
ture' took  the  forms  of  small  sums  advanced  to  the  poor,  of 
payments  for  articles  of  clothing,  and  of  a  few  funeral 

"  The  Bread- Wardens "  were  eight  in  number,  and  as,  in 
their  Accounts,  the  parish  was  divided  into  four  quarters — 
"Edgcombe  qr,"  "Chelyton  qr,"  "Weeke  qr,"  and  "Leighe 
qr" — there  were  probably  two  Wardens  in  and  for  each. 
They  sold,  at  least,  Bread,  "Cheyse,"  "Gerts,"  "Candels," 
and  "Flesh";  and,  after  deducting  "for  making  the  cownte, 
iiijd,"  they  accounted  for  their  gross  receipts,  as  well  as  for 
tt  gather  moneye  "  about  each  quarter,  which  they  paid  over 
to  the  Beceivers  for  the  parish.  Their  Account  was  rendered 
"the  xxj.  daye  of  Julye."  There  is  nothing  to  show  how 
their  stocks  were  supplied. 

"The  Wardens  of  the  Common  Store"  were  two  in 
number,  one  for  each  of  the  divisions  of  the  parish  named 
in  the  Account :  "  South  Down  or  south  part  of  this 
pari8he,,,  and  "benorthe  Down,  or  the  north  part  of  this 
parishe."  They  had  to  "counte  for  bread  and  ale,  made 
and  sold  of  the  ots  getheryd "  in  their  respective  divisions, 
"with  monyes  getheryd  there  also";  and  after  deducting 
"  Expenses  for  making  the  cownte,  ijd,"  they  accounted  for 
their  gross  receipts,  which  they  paid  over  to  the  Beceivers 
for  the  parish.  Their  account  was  rendered  on  "the  first 
day  of  September."  It  will  be  seen  that,  by  selling  bread, 
they  interfered  somewhat  with  the  functions  of  the  Bread- 

In  the  year  1588  there  was  but  one  Hay- Warden.  There 
is  nothing  to  show  whether  or  not  that  was  the  usual 
number,  but  the  office  seems  to  have  been  unpopular,  as 
the  Warden  closes  his  Account  by  giving  the  names  of 



six  parishioners  "that  fyned  this  yere  for  not  doing  this 
office."  No  such  statement  occurs  in  the  case  of  any 
other  officers.  The  Hay- Warden  had  to  "cownte"  for 
sums  realized  by  the  sale  of  "shepe,"  which,  coining 
from  various  parishioners,  were  sold  to  other  persons;  for 
"  woull  sold  " ;  for  money  received  for  graves ;  for  fines ;  for 
church  property  sold ;  for  "  monye  getheryd  aboute  the 
parishe,  for  to  buy  bread  and  wyne  for  the  holy  com- 
munion"; and  for  sums  "  receyvyd  of  them  whych  do 
geve  monyes  to  the  Church  for  finding  shepe."  He  paid 
various  accounts  connected  with  the  Church,  as  well  as 
for  "  makeynge  the  cownte  iiijd,"  and  handed  such  balance 
as  he  had  in  hand  to  the  Beceivers  for  the  parish.  His 
Account  was  rendered  "  the  sixth  day  of  October." 

The  "  Receivers,"  of  whom  there  were  three,  received,  as 
has  been  stated,  the  gross  receipts  of  the  Bread- Wardens  and 
the  Wardens  of  the  Common  Store,  as  well  as  the  balance 
which  the  Hay-Warden  had  in  hand,  but  nothing  from  the 
Collectors  for  the  Poor  People.  They  also  received  "gether 
monye"  for  various  purposes,  money  raised  by  rates,  rents 
for  certain  houses,  "conducte  monye,"  and  sums  due  from 
other  parishes.  They  handed  to  the  Payer  for  the  parish 
the  greater  part  of  their  receipts;  but  they  discharged  a 
few  small  accounts,  and  they  paid  for  "makynge  the 
cownte,  xijd."  Their  Account  was  rendered  "  the  xxx.  daye 
of  December." 

There  was,  in  1588,  but  one  Payer  for  the  parish,  but 
there  seem  to  have  been  two  the  year  next  before.  He  does 
not  appear  to  have  received  anything  beyond  that  paid  him 
by  the  Eeceivers.  He  paid  for  erecting  or  repairing  parish 
buildings,  everything  of  a  military  character,  everything 
connected  with  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  and,  in  short, 
almost  every  demand  which  could  be  made  on  the  parish. 
Indeed,  he  seemed  to  intrude  occasionally  on  the  functions  of 
the  Hay- Warden.  As  already  stated,  his  Account  was 
rendered  on  the  same  day  as  that  of  the  Beceivers — "the 
xxx.  daye  of  December." 

The  fines  mentioned  already  render  it  probable  that  the 
Hay- Warden,  like  the  Collectors  for  the  Poor  People,  was 
"  electyd  and  chosen  for  one  whole  yeare  " ;  but  there  is  no 
indication,  on  this  point,  respecting  the  other  officers. 

Such  is  the  careful  and  accurate  digest  of  these  Accounts 
given  by  Mr.  Pengelly.  He  also  gives  32£  pages  of  notes 
and  explanations  of  the  various  statements,  &c,  of  the 
Accounts,  of  a  most  interesting  character,  showing  wide 

FOB  THE  YEAR  1588.  203 

reading  and  deep  research.    To  these  notes  I  must  refer  any 
who  wish  for  explanations. 

I  proceed  to  examine  how  the  names  of  places  and  persons 
mentioned  in  the  Accounts  agree  with  those  mentioned  in 
the  Kegisters,  and  other  books  and  papers  now  belonging  to 
the  Parish.  The  agreement  will  be  found  to  be  striking,  and 
a  certain  witness  of  genuineness. 

I.  First,  of  the  two  great  divisions  of  the  parish 
mentioned  in  the  accounts  of  the  Wardens  of  the  Common 
Store,  "  the  South-Down,  or  south  part  of  this  parishe"  and 
•* benorthe  Down,  or  the  north  part  of  this  parishe"  This 
division  is  easily  traced,  and  would  be  the  division  made 
now  by  any  desirous  of  dividing  the  parish  into  two  parts 
for  the  purpose  of  making  any  collection.  Indeed,  it  is  the 
division  still  made  at  this  day  for  the  purpose  of  taking  the 
Census.  The  division  runs  with  the  main  road  between 
Launceston  and  Tavistock,  and  the  land  on  either  side,  north 
and  south,  might  well  have  been  described,  before  its  division 
into  fields,  as  " South- Down"  and  "Benorthe  Down." 

II.  Then,  as  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  parish  mentioned, 
namely,  Edgecome  Quarter;  Chelyton  Quarter;  Weeke 
Quarter;  and  Leighe  Quarter;  all  these  names  are  still 
preserved  in  the  farms  and  town-places  of  those  quarters ; 
and  may  be  traced  down,  in  the  deeds  and  registers,  from 
before  the  date  of  the  Accounts  to  the  present  time.  For 
instance,  in  a  deed  in  Latin,  dating  from  April  8th,  in  12th 
year  of  reign  of  King  Henry,  the  eighth  after  the  conquest 
of  England,  i.e.  1521,  we  have  the  name  of  "John  Edgecombe 
of  Edgecombe,  Gent.,  son  and  heir  of  John  Edgecombe, 
deceased."  Again,  in  a  deed  dated  "vicesimo  tertio  die 
Januarii,"  "in  tricesimo  secundo  anno"  of  Elizabeth  "Anglise, 
ffranciae,  et  Hibernise  regina,  fidei  defensor,"  i.e.  1591,  or  only 
three  years  after  the  date  of  the  Accounts,  Edgecombe  is 
named  and  described  as  "  infra  parochiam  de  Milton  Abbott," 
below  the  parish  of  Milton  Abbott.  This  very  well  describes 
the  position  of  Edgecombe  at  the  present  day,  taking  parish 
as  meaning  Churchtown. 

In  the  register  of  Burials  for  the  year  1674,  we  read  "  John 
Sleeman,  of  Edgcombe,  was  buried  the  2nd  of  April,  anno  ut 
supra."  And,  in  a  deed  of  the  date  of  1695,  "Eichard 
Edgecombe,  of  Edgecombe"  is  spoken  of.  In  the  [Register  of 
Baptisms  in  1679,  we  read  "Nicholas,  s.  of  Eichd  Edgecombe, 
of  Edgecombe,  Gent."  Other  similar  entries  in  the  Kegisters 
bring  us  down  to  the  burial  of  Piers  Edgcombe,  of  Edgecombe, 
in  1887. 

P  2 


As  to  Chelyton  Quarter;  the  name  appears  6  times  in 
the  early  part  of  the  Begisters,  beginning  with  the  entry  of  a 
marriage  in  1681,  where  it  is  said  that  "  John  Bobbins,  of 
Chilaton,  was  married  to  Anna  Smallacombe " ;  and  in 
entries  of  burials  in  the  years  1672,  1703,  1713,  1715,  and 
1737,  the  name  of  the  village  of  Chillaton  appears,  and  so 
on  to  the  present  time.  Also,  in  the  book  of  certificates  for 
burial  in  woollen,  the  name  of  the  village  appears  in  an 
entry  in  the  year  1694. 

Again,  as  to  Weeke  Quarter ;  the  name  appears  in  a  deed 
dated  1659 ;  it  is  there  called  Weeke  Dawbernon,  and  a 
William  Doidge  was  residing  there  at  that  date — a  son,  I 
suppose,  of  the  "William  Doidge  of  Weke"  mentioned  in 
the  Accounts,  or  possibly  the  same  individual. 

The  name  of  Week  also  appears  in  the  Begister  of  Burials ; 
in  the  year  1671  "William,  the  sonne  of  Bartholomew 
Doidge,  of  Weeke"  was  buried;  and  in  1679  "Elizabeth, 
the  daughter  of  Bartholomew  Doidge,  of  Week"  was 
buried.  And  in  1681  "Bartholomew  Doidge,  of  Week" 
himself,  was  buried.  In  1687  "John  Doidge,  Senr.,  of 
Week,  was  buried." 

In  the  Tavistock  Parish  Records,  p.  3,  we  read,  "John 
d'Abernon,  of  Bradford,  gave  the  manor  of  Wyke,  Brent  Tor, 
to  the  Abbey  of  Tavistock,  26  Edward  III.,  and  was 
probably  the  founder  of  the  chapel  bearing  his  name."  Has 
this  anything  to  do  with  Weeke  Dawbernon,  mentioned  in  the 
deed  referred  to  above?  Week  is  close  under  Brent  Tor, 
and  belongs  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford ;  and  the  Accounts  spell 
it  Weke,  which  may  well  be  turned  into  Wyke  in  copying. 

Then  we  come  to  Leighe  quarter ;  the  farm  of  Leigh  is  to 
be  found  adjoining  Endsleigh.  No  doubt,  Endsleigh  was  taken 
out  of  the  estate  of  Leigh.  The  name  of  this  quarter  does 
not  appear  in  the  Begisters  at  an  early  date.  The  reason 
may  be  that  it  lies  near  the  Churchtown,  and  those  living 
there  were  so  well-known  that  they  did  not  require  to  have 
the  place  of  their  abode  mentioned. 

III.  Besides  the  places  giving  names  to  the  four  quarters 
of  the  parish,  many  other  places  are  mentioned  in  the 
Accounts,  which  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Begisters,  and 
other  books  and  deeds. 

a.  We  read  in  the  Accounts  of  "William  Doidge  the  Elder, 
of  Quether"  In  the  Begisters,  we  read,  in  1658,  "Bichard 
Doidge,  of  Quether,  was  buried";  in  1662,  "Elizabeth,  the 
daughter  of  John  Doidge,  of  Quether,  was  buried  " ;  in  1681, 
"James,   the    sonne  of   Bichard  Doidge,    of    Queder,  was 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1588.  205 

baptized  " ;  in  1671,  "  Kichard,  the  sonne  of  Richard  Doidge, 
of  Quither,  was  buried/1  Similar  entries  also  occur  in  the 
years  1675,  1676,  1713,  1738,  and  1777,  and  so  on  to 
the  present  time. 

6.  We  also  read  in  the  Accounts  of  "John  Maynard, 
of  Foghanger"  In  an  Indenture  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
reign,  we  read  of  "  Foghanger,  infra  parochiam  de  Milton 
Abbott " ;  as  is  also  said  of  Edgcombe.  This  very  well 
describes  its  position.  In  the  Registers  we  seem  to  have  the 
burial  of  the  very  person  mentioned  in  the  Accounts :  We 
read  in  1659,  "John  Maynard,  of  Foghanger,  buried"  Allow- 
ing him  to  have  been  twenty-one  at  the  time  of  the  Accounts, 
he  would  have  been  ninety-two  when  he  died. 

In  1673  we  read,  "  Joan  Maynard,  of  ffoghanger,  buried." 
While  in  1776  we  read,  as  buried,  "  William  Coram,  Senr.,  of 
Fogner"  This  is  the  name  by  which  the  hamlet  is  commonly 
known  in  the  present  day. 

c.  We  read  in  the  Accounts  of  "  John  Collyne,  of  West- 
cot" ;  as  also  of  "  Richard  Sowton,  of  Westcot"  In  the 
Registers  we  read,  in  1679,  "Agnes,  the  wife  of  Andrew 
Doidge,  of  Wescot,  was  buried."  We  have  still  a  farm  of 
this  name. 

d.  The  Accounts  mention  "John  Collyne,  of  Wylslye."  In 
the  Register,  in  1702,  we  read,  "  A  certain  Travelling  woman, 
dying  at  Wilsley,  within  the  pish  of  Mylton  Abbot,  was 
buried  the  11th  day  of  January."  This  recalls  to  the  mind 
the  entry  in  the  Accounts,  where  it  is  said,  "Payde  to 
the  same  Walt  for  makinge  of  a  grave  for  a  poor  man 
who  dyed  at  Longcrosse  iid."  For  Wilsley  would,  in  those 
days,  have  been  the  nearest  inhabited  place  to  Long-Cross. 
This  district  must  have  been,  in  those  times,  a  wild,  desolate 
place,  where  the  roads  from  Exeter  to  Cornwall,  and  from 
North  Devon  to  Plymouth,  crossed  one  another,  a  very  likely 
place  for  travellers  to  lose  themselves.  Accordingly,  we  read 
another  entry  from  the  Registers  in  the  year  1765:  "Nov. 
24th,  a  Poor  Traveller  (name  unknown),  who  was  found  dead 
at  Long-Cross,  in  this  parish,"  was  buried.  All  these  places 
are  known  by  the  same  names  now. 

e.  Then  the  Accounts  mention  "  Thomas  Collyne,  of  Burn- 
shall"  In  the  Book  for  burying  in  woollen  we  read,  under 
the  year  1684,  "Richard  Edgcombe,  of  Bumshall,  was 
buried."  This  name  for  a  farm  in  the  parish  still  exists,  but 
has  been  corrupted  by  the  last  tenant  into  Burns  Hall. 

f.  In  the  Accounts  we  have  "John  Sleman,  of  Long- 
brook.*'    In  a  Deed  of  Agreement  of  the  year  1667,  we  read  of 


"John  Toker,  of  Longbrooke,  within  the  pish  of  Milton 
Abbott,  in  the  County  of  Devon."  In  the  Registers,  under 
the  year  1673,  we  read,  "Kichard  Doidge,  of  Longbrook," 
was  buried.  On  a  tombstone  in  the  Churchyard  we  read, 
"William  Tooker,  of  Longbrooke,  deceased  the  3rd  day  of 
March,  An.  Dm.  1645."     Still,  Longbrook  exists. 

g.  In  the  Accounts  we  read  of  "Richard  Jackeman,  of 
Popfalip"  In  the  Registers  we  have,  under  the  year  1672, 
"Philippa,  the  daughter  of  John  Rundle,  of  Pophdip," 
was  buried.    Now  called  Pophleet. 

There  are  a  few  other  places  mentioned  in  the  Accomnts, 
which  are  still  bearing  the ,  same  names,  but  are  not 
mentioned  in  the  Registers.  This  is  but  what  might  be 
expected,  as  the  Registers  do  not  profess  to  give  the  names  of 
the  places  in  the  parish,  and  only  do  so  when  some  mark  of 
distinction  in  the  persons  is  required.  These  other  places 
are  Youngcot,  Beare  (or  Beara),  Oldhouse,  and  Beckaton. 

IV.  We  come,  now,  to  examine  the  names  of  the 
parishioners  mentioned  in  the  Accounts.  Mr.  Pengelly 
says  (41),  "  The  Milton  Abbott  Accounts  contain  186  names, 
possibly,  but  not  certainly,  the  names  of  ad  many 
parishioners,  of  whom  169  were  males,  and  17  were  females, 
assuming  '  Philip  Vela,  vid.'  to  have  been  a  male."  Taking 
the  surnames  only,  the  number  of  these  to  be  found  in  the 
Registers  and  Deeds  is  148 ;  thus  leaving  38  for  those  who  may 
not  have  been  residents  in  the  parish,  and  who  may  have 
left,  or  died  out,  in  the  65  years  before  the  Registers  began. 

It  may  be  thought  that  86  years,  or  even  96  years,  is  not 
an  uncommon  age  for  some  few  to  attain  to  in  country 
districts,  and  that,  therefore,  we  might  expect  to  find  the 
deaths  of  a  few  of  these  parishioners  named  in  the  Accounts 
of  1588  in  the  Registers  which  commence  in  1653.  Let  us 
see  how  it  is  in  this  case. 

(i.)  In  the  Accounts  we  read :  "  Doidge,  Johan,  vid.,  con- 
tributed Is.  to  the  Poor's-box."  In  the  Registers,  under  1654, 
"Joane  Doidge  was  buried  the  24th  of  May."  This  may 
have  been  the  very  same  person.  If  she  was  a  widow  of  25 
years  old  at  the  time  of  the  Accounts,  she  would  have  been 
92  at  her  death. 

(ii.)  In  the  Accounts,  two  John  Sleemans  are  mentioned. 
In  the  Registers,  under  the  year  1654,  we  read  :  "John 
Sleman,  the  elder,  was  buried."  So  the  Registers  agree 
with  the  Accounts  that  there  were  two  John  Slemans 
about  that  time;  and  show  that  one  of  them  may  have 
died,  and  did  die,  in  1654. 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1588.  207 

(iii.)  In  the  Accounts,  George  Doidge,  of  Quether,  is 
mentioned.  In  the  Registers,  under  the  year  1654,  we  read : 
"  George  Doidge  was  buried  the  20th  day  of  June." 

(iv.)  In  the  Accounts,  two  Eoger  Doidges  are  mentioned. 
In  the  Registers,  "Eoger  Doidge  was  buried  the  13th  of 
April,  1665." 

(v.)  In  the  Accounts,  two  John  Edgecombes  are  mentioned. 
In  the  Registers  we  read :  "  John  Edgecombe  was  buried  the 
10th  of  November,  1656." 

(vi)  In  the  Accounts, "  John  Maynard,  of  Foghanger,"  is 
mentioned.  In  the  Registers  we  read:  "John  Maynard,  of 
Foghanger,  buried  June  4,  1659." 

(vii.)  In  the  Accounts,  Gonstantyne  Bobyns  is  mentioned. 
We  read  in  the  Registers :  "  Constantino  Bobbyns,  buried 
May  6,  1659." 

(viii.)  In  the  Accounts,  Johan  Jackeman,  vid.,  is  mentioned. 
In  the  Registers  we  have :  "  Joane  Jackeman,  buried  Nov.  1, 
1662."  This  allows  her  to  have  been  a  widow  of  22  years 
old,  if  she  died  at  the  age  of  96. 

(ix.)  In  the  Accounts,  Davyd  Sleman  is  mentioned.  We 
have  in  the  Registers  :  "  David  Sleman,  buried  Nov.  10, 

(x.)  In  the  Accounts,  John  Doidge,  of  Weke,  is  mentioned. 
In  the  Registers  we  read:  "John,  of  Weeke,  Doidge  (sic), 
Juried  Jan.  22,  1664." 

If  the  same  person  is  referred  to  in  both  the  entries,  then 
lie  died  at  97  should  he  have  been  21  in  1588. 

Perhaps  this  is  as  far  as  we  had  better  go. 

Here,  then,  we  have  10  persons,  out  of  the  186  mentioned, 
living  to  between  the  ages  of  87  and  97.  If  this  should 
seem  a  rather  exaggerated  proportion,  then  it  is  open  to  us  to 
believe  that  a  few  of  them  may  have  been  sons  or  daughters 
bearing  their  parents'  name.  This  will  not  weaken  the 
testimony  to  the  genuineness  of  the  Accounts  afforded  by 
the  many  and  striking  coincidences. 

It  would  be  possible  greatly  to  add  to  these  coincidences 
if,  instead  of  confining  ourselves  to  the  deaths  of  those 
mentioned  in  the  Accounts,  we  had  gone  on  to  instance 
the  deaths  of  the  sons  and  daughters  and  wives  of  these 
people;  as,  for  instance,  in  1653  we  have  the  burials  of 
"Daniel,  the  sonne  of  John  Rundell,"  "Bichard,  the  son 
of  John  Hawkings,"  in  1654.  Again,  in  the  same  year, 
u Bichard,  the  son  of  Constantine  Maynarde"  Also,  "  Joane, 
the  wife  of  William  Doidge"  These  fathers  and  this 
husband  are  mentioned  in  the  Accounts,  but  their  deaths 


^  *vs*  At^^wAr  iu  the  Registers;  they  were  either  already  dead 
sV*v*v  t,tw  te<fi$ter$  began,  or  they  were  buried  elsewhere. 

CW  uuiuber  ot*  such  instances  might  be  greatly  increased, 
*mV»  tHM'h*^  enough  has  been  said  on  this  branch  of  the 
*ubjeot  to  bear  striking  witness  to  the  genuineness  of  the 

V.  Let  us  go  on  now  to  see  how  these  Accounts  bear 
vvu^nuiaou  with  those  of  Tavistock  of  the  same  date,  viz., 
the  Year  1588  and  thereabouts.  We  should  expect  to  find 
iHOiauterable  differences  with  certain  similarities,  seeing  it 
\yu*  the  time  of  the  Armada  and  the  Irish  disturbances,  and 
thut  Milton  Abbott  appears  always  to  have  had  intimate 
eouueotions  with  Tavistock,  as  formerly  belonging  to  the 
Abbey  of  Tavistock.  For  instance,  Roger  Sturt,  vicar  of 
Mylton,  is  named  as  paying  xiij8  iiijd  in  the  Records  of 
Tavistock  in  the  year  1425. 

The  quotations  are  from  the  Calendar  of  the  Tavistock 
J*ari*h  Records,  by  R.  N.  Worth,  f.g.s. 

a.  In  the  Milton  Abbott  Accounts,  "Weeke  quarter"  of 
the  parish  is  mentioned,  and  Weke  is  mentioned  as  the  place 
where  John  and  William  Doidge  lived  I  have  shown  that 
this  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the  Registers  of  the  parish,  and 
with  a  deed  belonging  to  the  parish,  which  adds  to  the 
name,  calling  it  Weeke  Daubernon.  Now,  as  early  as  the 
year  1385,  we  read  in  the  Tavistock  Records,  p.  3,  of  a  sum 
of  money  given  "  For  the  altar  of  S.  Salvator  with  the  chapel 
of  John  Dabnoun" 

b.  In  the  Milton  Accounts  we  have  "the  collectors  for 
the  poor  people."  In  the  Tavistock  Records  we  have  mention 
of  a  sum  of  money  received  from  "Thomas  Knappe,  Collector" 
in  the  year  1423.  (p.  7.) 

c.  In  Milton  Accounts  we  read  of  the  "  gather  money  about 
this  quarter  xiijd" ;  (p.  219.)  And,  "Receyvyd  in  monye 
gathered  about  the  parishe  for  to  buy  bread  and  wyne  for 
the  Holy  Communion  vj8.  In  Tavistock  Records,  1561  (p.  26.) 
"  Receauyed  of  the  gathering  moneys  for  the  Reperacion  of 
Church  this  yere  viiiu  viii8." 

d.  In  the  Accounts,  the  hey- warden  "  paide  for  bread  and 
wyne  for  the  holye  communione  this  yere  xiiij8  iijd."  In  the 
Records  in  1538  "for  bredd  and  wyne  xvjd."  In  1566, 
"  Itm  for  bredd  and  wynne  for  the  Comunyon  for  this  yere 
xv8  ijd  ob,"  and  in  1561,  "Itm  payed  for  Bredde  for  the 
Comunyon  for  the  hole  yere  this  yere  v8  iiijd." 

e.  In  the  Accounts,  the  archdeacon's  visitation  is  mentioned 
(l».  219),  and  the  cost  of  the  aitycles  xijd.     Also,  "payde 

FOR  THE  TEAR  1588.  209 

at  the  Bishop's  visitation  for  artycles  xxijd."  "For  the 
wardens  and  sidesmens  dynners,  xijd.  For  washinge  of  the 
Church  clothinge  this  yere  viiijd." 

In  the  Records,  "  Itm  paide  for  Wasehyng  of  the  Churche 
Clothes  and  for  mendyng  of  them  ijB "  in  the  year  1566 ; 
also,  in  the  year  1540,  "for  wasshynge  of  the  Churche  Clothes 
p.  anm  iiij8."  And  in  the  year  1561,  "Itm  more  payd  at  mye 
lorde  Byschoppe  is  visitacion  for  hallffe  of  the  Boke  callyd 
the  Callne  vj8."  "Itm  for  wasschynge  of  fyue  Surples 
and  one  comvnyon  cloth  iiij8.  Itm  for  mendynge  of  the 
Surples  yjd."  "Itm  payed  for  the  foure  men  is  dener  at 
the  Archdeacon  is  visitacion  ij8.  viijd." 

/.  In  the  Accounts,  "  To  Oliver  Maynard  for  a  new  byble, 
xxxvj8."  In  Records,  "  Itm  payed  for  a  bybyll  of  the  largis 
volume  xxvj8  viijd"  in  the  year  1561.  Again,  in  the  year 
1588,  "  Itm  paide  for  a  newe  Bible  for  the  Church  xj8  viijd." 

g.  In  the  Accounts,  "To  John  Cragge  for  the  fyne  of 
wearinge  of  hats  this  yere  xijd."  In  the  Records,  "  Itm  paid 
to  Mr.  Thomas  Mohun  the  Earle  of  Bedfords  hundred  Bayleif 
...  in  hurdewyke  Court  sett  uppon  the  pisheners  for  that 
they  offende  the  statue  in  not  wearinge  Capps  on  the 
Sondaie  iij8  iiijd  "  in  the  year  1605. 

A.  In  the  Accounts,  "  To  one  Jermain  for  scouring  of  the 
parishe  harnis  vg.  To  Tristram  Doidge,  for  a  coppye 
of  the  mouster-booke,  ij8.  ...  To  the  same  Tristram  for 
trayninge  the  souldiers  at  Tavistocke  lviij8  viijd.  To  the 
same  Tristram  for  press  monye  vjd."  Then  we  read  of 
money  lent  and  returned  for  supplying  gunpowder,  of  money 
for  buying  musketts  x1  iij8;  of  "wages  for  the  trayend 
souldiers  going  to  Exceter  vjl  x8."  "To  John  Wyse  for 
mending  a  corslet,  xijd."  "To  Olyver  Edgecombe  for 
mending  of  murrion,  sword,  dagger  and  bible  (sic)  staff 
xd."  "To  John  Wyse  for  carrydge  of  harnis  to  Tavistock 
for  the  Ireland  Souldiers  iijd,"  and  other  entries  of  a  similar 

In  the  Records  of  the  same  year,  1588,  "Itm  Receyved  of 
the  pishioners  of  Tavistock  towardes  a  rate  made  for  the 
settinge  fourthe  of  Souldyers  for  the  guardinge  of  the  Queenes 
maties  pson  and  towardes  the  mayneteynaunce  of  the  Churche 
this  yere,  as  appeareth  by  a  Booke  of  the  pticulars  thereof 
xxxja  x8  iiijd."  Again,  "Itm  paide  in  August  laste  for  the 
expenses  of  the  Souldiers  att  Plympton  vij8.  Itm  paide  to 
John  Burges  for  his  paynes  in  goinge  with  the  Thrum  [drum] 
vjd.  .  .  Itm  paide  James  the  Cutler  for  makinge  cleane 
strappynge  and  other  Trymuiynge  of  the  Corslett  and  other 


armour  of  the  pishe,  and  for  a  newe  Daggar  vjs."    And  more 
to  the  same  effect. 

i.  In  the  Accounts,  "  To  the  Vicar  for  that  he  payde  them 
that  gathered  with  lycences  vij8  vijd,"  and  "to  a  poore  man 
which  gathered  to  S.  Leonard  iiijd.,, 

In  the  Records  for  the  same  year,  "  Itm  paid  a  pore  man 
thatt  collected  for  the  hospitall  of  Saynt  Leonards  vjd." 
Evidently  the  same  man  is  referred  to  in  both  accounts. 

j.  In  the  Accounts  a  certain  Mr.  Fytze  is  referred  to.  "  To 
the  same  constable  and  John  Adams,  for  their  dynners,  being 
at  Tavistocke  before  Mr.  Fytze,  to  receyve  back  agayne 
ix1  via*  iiijd  (which  remayneth  in  their  hands),  being  part  of 
the  monyes  whych  was  payde  out  for  the  same  souldiers, 

In  the  Records  of  the  same  year  we  have,  no  doubt,  the 
same  Mr.  ffytz  mentioned  four  times,  and  each  time  as  an 
important  person ;  in  one  entry  he  is  called  John  ffytze, 
esquier,  in  the  others  Mr.  ffytze. 

Taking  the  surnames  mentioned  in  the  Records  in  this 
year,  seven  or  eight  of  them  are  also  to  be  found  in  the 
Milton  Accounts.  This  would  be  about  the  number  that 
might  be  expected  in  two  places  having  such  close  business 
relations,  and  populations  of  about  900  and  2000;  also 
bearing  in  mind  that  the  number  of  names  mentioned  is, 
Milton  186,  Tavistock  100. 

h.  As  to  the  value  of  money,  as  represented  in  the 
Accounts  and  Records,  the  following  particulars  may  be  of 
interest : — 

(i.)  In  the  Accounts  we  read,  "Payde  at  the  bishop's  visita- 
tion for  Artycles,  xxijd." 

In  the  Records,  "  Itm  paide  for  a  Booke  of  Articles  att  the 
ffirst  visitacon  and  for  other  ffees  then  xxiid "  exactly  the 
same  sum. 

(ii.)  In  the  Accounts,  "for  the  wardens  and  sidesmen's 
dyner  at  this  visitation,  xiid."  This  was  at  the  Bishop's 
visitation.  There  was  also  an  Archdeacon's  visitation  this 
year,  when  the  same  sum  was  paid  for  the  "wardens  and 
sidesmens  dynner." 

In  the  Records,  we  are  also  informed  that  fees  were  paid 
for  both  an  archdeacon's  and  a  Bishop's  visitation  this  year. 
The  former  is  called  the  first  visitation ;  the  following  entry 
would  appear  to  belong  to  the  latter :  "  Itm  paide  for  the 
Dynner  of  the  wardens  and  one  of  the  sydesmen  the  xxiiij 
daye  of  Maye  last  att  the  delyverey  of  our  p'sentments  for 
the  laste  visitation  xiid."     Here  the  dinners  of  the  wardens 

FOR  THE  YEAR  1588.  211 

and  one  sidesman  came  to  the  same  as  was  paid  in  the 
Accounts  for  the  wardens'  and  sidesmen's  dinner,  namely, 

(iii.)  The  wages  of  the  day-labourer  appear  to  be  pretty 
much  the  same  in  both  accounts : — 

1.  In  the  Accounts  we  have  "To  George  Manninge  for 
three  dayes  worke  about  the  same  style  xid.  To  Henry 
Collyne,  one  dayeft  work  about  the  same  style  iiijd."  This 
gives  about  fourpence  for  a  day's  work. 

In  the  Records,  "  Itm  payde  to  John  Brouresdon  for  ffy ve 
dayes  worke  of  hymsellfe  and  his  Boye,  and  for  ffyndinge 
themselves  aboute  the  porche  and  Schole  howse  vB  iid."  This 
man  was  probably  a  tradesman,  receiving,  therefore,  higher 
day-wages  than  a  labourer,  about  sixpence  a  day. 

2.  In  the  Accounts,  "  To  Constantyne  Sargent  for  mending 
of  a  bell  whele,  iiid." 

In  the  Records, "  Itm  paid  to  Pundory  for  mendinge  the 
wheyle  of  the  great  bell  iid." 

It  is  difficult  to  find  instances  of  charges  that  can  be  so 
compared  as  to  give  accurately  the  value  of  money  in  the 
two  accounts ;  but  what  has  been  given  seems  to  show  a 
fair  agreement  as  to  the  value  of  money. 

I.  In  the  Accounts,  the  only  reference  to  money  coming 
from  other  sources  than  collections  in  money  or  in  kind,  or 
from  things  sold,  or  gifts,  or  loans,  or  fees,  or  fines,  is 
(p.  220):  "Keceyved  rent  for  the  house  at  Tavistocke  x8. 
•*  For  the  lytel  chamber  of  the  Church-house  " ;  also,  in  the 
expenses,  we  read :  "  For  howse  rent  and  amercements  for 
the  howse  at  Tavistocke  xiiid." 

This  is  quite  in  accordance  with  Deeds  in  the  Eegister- 
chest,  and  tends  to  show  the  genuineness  of  the  Accounts. 

The  fate  of  the  Church-house  I  have  not  traced.  It  is 
gone ;  but  there  is  a  tradition  of  its  existence  and  sale. 

The  house  in  Tavistock  can  be  traced  by  the  Deeds  referred 
to.  It  can  be  traced  from  its  first  coming  to  the  Church,  to 
its  sale  in  1861.  The  history,  in  short,  is  this  :  The  property 
of  which  it  formed  a -part  was  obtained  before  1521  by 
Thomas  Edgecombe,  of  Edgecombe,  in  Co.  of  Devon,  yeoman, 
from  Jeremy  Hampden,  of  Hartwell,  in  co.  Buckingham, 
soldier ;  he  had  received  it  from  his  uncle,  lately  dead,  John 

Then,  in  1521,  John  Edgecombe,  of  Edgecombe,  gent,  son 
and  heir  of  John  Edgecombe,  deceased,  gives  to  trustees  the 
tenement  and  garden  adjoining,  in  the  town  of  Tavistock, 
which  he  inherited  from  his  father.    He  gives  it  for  the  use 


and  maintenance  of  the  Parish  Church,  as  we  learn  from  the 
statements  of  following  Deeds. 

The  next  Deed  is  dated  1591.  This  is  followed  by  ten 
other  Deeds  dated  1610,  1653,  1654,  1659, 1667,  1695,  1696, 
1714,  1768,  1817.  Then,  in  1861,  the  Accounts  of  the 
Church  Restoration  have  this  entry :  "  The  produce  of  sale  of 
Vigo  Barn,  applied  by  vote  of  Vestry  to  Church  Restoration 
Fund,  £108  3.  8d." 

In  the  course  of  these  years  the  property  had  dwindled 
down  from  "  a  tenement  and  garden  adjoining,"  and  orchard, 
to  Vigo  Barn !  It  had  been  continually  leased  on  99  years 
and 'lives.  From  one  Deed  it  would  seem  that  the  remaining 
trustees  became  conscious  that  the  property  had  been  going 
in  a  bad  way ;  so  they  appointed  their  young  sons  as 
trustees,  with  an  awful  denunciation  upon  any  who  should 
divert  the  property  from  the  use  and  maintenance  of  the 
Parish  Church.  We  are  now  left  with  the  comfort  that  no 
despoilers  can  take  away  Vigo  Barn  from  the  Church. 

VI.  In  conclusion,  then,  I  would  submit  that  these  strik- 
ing coincidences,  arising  from  a  comparison  of  the  Accounts 
with  the  Deeds  and  Registers,  and  also  with  the  Tavistock 
Records,  leave  no  room  for  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  the 

How  admirably  do  the  Deeds  and  Registers  support  the 
Accounts !  Consider  the  divisions  of  the  parish,  and  the 
names  of  those  divisions,  and  the  various  places  mentioned 
besides.  Think  how  the  names  of  the  parishioners  in  both 
cases  so  well  agree,  and  in  such  a  number  of  instances. 

And,  notwithstanding  the  great,  yet  natural,  differences 
that  appear  between  the  Accounts  of  Milton  Abbott  and 
those  of  Tavistock  of  the  same  year,  and  about  the  same 
time,  yet  what  a  similarity  is  there !  Think  of  the  name  of 
Week,  or  Wyke  Daubernon;  of  the  collectors  and  the  gather- 
money  in  the  two  instances ;  of  the  bread  and  wine  for  Holy 
Communion,  provided  in  the  same  way ;  the  two  Visitations 
referred  to  in  both  cases ;  also  the  fines  for  wearing  hats ;  the 
military  matters ;  the  gathering  or  collection  for  S.  Leonards; 
the  references  to  Mr.  Fy tze ;  the  value  of  money ;  the  rent 
and  history  of  the  house  in  Tavistock  ;  the  wages  paid. 

If  the  many  and  striking  agreements  mentioned  in  this 
paper  fail  to  convince  the  reader  of  the  genuineness  of  the 
Milton  Abbott  Accounts  for  1588,  certainly  the  study  of  the 
subject  has  convinced  me  most  thoroughly  that  we  have  in 
these  accounts  a  genuine  statement  of  the  affairs  of  Milton 
Abbott  in  the  year  1588. 



BT   W.    F.    COLLIER. 
(Read  at  Okebampton,  July,  1895.) 

When  the  Devonshire  Association  held  their  Annual  Meeting 
at  Southmolton,  about  this  time  last  year,  I  read  a  paper 
on  "  Dartmoor  for  Devonshire,"  in  which  I  argued,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  that,  following  the  example  of  the  City 
of  London,  whose  Council  bought  Epping  Forest  for  their 
citizens,  the  County  Council  of  Devonshire  should  buy 
Dartmoor  for  the  Devonshire  folk.  I  sent  a  copy  of  my 
paper,  with  the  author's  compliments,  to  every  member  of 
the  County  Council,  Aldermen  and  Councillors,  numbering 
104;  and  out  of  all  these  representatives  of  Devon  I  got 
one  letter  in  reply,  which  was  unfavourable  to  the  proposal 
Two  of  my  papers  came  back  to  me  unopened,  because  they 
had  been  forwarded  to  another  address,  and  there  was  a 
half-penny  to  pay  on  them. 

Not  a  word,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  been  said  in  the  County 
Council  on  the  subject  of  this  proposal,  and  the  County 
Council  has  treated  it  with  the  silence  of  the  grave. 

I  do  not  complain ;  it  does  not  concern  me  as  a  simple 
member  of  this  Association.  I  am  quite  willing  to  think 
that  the  paper  was  not  equal  to  the  occasion — that  it  was 
not  worth  the  while  of  any  County  Councillor  to  read  it, 
as  a  piece  of  writing  —  and  that  it  fully  deserved  the 
contempt  of  those  eminent  persons  as  a  suggestion  to  them 
of  a  subject  that  might  well  occupy  their  minds. 

But  the  scheme  to  purchase  Dartmoor  for  Devonshire  had 
the  unanimous  approval  of  this  Devonshire  Association,  at 
their  annual  meeting ;  it  also  had  the  approval  of  the 
Dartmoor  Preservation  Society,  and  of  the  Mercantile 
Associations  of  Plymouth  and  of  Tavistock — all  of  which 


consist  of  persons  worthy  of  the  notice  of  the  County 
Council.  This  Devonshire  Association  alone  might  inspire 
some  little  respect,  sufficient  to  induce  the  members  of  the 
County  Council  to  take  some  steps  to  consider  such  a  pro- 
posal as  the  purchase  of  Dartmoor. 

The  Corporation  of  the  City  of  London  began  a  suit  in 
the  Law  Courts,  in  the  Epping  Forest  case,  in  July,  1871, 
and  the  Forest  was  thrown  open  by  the  Queen  herself,  on 
the  6th  May,  1882.  The  Corporation  of  the  City,  therefore, 
thought  the  Forest  of  so  much  importance  that  they  devoted 
eleven  years  to  the  hard  work  of  acquiring  Epping  Forest 
of  6000  acres.  The  Devonshire  County  Council  think  so 
little  of  the  Forest  of  Dartmoor  of  56,000  acres,  that  it  is 
not  even  worth  their  while  to  mention  it,  though  it  must 
have  been  before  the  public  for  some  time.  It  is  true  that 
the  County  Council  has  been  re-elected  during  the  year,  but 
the  word  Dartmoor  has  not  been  uttered  by  any  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Council,  that  I  ever  heard  of.  Their  minds 
are  full  of  police,  roads,  bridges,  technical  education,  and 
such  like  affairs,  and  we  all  know  that  we  are  a  rate-fearing 
people.  Still,  the  acquisition  of  Dartmoor  would,  at  least, 
be  worth  discussion,  if  it  were  merely  to  find  out  whether 
buying  it  were  possible,  and  if  so,  whether  it  would  pay  a 
rent,  and  be  a  saving  of  rates,  or  otherwise. 

In  the  case  of  Epping  Forest,  bought  by  the  City  of 
London,  there  was  nothing,  except  the  Forest  as  a  public 
pleasure  ground,  for  the  Corporation  of  London  to  buy  and 
to  protect.  Whereas  in  the  case  of  Dartmoor  there  is  the 
water  supply  of  more  than  half  the  County  to  be  protected ; 
and  so  far  from  Dartmoor  being  an  expense  and  a  charge 
on  the  rates,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  would  return  enough, 
in  existing  circumstances,  to  cover  all  expenses,  and  be  no 
charge  whatever  on  the  rates.  As  it  is  a  Forest,  it  might 
also  offer  a  field  for  forestry,  an  art  much  neglected,  and  a 
technical  school  for  forestry  might  engage  the  attention  of 
the  Technical  School  Committee  on  some  parts  of  the  Moor. 

The  City  of  London  has  cleared  the  way  for  all  future 
Corporations  to  proceed  to  acquire  the  open  spaces  available 
for  their  people,  and  the  Local  Government  Acts  expressly 
empower  Local  Councils  to  take  their  commons,  village 
greens,  and  open  spaces  under  their  care. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  again  to  say  that  all  Devonshire 
men,  if  not  Cornish  men  also,  have  rights  on  Dartmoor, 
which  rights  can  be  made  good  in  the  Courts  of  Law.  The 
City  of  London  has  established  such-like  rights  by  means  of 


judgments  obtained  in  the  Courts  of  Law,  and  they  cannot 
now  be  disputed.  Therefore  the  County  Council  have  simply 
to  take  charge  of  the  interests  of  the  Devonshire  folk  on  the 
Forest  of  Dartmoor. 

Whether  it  be  legal  or  not  legal,  open  spaces  are  enclosed, 
and  have  been  enclosed  for  generations,  unless  they  are 
protected.  No  man's  purse  or  watch  would  be  safe  unless 
it  were  protected  by  the  law,  acting  through  a  police  con- 
stable. So  it  has  been,  and  will  be,  with  Dartmoor.  There 
will  be  nothing  of  it  left,  the  sources  of  the  streams  will  be 
destroyed,  and  no  rivers  worth  talking  about  will  flow  from 
its  watersheds,  if  some  authority  does  not  undertake  its 

I  do  not  doubt  for  a  moment  that  the  Devonshire  County 
Council,  with  its  Aldermen  and  Councillors,  is  of  the 
greatest  advantage  and  use  to  the  county.  It  has  taken 
steps,  by  means  of  Technical  Dairy  Schools,  to  improve  off 
the  face  of  the  earth  our  Devonshire  cream  and  butter,  and 
to  substitute  separators  for  the  scalding  process  in  the  treat- 
ment of  milk.  I  would  far  rather  they  would  let  the  Devon- 
shire cream  alone,  and  turn  their  attention  to  Dartmoor. 

This  Devonshire  Association  consists  of  a  great  number 
of  Devonshire  men  and  women,  who  have  naturally  taken 
a  supreme  interest  in  Devonshire  and  Devonshire  matters; 
geology,  archeology,  Domesday,  dialect,  and  what  not!  on 
which  many  pages  of  writing  are  now  to  be  found  in  the 
volumes  of   the  published  Transactions.     Dartmoor  itself 
has  occupied  no  small  part  of  the  attention  of  the  Devon- 
shire Association,  as  the  volumes  of  the  Transactions  can 
testify.     It  might  be  supposed,  that  when  a  member  of  the 
County  Council  were  elected,  the  first  thing  he  would  do 
would  be  to  seek  to  join  this  Association.      But  it  is  a 
Temarkable  fact  that  of  all  the  455  members  of  the  Devon- 
shire Association  only  twenty-two  of  them  are  members 
of   the   County  Council.     The  County  Council  have  this 
advantage  over  the  Devonshire  Association,  that  whereas  all 
the    members    of   the    Devonshire  Association   cannot    be 
members  of  the  County  Council,  all  the  members  of  the 
County  Council  can  be  members  of  the  Devonshire  Associa- 
tion.     But  as  they  have  not  availed  themselves  of  that 
privilege,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Devonshire  Association 
and  the  County  Council  should  look  at  Devonshire  from 
different  points  of  view.     The  puzzle  for  the  Devonshire 
Association  is,  to  find  out  the  point  of  view  of  the  County 
Council,  and  to  discover  how  it  is  the  County  Council  have, 


^^AivaUy*  never  heard  of  Dartmoor  as  a  place  of  any 
•.**«**  v**  v>*  importance  whatever.  I  suppose  the  County 
vVu*wii  couaiats  of  men  of  business,  whilst  the  Devonshire 
Wvvwtaou  consists  of  men  and  women  of  Science,  Art,  and 
t,\ua*tiuv ;  and  the  County  Council  may  think  that  men  of 
Uuaiuot*  have  no  business  on  Dartmoor,  if  they  are  to  have 
Uuui  unuda  confused  with  such  things  as  Science,  Art,  and 
Liuu*mv*  if  the  County  Council  occupies  itself  only  with 
ivaU*  bulges,  and  police,  halving  the  care  of  the  police 
*uh  Quarter  Sessions,  they  can  have  nothing  in  common 
\uUv  the  Devonshire  Association;  but  the  County  Council 
h**  uUo  concerned  itself  with  Technical  Education,  and  the 
lK>vou*hire  Association  has  devoted  itself  to  educating  the 
ihh^Io  for  years,  though  they  might  differ  from  the  County 
(Vvtuoil  as  to  what  may  be  technical  in  education,  especially 
uv  the  matter  of  Devonshire  cream  and  butter. 

A  most  surprising  difference,  however,  between  those  two 
mwt  Devonshire  authorities  has  developed  itself.  The 
Tkwonahire  Association  devotes  itself  in  a  great  measure  to 
Itartmoor;  on  the  other  hand  the  County  Council  appears 
not  to  be  aware  that  it  exists.  There  is  another  rather 
nurprising  fact  The  London  County  Council,  a  kindred 
body  to  the  Devonshire  County  Council,  are  so  much  alive  to 
the  value  of  Dartmoor  that  they  have  actually  promoted 
a  Hill  in  Parliament,  happily  withdrawn  for  the  present, 
to  acquire  Dartmoor  for  a  water  supply,  and,  in  the  face 
of  that  remarkable  state  of  things,  the  Devonshire  County 
Council,  judging  from  their  sayings  and  doings,  are  not  aware 
that  there  is  any  water  on  Dartmoor,  or  any  river  of  pure 
water  flowing  therefrom  for  the  benefit  of  Devonshire  folk. 
I  should  imagine  that  no  County  Council  that  ever  was 
elected  could  be  so  apathetic,  on  a  question  of  the  water 
supply  of  at  least  half  their  county. 

The  County  Council  may  think  that  Dartmoor  is  quite 
safe,  if  they  give  a  thought  to  it  at  all.  An  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment has  been  passed,  which  practically,  it  is  said,  repeals 
the  Statute  of  Merton,  and  no  more  inclosures  can  take 
ulaca  But  why  was  not  the  Statute  of  Merton  repealed, 
luntead  of  a  roundabout  way  taken  to  make  it  inoperative  ? 
Dartmoor  is  not  safe,  as  we  too  well  know,  and  will  not 
be  safe,  until  the  County  Council  has  acquired  it,  and  then 
if  our  representatives  do  not  take  care  of  it,  it  will  be 
our  own  fault  Every  year  some  part  of  Dartmoor  is  practi- 
cally lost  to  us,  and  even  now  there  are  crazy  notions 
of  Company  Promoters,  for  ruining  their  shareholders   by 


turning  the  Dartmoor  bogs  into  peat  fuel,  which  would  be 
destructive  of  our  water  supply.  Is  a  fine  water  supply 
of  no  value,  and  is  such  a  thing,  of  infinite  importance  as  it 
is  in  these  modern  days  of  large  populations,  to  be  trifled 
with,  and  be  allowed  to  slip  away  from  us  ?  The  County 
Council  ought  to  satisfy  themselves  that  Dartmoor  is 
safe  before  they  let  it  severely  alone ;  but  no,  they  never 
mention  it,  its  name  is  never  heard;  and  if  they  took 
the  trouble  to  inquire,  they  would  soon  find  how  far 
from  safe  it  is. 

It  is  true  that  we  are  a  rate-fearing  people,  and  the  County 
Council  may  fear  the  rate-fearing  public.  But  they  spend 
rates  on  the  police,  and  no  amount  of  policemen  can 
compare  with  Dartmoor  in  importance,  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  nature  of  the  property  to  be  protected.  I 
will  run  the  risk  of  again  quoting  the  old  wise  saw, 
which  should  never  be  forgotten: — 

"  The  Law  condemns  both  man  and  woman, 
Who  steals  the  goose  from  off  the  common, 
But  lets  the  greater  felon  loose, 
Who  steals  the  common  from  the  goose  ! " 

As  the  police  protect  our  geese,  for  which  the  ratepayers 
pay  them,  so  ought  the  County  Council  to  take  care  of 
our  commons  for  us. 

My  opinion  from  the  first  was,  that  Devonshire  is  too 
large  for  one  County  Council,  and  that  the  county  ought  to 
have  been  divided  into  two  parts,  for  the  purposes  of  Local 

Dartmoor  would  then  have  been  in  the  Western  Division, 
and  would  have  been  of  the  first  importance  to  the  Western 
County  Council,  instead  of  being  of  no  importance  at  all  in 
the  minds  of  the  County  Council  that  sits  at  Exeter.  Exeter 
is  too  far  from  many  of  the  districts  to  be  anything  but 
a  trouble  and  a  burden  to  the  Aldermen  and  Councillors  who 
happen  to  represent  them,  especially  as  the  work  is  done 
by  constant  and  repeated  attendance  on  Committees.  The 
result  is  that  those  who  live  within  easy  reach  of  Exeter  rule 
the  County,  and  they  are  of  those  who  do  not  know  or  care 
much  about  Dartmoor. 

Although  commons,  open  spaces,  village  greens,  rights  of 
way,  are  especially  placed  in  charge  of  Local  Authorities  by 
the  Local  Government  Act,  1894,  and  the  Local  Councils 
are  called  upon  to  protect  such  rights,  yet  there  exists  a 
certain  amount  of  indifference  to  these  most  valuable  public 
possessions,  as  they  may  well  be  called,  and  they  have  time 



out  of  mind  been  allowed  to  lapse  by  neglect ;  some  for  the 
want  of  authority  to  protect  them,  some  from  carelessness 
and  ignorance  of  their  great  value,  and  some  from  the  dread 
of  the  monstrous  law  charges  which  we  must  all  pay  fpr  the 
luxury  of  justice,  especially  in  matters  relating  to  the  land. 

The  County  Council  have  certainly  had  a  great  deal  of 
work  thrown  upon  them  by  the  Local  Government  Act,  and 
it  may  be  said  that  they  have  had  no  time  for  anything  else. 
If  such  an  excuse  had  been  given  for  not  taking  up  the 
subject  of  Dartmoor,  or  even  if  Dartmoor  had  been  alluded 
to  as  a  large  part  of  Devonshire,  we  could  patiently  wait 
a  short  time  for  the  leisure  of  the  County  Council;  but 
if  no  such  place  as  Dartmoor  existed  they  could  not  have 
been  more  silent,  or  more  indifferent  to  its  claims  as  a 
Devonshire  Common,  Forest,  Chase,  or  whatever  it  may  be 
called,  on  which  the  public  have  valuable  rights. 

It  seems  to  me  that  not  only  the  County  Council,  but  also 
the  District  Councils,  Parish  Councils,  and  parish  meetings 
will  have  to  be  urged  to  look  after  their  rights  of  common 
and  rights  of  way ;  there  appears  to  be  so  much  indifference 
to  their  real  value  on  the  part  of  leading  men.  It  is  not 
at  all  easy  to  say  why  there  should  be  so  much  negligence 
of  what  are  infinitely  valuable  rights.  If  there  had  been 
any  appreciation  of  such  rights  whatever,  Dartmoor  would 
have  been  a  matter  for  the  consideration  of  the  County 
Council  from  the  first. 

No  one  for  a  moment  would  suppose  that  the  valuation  of 
such  a  forest  as  Dartmoor  for  purchase  could  be  an  easy, 
simple  affair,  still  less  could  it  be  supposed  that  the  Duchy 
of  Cornwall  would  show  any  anxiety  to  sell  such  a  property. 
The  sale  by  the  Duchy,  and  the  purchase  by  the  County 
Council,  must  be  of  necessity  an  affair  of  importance, 
demanding  very  serious  consideration  on  both  sides.  It 
has  been  too  hastily  assumed,  and  it  has  been  stated  in 
the  newspapers  rather  too  confidently,  that  the  Duchy  would 
be  willing  to  sell. 

Exmoor,  which  was  a  true  Royal  Forest,  was  sold  by 
George  III.  to  a  subject  of  His  Majesty,  a  private  gentleman, 
though  it  is  still  called  a  Forest. 

The  County  Council  have  taken  some  interest  in  Exmoor, 
part  of  which  is  at  present  in  Somersetshire,  and  have  en- 
deavoured to  get  the  County  boundaries  altered,  which  are 
now  absurdly  irregular,  that  the  whole  of  Exmoor  may  be 
included  in  Devonshire,  as  it  clearly  ought  to  be.  In  the 
reign  of  King  John  the  whole  of  Devonshire  was  disafforested, 


with  the  exception  of  Dartmooor  and  Exmoor,  Exmoor  Forest 
was,  therefore,  then  in  Devonshire,  and  the  County  Council 
are  only  right  in  claiming  it 

But  why  neglect  Dartmoor  ?  If  a  private  gentleman  could 
buy  Exmoor  of  the  King,  surely  the  County  Council  can  buy 
Dartmoor  of  the  Duchy  of  Cornwall.  Perhaps  as  Dartmoor 
is  part  of  the  property  of  the  Duchy  of  Cornwall,  the  County 
Council  may  have  a  vague  idea  it  is  in  Cornwall 

As  George  III.  sold  Exmoor  Forest,  it  may  be  assumed 
that  the  Duchy  of  Cornwall  might  sell  Dartmoor  to  a  public 
body,  such  as  the  Devonshire  County  Council,  at  an  adequate 
price,  for  the  sake  of  the  public  of  Devonshire.  And  it  is 
probable  that  the  Devonshire  County  Council  might  manage 
such  a  peculiar  property  to  greater  advantage,  than  officials 
in  a  London  office.  If  by  the  transaction  the  net  income  from 
the  property,  reckoned  on  a  fair  business-like  calculation, 
would  not  be  reduced,  would  be  more  easily  collected,  and 
more  regularly  received,  it  would  be  some  advantage  to  the 
Duchy  to  sell  the  property,  which  at  present  must  be  rather 
troublesome  to  manage.  The  great  advantage  to  both  sides 
would  be  that  the  Devonshire  people  would  get  a  property 
of  extraordinary  value  to  them,  for  many  reasons,  and  the 
Duchy  would  get  rid  of  property  of  no  value  whatever  to 
them,  except  the  mere  income  in  money  that  it  brought  in. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  London  County  Council  actually  pro- 
moted a  Bill  in  Parliament  in  1894,  to  enable  them  to  obtain 
water  for  the  supply  of  London  from  Dartmoor,  which 
attempt  to  take  our  water  from  us,  most  serious  as  it  was 
to  Devonshire  folks,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  worthy  of 
even  so  much  as  a  casual  remark  by  any  one  member  of  the 
Devonshire  County  Council. 

If  the  London  County  Couucil  first  treat  with  the  Duchy, 
and  propose  to  buy  the  whole  of  Dartmoor,  for  the  sake  of  a 
copious  supply  of  the  purest  water  to  London,  what  would 
be  thought  of  the  apathy  of  our  County  Council  then  ?  The 
half  of  Devonshire,  west  of  the  Exe  and  south  of  the  Taw, 
would  be  grievous  sufferers.  They  would  see  the  London 
County  Council  masters  of  Dartmoor,  managing  it  for  their 
own  sole  advantage,  and  going  with  a  light  heart  with  their 
enormous  wealth  into  the  Law  Courts,  to  test  the  validity  of 
all  our  rights — rights  which  our  County  Council  had  neglected 
to  bestow  a  thought  upon. 

I  can  see  Dartmoor,  in  my  mind's  eye,  turned  to  good 

account  by  the  London  County  Council  in  their  own  London 

fashion — Cockney  villas  in  all  directions,  with  railway  and 

q  2 


tramway  approaches;  large  reservoirs  in  the  place  of  our 
river  heads,  now  silent  spots  for  thonghtfal  men,  far  from 
the  madding  crowd ;  perhaps  boats  and  electric  launches  on 
them,  with  bands  of  music,  and  a  superfluity  of  the  sort  of 
civilization  which  is  peculiar  to  this  Jin-de-siklc;  tourists  on 
every  remaining  Tor,  the  granite  of  which  may  not  have  been 
good  enough  for  London  Police  Stations,  and  trippers  staring 
at  the  reservoirs,  calling  them  pretty,  like  the  Serpentine. 

I  loath  the  very  thought  of  our  pure  water,  caught  as  it  is 
by  our  high  hills  from  the  heavens,  and  held  for  us  by  those 
blessed  bogs,  conducted  into  pipes,  taken  to  London  by  Act 
of  Parliament,  eventually  to  flush  the  sewers  of  the  modem 
Babylon.    To  what  base  uses  we  may  return ! 

The  Local  Government  Act,  1888,  under  which  the  County 
Councils  were  established,  was  unfortunately  not  so  carefully 
protective  of  our  rights  of  common,  of  our  open  spaces,  and 
of  our  rights  of  way,  as  the  Local  Government  Act,  1894 
Dartmoor  Forest  itself  is  in  the  Parish  of  Lydford,  but  the 
rights  over  it,  as  has  already  been  said,  are  very  extensive. 
All  the  parishes  around  it,  whose  Parish  Councils  or  Parish 
Meetings  have  powers  under  the  Act,  such  parishes  also  being 
included  in  several  districts  with  their  Councils,  exercise 
these,  to  them,  very  valuable  rights.  Much  of  the  details 
of  the  Local  Government  Act,  1894,  were  entrusted  to  the 
County  Councils  to  be,  by  them,  made  effective ;  it  is  not, 
therefore,  asking  too  much  of  the  County  Council  to  call 
upon  them  to  undertake  the  protection  of  the  rights  of 
common  of  so  many  parishes  in  the  County. 

The  quantity  of  land  that  has  been  enclosed  and  appro- 
priated by  the  Duchy,  all  of  which  has  been  shown  to  be 
illegal,  is  astonishing ;  and  although  the  Duchy  may  now  be 
protected  by  the  statutes,  there  is  surely  in  such  a  body  as 
the  Duchy  of  Cornwall  a  moral  sense,  in  the  face  of  the 
judgment  of  Jessel  on  the  right  of  inclosure,  which  would 
move  the  Duchy  to  treat  readily  with  the  County  Council, 
if  the  Duchy  were  properly  approached.  If  no  approach  is 
made  at  all,  if  the  County  Council  shew  no  sign,  take  no 
interest  whatever  in  Dartmoor,  the  natural  conclusion  on 
the  part  of  the  Duchy  would  be,  that  the  Devonshire  people 
do  not  value  it,  are  careless  of  what  becomes  of  it,  and  as 
it  is  a  troublesome  property  for  the  Duchy  to  manage,  that  it 
had  better  be  sold  to  the  highest  bidder. 

It  is  not  an  uncommon  characteristic  in  human  nature  not 
to  know  the  value  of  what  we  have  until  we  have  lost  it. 
When  we  have  lost  Dartmoor,  there  will  be  lamentations 


throughout  the  land,  but  it  will  be  too  late,  and  we  shall  be 
crying  over  spilt  milk,  like  little  children  who  have  not  the 
foresight  to  see  the  value  of  what  it  is  possible  to  lose. 

I  say,  without  hesitation,  that  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of 
the  County  Council  to  take  up  this  matter  without  further 
delay,  and  to  exercise  all  their  best  powers,  their  knowledge 
of  affairs,  and  the  business  talent  at  their  command,  to  open  a 
treaty  for  the  purchase  of  Dartmoor  with  the  Duchy  of  Corn- 
wall, with  all  due  propriety  and  respect  for  that  Eoyal  Office. 

If  it  should  be  found  that  the  London  County  Council  had 
forestalled  us,  and  had  already  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the 
Duchy,  we  have  only  Parliament  to  protect  us ;  and,  in  that 
case,  we  should  have  not  only  to  promote  a  Bill  in  our  own 
interest,  but  also  to  oppose,  with  all  our  might,  the  Bill  of 
the  London  County  Council,  or  of  the  Duchy  itself,  enabling 
the  one  to  buy  and  the  other  to  selL 

The  water  supply  alone  ought  to  be  enough  to  rouse,  for 
the  sake  of  their  rights,  the  men  of  Okehampton,  of 
Tavistock,  of  Plymouth,  Devonport,  and  Stonehouse,  of  Kings- 
bridge,  of  Dartmouth  and  Totnes,  of  Torquay,  of  Newton 
Abbot,  of  Teignmouth,  of  Ashburton  and  Buckfastleigh,  of 
Moreton  Hampstead,  of  Chagford,  of  Barnstaple,  and  the 
towns  on  the  Taw. 

Such  a  force  would  be  ready  to  turn  and  rend  the  County 
Council,  if,  by  their  neglect,  they  lost  their  right  to  a  full 
supply  of  pure  water,  their  rights  of  commoQ,  and  the  right 
to  enjoy  free  foot  on  the  Forest. 

If  the  present  generation  do  not  fully  realise  the  value  of 
the  Forest,  generations  to  come  will,  and  will  curse  the 
apathy  of  those  who  lost  it  for  Devonshire. 

It  is  not  too  much  for  this,  the  Devonshire  Association,  to 
ask  the  Devonshire  County  Council  to  take  the  matter  into 
serious  consideration,  without  loss  of  time,  seeing  that  loss  of 
time  may  be  loss  of  Dartmoor.  A  Committee  might  be 
appointed  to  inquire  and  report,  which,  at  least,  could  put 
the  County  Council  in  possession  of  the  facts  —  a  Com- 
mittee of  men  who  have  some  sympathy  with  those  of 
the  West  of  Devon,  who  regard  Dartmoor  as  a  land  of 
great  peculiarity,  of  great  utility,  of  surpassing  interest ;  a 
land  of  natural  beauty,  in  some  respects  the  more  wild  the 
more  beautiful,  a  study  for  those  who  delight  to  trace  the 
relics  of  primitive  Man,  a  land  in  which  the  gentle  rain  from 
Heaven  droppeth  in  profusion,  to  cleanse  and  purify  us, 
giving  us  rich,  deep  valleys  and  pastures,  charming  us  with 
the  scenery  of  woodland  and  river. 


(Bead  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

In  his  Second  Sheaf  of  Devon  Bibliography,  which  was  read 
at  the  Barnstaple  Meeting  of  the  Devonshire  Association  in 
1890,  the  Rev.  J,  I.  Dredge  includes  the  name  of  Samuel 
Stoddon,  who  was  one  of  the  Nonconformist  divines  ejected 
in  1662  from  Buckland,  Somersetshire.  As  he  has  there 
given  a  most  exhaustive  account  of  the  various  works  of 
Samuel  Stoddon,  this  paper  must  necessarily  be  very  briet 
Having,  however,  the  privilege  of  claiming  a  rather  close 
connection  with  one  of  the  descendants  of  the  Stoddon 
family,  who  has  in  his  possession  some  relics,  which  have 
been  handed  down  for  several  generations,  and  are  still 
carefully  preserved,  I  have  ventured  to  contribute  this  little 
addendum  to  Mr.  Dredge's  paper. 
The  articles  to  which  I  refer  are : — 

1.  The  original  license  by  King  Charles  IL  for  Samuel 

Stoddon  to  conduct  service  in  a  house  at  Woodbury. 

2.  A  silver-headed  walking-stick  of  Samuel  Stoddon. 

3.  Contemporary  portraits  of  Samuel  Stoddon  and  his 


All  these  are  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  William  Pring, 
of  the  Mount,  Mold,  Flintshire,  and  came  into  his  hands 
through  his  grandmother,  Mary  Buncombe,  of  Staplehay, 
near  Taunton,  whose  maiden  name  was  Stoddon,  and  so  far 
as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  she  was  the  last  of  that 

I  trust  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  for  me  to  give  a  brief 
description  of  each  of  the  articles  above  referred  to.  The 
license,  a  reduced  facsimile  of  which  accompanies  this  paper, 
is  in  an  excellent  state  of  preservation.  The  greater  portion 
of  it  is  printed,  having  the  blanks  filled  up  in  writing,  with 


the  name  and  persuasion  of  the  licensee,  and  the  place  in 
which  he  was  licensed  to  "teach,"  together  with  the  date,  etc. 
On  the  top  left-hand  corner  are  the  remains  of  what  appears 
to  be  a  red  wafer  or  seal,  with  the  signature  "  Charles  22.," 
and  at  the  bottom  is  the  signature  "  Arlington*9  It  is  on  a 
sheet  of  paper,  8£  inches  by  11£  inches.  The  license  runs 
as  follows : — 

"  Charles  R 

"Charles  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  England,  Scotland, 
France  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c,  To  all  Mayors, 
Bayliffs,  Constables,  and  other  Our  Officers  and  Ministers,  Civil 
and  Military,  whom  it  may  concern,  Greeting.  In  pursuance  of 
Our  Declaration  of  the  15th  of  March  167  J  We  do  hereby  per- 
mit and  license  Samuel  Stodden  of  the  Presbyterien  Perswasion  to 
be  a  Teacher  of  the  Congregation  allowed  by  Us  in  a  Roome  or 
Roomes  in  the  howse  of  Andrew  Holwill  in  Woodberry  Devon  for 
the  use  of  such  as  do  not  conform  to  the  Church  of  England,  who 
are  of  the  Perswasion  commonly  called  Presbyterien.  With  further 
license  and  permission  to  him  the  said  Samuel  Stodden  to  teach  in 
any  place  licensed  and  allowed  by  Us  according  to  our  said  De- 
claration.— Given  at  Our  Court  at  Whitehall,  the  first  day  of  May 
in  the  24th  year  of  Our  Eeign  1672. 

"  By  His  Majesties  Command, 

"  Stodden  a  Teacher."  "  Arlington." 

The  stick  is  of  lignum  vitse,  and  is  altogether  2  ft.  11£  in. 
long,  having  on  the  top  an  interlaced  design,  with  the  initials 
"S.S.,"  and  the  date  "1675."  This,  too,  is  in  excellent 
condition,  showing  how  it  must  have  been  treasured  by 
those  who  were,  doubtless,  proud  to  claim  relationship  with 
one  of  the  representatives  of  a  body  of  learned  and  devout 
men,  who  played  no  unimportant  part  in  the  history  of 
their  country,  the  results  of  which  are  felt  even  at  the 
present  day,  and  will  be  so,  I  venture  to  predict,  as  long 
as  our  country  endures. 

Palmer,  in  his  Nonconformists*  Memorial,  remarks  that  "  it 
is  said  that  after  his"  (Stoddon's)  "ejectment  he  practised 
physic,"  an  allusion  to  which  is  made  by  Stoddon  in  the 
epistle  dedicatory  to  his  Gemitus  Sanctorum,  where  he 
speaks  of  having  studied  to  be  serviceable  to  the  "bodily 
health  "  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sidbury  and  the  parts  adjacent 
in  the  County  of  Devon.  The  walking-stick  in  question  is 
just  such  a  one  as  would  form  part  of  the  regular  outfit  of 
a  physician  of  that  period. 

The  portraits  of  Samuel  Stoddon  and  his  wife  are  in 
oil,  painted  on  canvas,  and  are  evidently  the  work  of  an 


artist  of  no  mean  ability.  They  are  2ft.  6in.  by  2  ft.  1  in. 
Of  the  latter  I  can  say  but  little,  save  that,  judging  from  her 
countenance,  Mrs.  Stoddon  appears  to  have  been  a  lady 
of  a  decidedly  strong-minded  character.  That  of  Samuel 
Stoddon  is,  undoubtedly,  the  original  from  which  the 
portrait  in  Palmer's  Nonconformists  Memorial  was  copied, 
and  which  is  there  stated  to  be  in  the  possession  of  Mr. 
Stoddon,  of  Trull,  near  Taunton,  for  the  two  are  almost 
identical  About  six  inches  from  the  top  of  the  picture, 
on  the  right  hand  side,  is  this  inscription :  "  (Etaiis  Sua  40. 
Ano ;  1676." 

The  two  pictures  were  in  a  very  shabby  condition  on 
coming  into  Mr.  Pring's  possession,  but  fortunately  were 
not  seriously  damaged,  and  now  that  they  have  been  care- 
fully cleaned,  &c,  are  in  very  good  preservation,  as  may 
be  seen  from  the  accompanying  copies  of  them,  which  were 
made  in  the  present  year  (1895). 

8  , 


6  5 

r£  "I  *>  1  £HI  "Tdl  ^-| 

5     a     5     c  ^  8  V     5 


"HI  •« 





o  5 


TORBAY,  1667. 

BY   PAUL  q.    KABKEBK. 
(Bad  ml  Okahimpton,  Jnly,  189S.) 

What  constituted  Piracy  in  bygone  days,  must  have  been 

a  much-debated  question,  and  which  seems  to  have  been 

settled  according  to  individual  taste.     In  time  of  peace 

things  were  bad  enough,  there  was  no  lack  of  excitement; 

but  in  time  of  war,  and  the  free  use  of  privateering,  a  life 

afloat  must  have  been  as  full  of  danger  as  the  boldest  and 

most  venturesome  need  desire.    Whatever  mistakes  Cromwell 

may  have  made  during  his  rule  of  England,  in  one  respect 

at  least,  he  was  the  right  man  in  the  right  place  ;  he  would 

stand  no  nonsense  in  matters  maritime.      The  nation  was 

better  represented  at  sea  then,  than  it  had  ever  been  before, 

and  life  on  the  South  Coast  and  in  the  Channel,  must  have 

been  blissful,  compared  to  the  period  which  preceded,  and 

immediately  succeeded,  the  Protectorate.    His  admiral,  Blake, 

annihilated  the  Dutch  Fleet;   destroyed  the  Spanish  Fleet 

Santa  Cruz ;  bombarded  Algiers,  and  burnt  the  piratical 

ft  there  assembled  ;    and  generally,  to  use  a  nautical 

n-essiou,  made  things  look  a  little  more  ship-shape. 

And  yet  within  ten  years  after  the  victory  at  Santa  Cruz, 

.at  a  change  had  come  over  the  scene  1     The  Stuarts  had 

:n  restored,  and  the  Merry  Monarch  was  on  the  throne; 

i  much  good  be  was  doing  there.    In  this  particularly 

irious  year,  1667,  the  Dutch  Fleet,  under  De  Ruyter,  had 

tered  the  Thames,  blown  up  the  Fort  at  Sheerness,  and 

ik  our  ships  at  Chatham.    Then,  sailing  down  the  Channel 

i  carrying  everything  before  him,  he  looked  into  Torbay, 

d  made  prizes  of  all  the  shipping  lying  at  anchor  there. 

A  CHAPTER  FROM  THE  STORY  OF  TORBAY,  1667.        227 

In  this  same  year  1667,  or  rather,  according  to  the  historical 
year,  1668,  an  incident  occurred  in  Torbay,  which  although 
trivial  in  itself,  will  show  to  what  a  contemptible  condition 
we  had  been  brought. 

England  had  made  peace  with  France  and  Holland,  and 
was,  to  all  appearances,  on  good  terms  with  everybody ;  but 
Louis  XIV.  had  declared  war  against  Spain,  with  the  view 
of  taking  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  on  which  he  had  cast  long- 
ing eyes.  We  having  nothing  to  do  with  the  quarrel  were 
neutral,  and  our  ports  were  open  to  both  parties  as  long  as 
they  kept  the  peace. 

On  February  8th,  the  St  Mary  of  Ostend  was  quietly 
riding  at  anchor  in  Torbay,  having  been  driven  in  by  stress 
of  weather.  Her  Captain,  Peter  Mountsfield,  would  naturally 
consider  that  being  in  English  waters,  he,  a  Spanish  subject, 
would  be  in  perfect  safety ;  but  the  times  were  rough,  and 
right  but  too  often  lay  with  might  While  thus  at  his  ease, 
his  dream  of  security  was  rudely  interrupted  by  the  appear- 
ance of  two  French  men-of-war  coming  round  Berry  Head, 
and  which,  he  may  perhaps  have  known,  were  under  the 
command  of  La  Roche,  a  right  bold  son  of  Neptune.  This 
gallant  officer  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  in  the 
French  Navy ;  he  had  done  good  service  in  various  parts 
of  the  world,  and  was  high  in  favour  with  his  master  and 
King.  In  1666  his  fleet  of  six  vessels  was  defeated  in  one 
of  the  many  fights  in  the  Channel,  and  he  had  been  obliged 
to  surrender  himself  and  his  ship,  Le  Bubis,  to  Admiral  Sir 
Thomas  Allin.  When  brought  to  England  as  a  prisoner  of 
war,  he  was  sent  to  Court,  and  received  a  most  flattering 
reception  from  King  Charles,  who  gave  him  his  liberty. 
Victories  were  not  common  with  us  just  then,  for  Mr.  Samuel 
Pepys'  notes  as  follows  : 

"  November  2nd.  On  board  the  Ruby,  French  prize,  the  only 
ship-of-war  we  have  taken  from  any  of  our  enemies  this  year.  It 
seems  a  very  good  ship,  but  with  galleries  quite  round  the  sterne 
to  walk  in  as  a  balcone,  which  will  be  taken  down." 

There  were  other  reasons  for  treating  La  Roche  generously, 
in  addition  to  the  fact  that  the  capture  of  his  or  any  ship  was 
an  unwonted  occurrence.  It  appears  that  the  English  Royal 
Family  were  somewhat  indebted  to  this  gentleman.  During 
our  Civil  wars,  Prince  Rupert,  while  on  his  way  to  France, 
was  nearly  captured  by  a  Parliamentarian  vessel.  He  landed 
at  some  small  town,  on  the  French  coast,  and  the  Roundhead 
Captain  threatened  to  blow  down  the  place,  if  the  refugee 

228        A  CHAPTER  FROM  THE  STORY  OF  TORBA7,  1667. 

were  not  given  up.  La  Roche,  who  chanced  to  be  present, 
managed,  by  tact  and  firmness,  to  obviate  this  catastrophe; 
and  conducted  the  Prince  to  Nantes.  If  Rupert  had  been 
surrendered  to  the  English,  he  ran  a  risk  of  being  sent  to  the 
Tower,  and  perhaps  to  Tower  Hill,  in  company  with  the 
headsman ;  that  is,  if  the  Parliamentarian  Captain  did  not 
string  him  up  at  a  yard-arm:  truly  he  was  an  unpopular 
person  with  his  uncle's  foes,  and  would  have  received  bat 
scant  mercy  at  their  hands.  Consequently,  the  Court  party 
would  be  only  too  pleased  to  make  much  of  a  man  who  had 
been  so  useful. 

In  order  to  make  this  account  of  what  took  place  complete, 
we  must  make  another  quotation  from  Pepys'  Diary. 

"February  19th.  In  the  evening  to  Whitehall,  where  I  find 
S*  W.  Coventry  a  great  while  with  the  Duke  of  York,  in  the 
King's  drawing-room ;  they  two  talking  together  all  alone,  which 
did  mightily  please  me.  I  do  hear  how  La  Roche,  a  French 
Captain,  who  was  prisoner  here,  being  with  his  ships  at  Plymouth, 
hath  played  some  freaks  there,  for  which  his  men  being  beat  oat  of 
the  town,  he  hath  put  up  a  flag  of  defiance,  and  also  some  where 
there  about,  did  land  with  his  men,  and  go  a  mile  into  the  country, 
and  did  some  pranks,  which  sounds  pretty  odd  to  our  disgrace; 
but  we  are  in  a  condition  to  bear  anything." 

La  Roche  had  evidently  been  annoyed  by  the  treatment 
his  men  had  received  at  Plymouth,  in,  perhaps,  what  looks 
very  like  a  riot,  and  was  determined  to  have  his  revenge  on 
some  one.  As  ill-luck  would  have  it,  he  put  into  Torbay,  and 
saw  the  Ostender,  and  here  was  his  chance.  The  Ostender 
was  a  Spanish  subject,  the  two  nations  were  at  war ;  and  he 
would  run  the  risk  of  the  vessel  being  in  English  waters. 

Captain  Peter  Mountsfield  recognised  the  danger  of  his 
position  directly  he  saw  the  French  flag,  and  raising  his 
anchor  promptly,  he  brought  the  St.  Mary  "unto  a  small 
village  called  Torkay,  and  there  haled  on  shore  within  the 
Peere,  for  securing  themselves  against  the  French  men  of 
Warre,  and  landing  their  two  gunns,  with  their  amunition, 
sailes  and  other  materials  belonging  to  their  vessel,  they  put 
them  into  the  custody  of  Daniel!  Luscombe,  an  inhabitant  of 

The  next  day,  Sunday  the  9th,  La  Roche  sent  several  boat- 
loads of  men  ashore,  and  marched  them  into  "Torkay,"  where- 
upon the  Ostenders  fled,  after  having  first  scuttled  their 
vessel.  Where  La  Roche  landed  his  men,  we  are  not  likely 
to  know ;  perhaps  on  Tor  Abbey  Sands,  and  marched  them 
along  the  foot  of  the  cliff,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Torbay 

A  CHAPTER  FROM   THE  STORY  OF  TORBAY,  1667.         229 

Road :  or  if  the  tide  was  in,  by  the  Rock  Walk,  for  that  was 
the  only  pathway  near  the  sea-line.  They  appear  to  have 
found  out  where  Mountsfield  had  hidden  his  guns,  etc., 
etc.,  for  the  Frenchmen  took  them  out  of  Luscombe's  custody, 
and  carried  them  away;  and  then,  having  at  low  water 
stopped  the  holes  made  in  the  St.  Mary,  took  her  out  as 

The  little  Peere,  here  alluded  to,  was  in  front  of  the  house 
on  the  Victoria  Parade,  now  known  as  the  Yacht  Hotel.  It 
has  long  since  been  swept  away,  and  perhaps  partly  buried 
under  the  sea-wall,  which  forms  the  east  side  of  the  Old 

Daniell  Luscombe  must  have  been  a  person  of  some  im- 
portance in  those  days.  His  tombstone  is  in  Torre  Church, 
inside  the  altar  rails,  and  the  inscription  says,  "  Here  lyeth 
the  Body  of  Daniell  Luscombe,  Gent.,  of  this  Parish,  who  was 
buried  the  18th  day  of  March,  A.D.,  1687."  In  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  even  later,  the  distinction  between  the 
various  social  ranks  was  very  clearly  marked,  and  hence  it 
may  be  safely  assumed  that  the  description  "Gent."  would 
not  have  been  allowed,  if  there  had  not  been  some  very 
positive  claim  to  the  title.  Indeed,  the  word  "Gent."  has 
been  cut  a  second  time,  and  in  a  later  type,  as  if  one  of  his 
descendants  wished  to  emphasize  the  fact  of  his  ancestor's 
quality.  Among  the  deeds  of  the  Ridgeway  family,  is  an 
entry  to  the  following  effect:  To  Daniell  Luscombe  was 
leased,  January  29th,  1663,  all  the  messuage  or  dwelling 
house,  situated  at  Fleete,  lately  in  the  occupation  of  Joanna 
Yeo,  widdo."  Again,  in  1670,  the  same  Daniell  Luscombe 
had  a  grant  of  a  lease,  dated  September  29th,  of  "  all  that 
Messuage  or  Mansion  House,  situate,  lying,  or  being  at  Fleete, 
otherwise  Torkey,  within  the  Parish  of  Tormohun  aforesaid, 
hitherto  in  the  occupation  of  Anthony  Hoppins,  late  of 
Torkey,  blacksmith,  deceased."  What  the  "  Gent."  was  going 
to  do  with  the  blacksmith's  house,  deponent  sayeth  not; 
perhaps  he  might  have  wanted  it  for  stores,  or  other  com- 
mercial purposes;  but  evidently  Daniell  Luscombe  was  a 
good  and  serviceable  tenant  of  the  Ridgeway  family.  At  this 
date,  Tor  Abbey  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Cary  family,  and 
Torwood  belonged  to  the  Ridgeways;  and  was  purchased 
from  their  descendants  about  one  hundred  years  later  by  Sir 
Robert  Palk. 

A  certain  amount  of  interest  is  attached  to  the  use  of  the 
word  Torquay.  In  Luscombe's  first  lease,  1663,  the  name  is 
"Fleete,"  which  means  a  salt-water  tided  creek,  and  which 

230         A  CHAPTER  FROM   THE  STORY  OF  TORBAY,  1667. 

name  survives  to-day,  in  Fleet  Street  In  1667-8,  Mounts- 
field  describes  the  place  of  his  misfortune  as  "  Torkay  " ;  and 
in  1670,  the  date  of  Luscombe's  second  lease,  the  place  is 
described  as  "Fleete,  otherwise  Torkey."  It  is  clear  then, 
that  between  1660  and  1670,  the  name  of  Torquay  was 
gradually  being  used,  and  introduced  to  describe  the  few 
houses  and  sheds  scattered  around  the  harbour  of  these  days, 
and  what  is  now  called  Fleet  Street 

La  Roche  and  his  prize  gone,  nothing  remained  for  the  ' 
owners  to  do  but  to  make  complaint  of  the  outrage  to  the 
proper  authorities ;  and  so,  in  due  course,  the  story  reached 
the  ears  of  Mr.  Samuel  Fepys,  and,  on  reference  to  this 
worthy's  Diary,  we  find  the  following : 

"February  29th.-— They  tell  me  how  S*  Thomas  Allin  hath 
taken  the  Englishmen  out  of  La  Roche's  ship,  and  taken  from  him 
an  Ostend  prize  which  La  Roche  had  fetched  out  of  our  harbours. 
And  at  this  day  La  Roche  keeps  upon  our  coasts,  &  had  the 
boldness  to  land  some  men  &  go  a  mile  up  into  the  country,  & 
there  took  some  goods  belonging  to  this  prize  out  of  a  house  there; 
which  our  King  resents,  and,  they  say,  hath  wrote  to  the  King  of 
France  about.  And  everybody  do  think  a  war  will  follow,  & 
then  in  what  a  case  we  shall  be  for  want  of  money,  nobody 

What  comfort  and  relief  poor  Mountsfield  would  have 
obtained  from  Charles  II.  writing  to  his  brother,  Louis  of 
France,  is  very  doubtful — probably  not  much.  It  was  lucky 
for  him  that  a  good  angel  in  the  person  of  Sir  Thomas  Allin 
interested  himself  in  the  matter.  It  is  evident,  from  Allin's 
reports,  that  he  had  been  informed  of  La  Roche's  escapade, 
but  not  having  received  orders  from  the  Admiralty,  he  had 
to  act  with  great  caution.  Pepys  makes  a  great  point  of  the 
"  mile  up  into  the  country  " — he  mentions  it  twice.  It  may 
mean  from  the  point  where  the  boats  landed  the  men  to 
Torkey ;  or  it  may  be  a  bit  of  artistic  license,  inserted  with 
the  view  of  bringing  about  a  more  speedy  retribution  on  the 
offenders,  and  restoration  of  the  prize  to  its  lawful  owners. 
On  the  other  hand,  this  is  not  the  only  piece  of  bravado 
perpetrated  in  English  waters  by  La  Roche;  he  quite  well 
knew  what  he  was  about,  and  that  there  was  not  the 
slightest  risk  of  a  casus  belli  being  made  out  of  anything 
he  might  do  in  Torbay,  or  at  the  "small  village  called 
Torkay."  Let  us  hope  that  Mountsfield  received  the  St. 
Mary  from  the  hands  of  Sir  Thomas  Allin,  and  that  he 
took  her  safe  home  to  Ostend ;  certain  it  is,  that  she  was 
taken  away  from  La  Roche. 

A  CHAPTER  FROM  THE  8TORY  OF  TOSBAY,  1667.         231 



No.  L 

"  An  accompt  of  what  passed  between  Monsieur  La  Roche  and 
2  french  men  of  war  under  his  command,  and  a  vessel  called  the 
S'-  Mary  of  Ostend,  Capt.  Peter  Mountsfield,  Commander,  accord- 
ing as  the  same  is  attested  upon  oath  by  Hendricke  Walker  of 
Ostend,  Mariner,  late  Pylot  of  the  said  shipp,  S'-  Mary,  and  Jan 
de  Eoo  of  Ostend,  late  Master's  mate  of  the  said  shipp.  Examined 
before  Thomas  Newman,  Deputy  Vice  Admiral  of  the  County  of 
Devon,  the  14th  of  February  1667.  And  alsoe  by  John  de  Sta  of 
Ostend,  purser  of  the  said  shipp,  Jacob  de  Blow,  Lewis  Francis, 
&  Francis  Rodriguez  Manin,  all  belonging  to  the  said  shipp. 
Sworne  &  examined  before  S"  Gills  Sweit,  Knight  surrogate 
unto  the  Judge  of  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty  of  England  the 
19th  of  February  1667. 

"The  said  vessell,  called  the  &•  Mary  of  Ostend,  being  by 
reason  of  foule  weather  and  want  of  fresh  water  put  into  Tor  Bay 
in  the  aforesaid  County  of  Devon  and  riding  at  an  anchor  there. 
On  Saturday  the  8th  of  February,  1667,  two  French  men  of  warre 
under  the  command  of  Monsieur  la  Roche  appeared,  coming  into 
the  Bay  from  the  Westward.  Upon  which  the  Ostenders  finding 
them  to  be  enemyes,  they  weighed  anchor,  and  carried  the  said 
vessell,  S*-  Mary  into  a  small  village  called  Torkay,  and  there 
haled  her  on  shore  within  the  Peere  for  secureing  themselves 
against  the  French  men  of  warre,  and  landing  their  two  gunns, 
with  their  amunition  sailes  and  other  materials  belonging  to  their 
vessell.  They  put  them  into  the  custody  of  Daniell  Luscombe,  an 
inhabitant  of  Torkay. 

"  The  9th  of  February  being  Sunday  Mons  La  Roche  sent  in 
severall  boates  with  Ordnance  in  them  which  at  severall  turnes 
fetched  from  his  shipps  a  considerable  number  of  men  armed  with 
musketts,  and  landed  them  at  some  distance  from  Torkay  whence 
the  said  men  marched  upp  to  Torkay  in  a  warlike  manner.  Upon 
whose  approach  the  commander  and  company  of  the  &**  Mary  not 
being  able  to  resist  so  great  a  number  fled  and  left  their  vessell. 
Which  Mr  La  Roche's  men  forthwith  by  violence  possessed  them- 
selves of  as  she  was  so  lying  close  haled  upp  to  the  kay  and 
fastened  there  with  2  cables.  And  they  alsoe  entered  into  the 
House  of  the  said  Daniell  Luscombe  and  tooke  from  thence  the 
sailes,  ammunition,  and  other  materialls  of  the  said  vessell  that 
were  landed  there.  And  having  at  low  water  stopped  the  holes 
that  the  Ostenders  had  made  in  the  said  vessell  to  sinke  her  that 
the  French  might  not  carry  her  off,  they  carryed  off  the  said 
vessell  the  SL  Mary  into  Tor  Bay  under  the  sterne  of  one  of  the 
French  shipps. 

232         A  CHAPTER  FROM  THE  STORY  OF  TORBAY,  1667. 

"  Monsieur  La  Roche  comeing  afterwards  with  his  shipps  into 
Cowes  Road  about  the  15th  of  February  1667,  mett  with  a  boate 
belonging  to  a  vessell  of  Ostend  commanded  by  Capt  Barron, 
wherein  were  the  steersman  of  the  said  shipp  and  three  mariners, 
which  boate  and  men  they  seized  upon  under  the  Command  of 
Cowes  Castle,  and  doo  still  deteyne  her  and  keepe  the  men 

No.  II. 

"  For  Joseph  Williamson  Esqr 

"  Secretary  to  Lord  Arlington 

"  Chief  Secretary  of  State. 

"  This  may  advise  you  that  Monsieur  Le  Roche,  and  one  French 
man  of  war  more  is  here,  who  had  taken  the  Mary  of  Ostend  out 
of  the  Chamber  and  Roades  of  his  Majesty  of  Great  Britaine  and 
which  I  have  taken  from  him  againe ;  as  alsoe  4  more,  which  are 
Ostenders,  and  all  the  Englishe  men  they  had  aboard,  which  I 
send  ashoare  at  Portsmouth  this  day.  There  is  a  great  fleet  of 
ships  at  Cowes,  bound  to  the  Westward ;  here  is  arrived  the 
'  Society '  from  New  England,  very  richly  laden ;  we  have  had 
very  bad  weather  that  our  boats  could  not  goe  ashoare,  therefor  I 
could  not  advise  you  what  passes  here  before  this,  not  further  but 

"  Tour  assured  friend  &  humble  servant 

"Thos  Allin. 
"  S pithead,  aboard  the  '  Monmouth ' 
this  l8t  of  March  1667." 

Domestic  Papers.    Charles  II.    Vol.  235.     No.  175. 

No.  IIL 

"  For  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Arlington 

"  Chief  Secretary  of  State 

"  Right  Honourable 

"  My  good  lord,  your  desires  concerning  the  passages  between 
me  and  La  Roche  and  also  Van  Swaers  is  hereunder  according  to 
my  journalL 

"  On  the  25th  of  February  (67)  the  wind  at  S.  by  E.  I  sailed  by 
Si  Hellens  towards  the  Spitthead,  where  I  met  two  French  ships 
makeing  out  to  sea ;  they  came  turning  to  windward,  theyr  top- 
sayles  settled  halfmast  in  acknowledging  his  Majesty's  sovereignty 
of  the  sea.  They  saluted  me  with  Ave  guns,  I  having  no  flag 
answered  him  as  many,  knowing  him  to  be  a  Commander  of  a 
Squadron  I  called  to  him  to  come  aboard,  but  at  that  time  I  had 
no  orders  to  stop  him ;  he  sent  his  lieutenant  aboard,  and  one  Mr 
Tosse  of  Callis  that  spake  English;   he  told  me  that  Capt  La 


Roche  commanded  the  Julius  Caesar,  40  gunner,  and  the  other 
was  Capt  Michaw,  commander  of  the  Tiger,  36  gunner ;  I  desired 
the  Lieutenant  to  send  Mr  Tosse  aboard  to  entreat  my  old  friend 
Mons  La  Roche  and  Capt  Shelton  aboard  and  dine  with  me,  we 
coming  all  to  an  anchor  together,  which  he  did  and  they  came 
about  ten  in  the  morning,  and  I  sent  for  the  other  Captaine,  alsoe 
our  Captines  coming  all  aboard,  where  we  dined,  and  entertained 
them  till  night,  having  sent  my  Pinnace  to  Portsmouth  to  look  for 
orders,  but  come  away  without  any. 

"The  26th  the  wind  came  to  the  S.S.W.  &  to  the  S.W.  blew 
very  hard,  yet  about  9  the  french  ships  had  got  under  sayle  stand- 
ing out  to  sea,  but  their  Pilots  being  unskilful!,  brought  them 
againe  into  the  Roade,  within  nere  two  miles  of  us;  about  ten 
oclocke  I  received  his  Royal  Highnesses  orders,  they  left  the  &'* 
Mary  prize  at  anchor  by  us  for  want  of  men  to  weigh  his  anchors, 
so  1  sent  two  boates  and  possest  myself e  of  her;  about  12  they 
came  both  to  an  anchor ;  I  sent  for  our  Captaines  aboard  &  told 
them  I  had  received  orders  for  the  surprizing  the  (ship)  taken 
from  Torbay,  foure  men  which  La  Roche  had  taken  out  of  an 
Ostend  man  of  wars  boate  under  Cowes  Castle,  &  all  the  English 
that  were  on  board  them ;  &  for  the  present  doing  of  it  I  ordered 
them  to  heave  up  to  the  splices  of  their  cables  &  to  have  all  things 
in  readiness  to  cut  together  &  set  sayle  when  I  should  make  them 
a  signe,  and  to  anchor  to  seaboard  of  them  that  they  should  not 
set  sayle  but  they  must  fall  aboard  of  us. 

"This  we  did  with  all  expedition,  &  being  anchored  in  good 
order,  sent  my  boate  for  La  Roche  and  Capt.  Shelton ;  La  Roche 
pretended  himselfe  sicke  of  his  drinking  the  day  before,  but  I 
imagine  he  apprehended  more  danger,  but  sent  his  Lieutenant  & 
Capt.  Shelton  to  whom  I  declared  what  I  must  take  from  him 
which  he  did  deliver  without  any  manner  of  dispute  &  being 
possessed  of  what  I  had  orders  for,  weighed  presently,  &  being  in 
shoald  water,  about  5  fathoms  neare  a  sand  called  the  horse,  we 
stood  about  two  miles  from  them  into  deep  water,  and  anchored 
that  night,  sending  away  an  expresse  to  his  Royal  Highness  of 
what  had  passed. 

tt  27th  ^\re  g0£  our  caDle8  that  we  cut  &  anchored  and  sayled  to 
the  Spitthead  where  we  had  very  foule  weather.  The  first  of 
March  being  Sunday  &  handsome  weather  La  Roche  &  his 
Consort  set  sayle  as  they  told  us  for  Dieppe  Roade,  &  had  next 
day  a  storm  of  wind  westerly.  Thus  much  for  La  Roche 

"  Your  honours  most  obliged  servant 

"Tho8  Allin 
"  aboard  the  Monmouth 
in  the  Downes,  this  3rd  of  June  1668." 

Domestic  State  Papers.    Charles  II.    Vol.  241,  no.  61.  A 

THE  FEOSTS   OF  1855   AND    1895,  AS    OBSERVED 


BT   W.    0.    LAKE,    M.D. 

(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1805.) 

There  were  points  in  which  the  winter  of  the  present  year, 
1895,  has  reminded  me  so  much  of  the  "  Crimean  "  winter  of 
1855,  that  I  have  thought  that  a  comparison  of  the  meteor- 
ological elements  of  the  two  periods,  as  observed  in  each  case 
by  myself,  at  Teigninouth,  might  be  of  interest  to  the 
members  of  the  Devonshire  Association. 

The  observations,  in  both  cases,  were  taken  in  the  north 
garden  of  my  house,  by  instruments  as  nearly  as  possible 
alike,  though  not  actually  the  same,  from  the  breakage 
of  the  original  instruments.  Those  used  in  1855  were 
by  Messrs.  Negretti  and  Zambra,  compared  with  a 
standard  and  certified  by  Mr.  Glaisher.  Those  used  in  the 
present  year  were  also  by  Messrs.  Negretti  and  Zambra,  and 
have  Kew  certificates.  The  former  instruments  were  placed 
to  the  north  of  the  house,  at  a  distance  of  three  feet  and  a- 
half  from  its  wall,  on  a  stand  constructed  of  a  post 
planted  firmly  in  the  ground,  and  having  at  its  upper  end  a 
slice  of  wood  large  enough  to  receive  the  thermometers,  and 
supplied  at  the  top  with  a  wooden  pent  projecting  seven  inches 
outwards.  By  this  means  the  instruments  had  around  them  a 
free  circulation  of  air,  but  were  protected  from  radiation,  while 
they  never  received  any  of  the  rays  of  the  sun,  except  for  a  short 
time  in  the  height  of  the  summer  just  before  sunset.  The  dry 
and  wet  bulb  thermometers  had  their  bulbs  at  a  height  of  3  ft. 
10  in.  from  the  ground.  The  present  instruments  are  placed  in 
the  same  garden,  but  in  a  Stevenson's  stand,  and  sufficiently 
far  from  the  house  to  be  in  the  full  sunshine,  except  for  a 
short  time  in  the  depth  of  winter.  In  November,  1875, 
I  made  some  observations  between  two  certified  minimum 
thermometers,  one  placed  in  the  Stevenson  stand,  the  other 

THE  FROSTS  *?  1855  AND   1895.  235 

in  the  old  stand ;  and  the  mean  difference  was  only  0  2  in 
excess,  as  to  the  readings  of  that  in  the  old  stand  over  that 
in  the  new.  I  think,  therefore,  that  we  may  fairly  take  the 
observations  for  the  two  years  as  being  directly  comparable. 

The  month  of  October,  1854,  had  had  a  mean  temperature 
of    0*4  above   the  average,   as  drawn  from   the    mean   of 
eighteen  years.     That  of  November  had  been  3'3  below  the 
average,  while  the  mean   maximum,  mean   minimum,  and 
mean  temperature  of  December  had  been  in  each  case  fully 
2*0  above  the  average.    This  temperature  continued  into  the 
opening  month  of  1855 ;  and  at  the  commencement  of  the 
year,  violets,   laurustinus,   chrysanthemums,  and   a  scarlet 
geranium,  against  the  south  wall  of  the  house,  were  in  bloom, 
and  the  passion-flower  showed  its  flower-buds  half-expanded. 
Mild  weather  continued  till  the  14th  of  the  month,  but 
from  the  10th  till  the  12th  thick  fog  prevailed.     On   the 
15th   and    16th   the    temperature   fell,  and   on   the    17th 
severe  frost   set  in,  and   the   minimum   temperature  fell 
every   night  below   the   freezing  -  point   till   February  the 
4th.     On   three  of  these   days  the  maximum  temperature 
was  also  below  32,  and  the  wind  throughout  was  from  the 
north-east  or    north.     Snow   fell   on   the   19th,  measuring 
003  inches,  but  thawed  on  the  22nd,  on  which  day  the 
maximum  temperature  rose  to  408.     It  snowed  again,  with 
high  wind,  on  the  30th,  and  again  on  February  1st,  the  depth 
on  these  two  days  together  being,  when  melted,  0*48  in. 
February  2nd  was  a  very  bleak  day,  with  high  N.E.  wind 
and  heavy  snow,  but  in  the  evening  this  turned  to  sleet,  and 
on  the  next  day  to  heavy  rain,  with  a  rise  of  temperature, 
which  broke  up  the  frost  for  the  time.     The  mingled  snow, 
sleet,  and  rain  that  fell,  as  measured  on  the  morning  of 
February  3rd,  amounted  to  1*46  in.     Three  days  of  mild, 
intensely  damp  weather  now  occurred,  the  maximum  tempera- 
ture rising  from  29*7,  on  February  2nd,  to  456  on  February 
3rd,  and  the  minimum  from  28*3,  on  the  3rd,  to  410  on  the 
4th ;  but  on  the  6th  the  temperature  again  fell.     A  little 
snow  fell  on  the   8th,  changing   to   rain   in   the   night,  in 
amount   0*75  in.,  and    on    this    day    a   second    period    of 
severe    frost    commenced,    lasting    till    the    23rd    of    the 
month.       From    the    8th    to    the    22nd   of    February    the 
minimum  temperature  was  every  night  below  the  freezing 
point,  and  on  four  days  the  maximum  temperature  also  was 
below  32.     The  wind  was  persistently  from  the  N.E.  and  E., 
and  the  air  was  very  dry.     Nothing  fell  after  the  rain  of  the 
nights  of  the  8th  and  9th,  till  the   22nd,  when  snow  fell, 

R  2 

236  THE  FEOSTS  OF  1855  AND  1895, 

measuring,  when  melted,  007 in.  Rain  followed,  with  a  rise 
of  temperature  and  westerly  winds,  and  the  frost  finally  gave 
way,  rain  falling  every  day  till  the  5th  of  March. 

Of  these  two  periods  of  frost,  the  second  was  much  more 
severe  than  the  first.  During  the  first  frost  the  mean 
maximum  temperature  of  the  air  was  361,  the  mean 
minimum  27*9,  the  mean  temperature  32*0,  the  mean 
humidity  78  per  cent.  The  lowest  minima  were  25*3  on 
January  20th,  and  25*4  on  January  18th  and  29th.  The 
highest  maxima  were  408  on  January  22nd,  and  40*2  on 
January  26th;  the  lowest  maxima  297  on  February  3rd, 
31*6  on  January  31st,  and  318  on  January  20th.  The 
lowest  mean  temperature  for  a  day  was  28  5  on  January  20th 
and  February  2nd.  During  the  second  frost  the  mean 
maximum  temperature  was  33*2,  the  mean  minimum  251, 
the  mean  temperature  291,  the  mean  humidity  65  per  cent 
The  lowest  minima  were  200  on  February  11th,  and  20*8  on 
the  15th.  The  highest  maxima  were  386  on  February  9th, 
and  366  on  the  22nd;  the  lowest  maxima,  266  on  February 
17th,  29-9  on  the  13th,  30-2  on  the  18th,  and  30*3  on  the  10th. 
The  lowest  mean  temperature  for  a  day  was  24*4  on  February 

The  mean  temperature  of  January,  1855,  was  38'3 
or  33  below  the  average;  that  of  February  33*4,  or  92 
below  the  average ;  that  of  March  was  404,  or  3*4  below  the 
average ;  that  of  April  47*3,  or  0*3  below  the  average ;  that 
of  May  50*6,  or  23  below  the  average  ;  that  of  June  57'2,  or 
1*5  below  the  average ;  but  the  four  months  from  July  to 
October  had  each  a  mean  temperature  respectively  of  0  9, 
1*5,  01,  and  1*3,  above  the  average.  In  November  and 
December  there  was,  however,  again  a  defect  of  mean 
temperature,  and  greater  in  November  than  in  December. 

The  effect  of  the  frost  on  vegetation,  followed  as  it  was  by 
a  backward  Spring,  was  very  apparent.  The  laurustinus 
certainly  continued  in  flower  till  the  first  week  of  February  ; 
but  the  lilac  and  laburnum  were  not  in  flower  till  the 
third  week  in  May,  and  the  hawthorn  not  till  June.  The 
myrtles  were  much  cut,  though  not  materially  injured,  and  a 
tine,  but  old,  verbena  (Aloyesia  citriodora)  in  the  garden 
of  the  house  next  my  own  was  killed,  whilst  a  younger 
plant  in  my  own  garden  did  not  throw  out  its  leaves  till  the 
end  of  the  third  week  in  June. 

In  turning  now  to  the  present  winter — the  last  months  of 
1894  had  each  a  mean  temperature  above  the  average  to  the 
extent  of  0#8  for  October,  1-9  for  November,,  and  3*1  for 


December.  Among  other  plants  in  my  garden  exhibiting 
flowers  on  Christmas  Day  were  the  following  roses :  Gloire 
de  Dijon,  Souvenir  de  Malmaison,  and  Celine  Forestier ;  the 
hydrangea,  the  fuchsia,  one  of  the  sweet -willow -leaved 
veronicas,  pyrus  Japonica,  pansies,  violets,  Fragaria  vesca, 
and  a  large  grey  clematis  (Lord  Londesborough).  Of  wild 
plants  I  had  found  in  flower  Knautia  arvensis  on  December 
3rd,  on  the  12th  Rubus  fruticosus  and  Ballota  nigra,  and 
on  the  27th  a  solitary  specimen  of  Origanum  vulgare.  The 
lowest  minimum  temperature  in  October  was  35*7,  in 
November  373,  and  it  had  not  been  lower  than  34*1  in 
December,  till  the  last  night  of  the  month,  when  it  fell 
to  292.  On  the  first  two  nights  of  the  year  the  minimum  tem- 
perature was  below  the  freezing  point,  and  again  from  January 
7th  to  11th,  while  a  little  snow  fell  on  the  10th  and  12th. 
Notwithstanding  this,  the  effect  of  the  warmth  of  the  fall 
of  the  year  was  still  bringing  out  several  wild  flowers,  some  as 
lingerers  from  the  Autumn,  others  as  anticipators  of  the 
Spring.  On  January  1st,  I  found  Chcerophyllum  sylvestre, 
Sonctocs  arvensis,  and  Lychnis  dioica ;  on  the  11th,  Lamium 
jpurpureum  and  Veronica  buxbaumii;  and  on  the  18th, 
Ranunculus  bulbosus  and  Leontodon  taraxacum;  while  in 
the  gardens  during  this  time  might  be  found  the  primrose, 
polyanthus,  and  the  purple  large-leaved  sweet  veronica. 

But  on  January  26th  the  frost  regularly  set  in,  and  the 
minimum  temperature  fell  below  the  freezing-point  on 
every  night,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  February  19th, 
till  February  21st.  On  five  days,  viz.,  January  30th,  and 
February  1st,  5th,  6th,  and  7th,  the  day  temperature  also 
did  not  rise  up  to  32.  A  little  snow  had  fallen  on  January 
10th  and  on  the  12th,  followed  by  very  heavy  rain, 
measuring  altogether  188  inches,  and  rain  fell  every  day  till 
the  25th.  A  little  snow  fell  again  on  the  25th  and  26th, 
and  snow  on  the  27th,  28th,  and  29th,  followed  then  by  rain, 
altogether  0*49  inch;  and  there  was  a  sprinkling  of  snow 
on  the  evening  of  the  31st,  measuring,  when  melted,  0*01 
inch ;  but  no  fall  of  rain  or  snow  was  measured  by  me  for 
any  day  between  January  31st  and  March  2nd.  The  total 
rainfall  for  January  was  520  inches. 

During  this  frost  of  twenty-seven  days'  duration  the 
wind  was  continuously  from  the  north  and  east,  being  on 
some  days  very  high,  and  the  air  was  dry.  The  mean 
maximum  temperature  for  the  period  was  351,  the  mean 
minimum  25*6,  the  mean  temperature  303,  the  mean 
humidity  72  per  cent.     The  lowest  minima  were  17*3  on 

238  THE  FROSTS  OF  1855  AND  1895, 

February  6th,  194  on  February  8th,  200  on  February  13th, 
and  20*9  on  February  12th.  The  highest  maxima  were  40*9 
on  February  21st,  399  on  February  19th,  39*8  on  February 
13th,  and  38*0  on  February  16th.  The  lowest  maxima  were 
31-9  on  February  1st,  310  on  February  7th,  30*4  on  February 
5th,  301  on  February  6th,  and  28*5  on  January  30th.  The 
lowest  mean  temperatures  for  a  day  were  23*7  on  February 
6th,  252  on  February  7th,  274  on  January  31st,  and  27*5 
on  February  1st. 

If  now  we  compare  the  frosts  of  1855  and  1895  together 
as  to  temperature  and  humidity,  their  meteorological  elements 
will  come  out  thus : — 


1895— Duration,  27 


Mean  Maximum    . 
„     Minimum 
„     Temperature . 
„     Humidity     . 

.     35-1 
.     25-6 
.     30.3 
.     72 

Lowest  Minimum  . 
Lowest    Mean  Tempera- 
ture for  a  day 

1855.  First  frost — Duration,  18  days. 

Mean  Maximum    . 
„     Minimum 
„     Temperature 
„     Humidity     . 

.     361 
.     27-9 
.     320 

.     78 

Lowest  Minimum    . 
Lowest    Mean    Tempera- 
ture for  a  day 

1855.  Second  frost — Duration 

,  15  day 8. 

Mean  Maximum 
,,     Minimum 
„     Temperature . 
„     Humidity 

.     33-2 
.     25-1 
.     29-1 
.     65 

Lowest  Minimum    . 
Lowest   Mean    Tempera- 
ture for  a  day  . 



If  the  two  periods  of  frost  in  1855  are  taken  together,  we 
then  have : — 

1855 — Duration,  33  days. 

Mean  Maximum  ,  .         .34*8 
„     Minimum     .  .     26*7 

„     Temperature  .30*7 

„     Humidity     .  .72 

Or  if,   again,  the  whole  period  from  January  17th    to 
February  22nd,  in  1855,  be  taken,  we  have: — 

1855 — Duration,  37  days. 

Mean  Maximum    .         .         .38*1 
„     Minimum    .  .     27*7 

„     Temperature  .32*9 

„     Humidity    ...     74 

Owing  to  the  separation  of  the  two  periods  of  the  frost  of 
1855  by  the  three  days  of  mild  weather,  and  also  the  greater 



difference  in  length  of  the  periods  under  comparison  thus 
produced,  it  may  be  of  advantage  to  compare  the  fifteen  days 
of  severest  frost  in  1855,  February  8th  to  February  22nd, 
with  the  fifteen  days  of  the  severest  part  of  the  frost  of  1895, 
viz.,  February  1st  to  the  15th.  The  elements  for  comparison 
of  these  two  periods  will  then  come  out  as  follows : — 
1855 — Duration,  15  days. 







Lowest  Minimum  . 
Lowest   Mean  Tempera- 
ture for  a  day . 

.     0-84  inch. 

Lowest  Minimum  .        • 
Lowest  Mean   Tempera- 
ture for  a  day . 


24  4 


Mean  Maximum     .         .33*2 
Minimum      .         .     25 '1 
Temperature .        .     29'1 
Humidity      .         .     65 
Total  Rainfall 
1895 — Duration,  15  days. 
Mean  Maximum     .         .     34*2 
Minimum      .         .24*6 
Temperature .         .29*4 
Humidity     .         .     68 

Total  Rainfall     ....     0 

The  points  of  similarity  between  the  frosts  of  1855  and 
1895  are  the  degree  of  the  cold,  the  duration  of  the  frost,  its 
occurrence  in  greatest  severity  during  February,  the  great 
dryness  of  the  air,  and  the  comparative  absence  of  snow  on 
the  ground  during  its  greatest  intensity.  I  have  no  record 
of  any  period  of  prolonged  frost  at  the  same  time  of  the  year 
of  anything  like  the  same  intensity,  or  having  the  same 
general  character,  nor,  indeed,  of  any  lengthened  frost  at  any 
time  that  can  compare  with  either  of  these  two  periods, 
except  the  frost  of  January,  1881 ;  but  this,  besides  being 
earlier  in  the  year,  was  accompanied  by  much  snow  lying 
deeply  on  the  ground,  and  showed  a  much  greater  humidity. 
It  was,  however,  a  period  of  greater  cold,  especially  at  night 
The  minimum  temperature  was  continuously  below  the 
freezing-point  from  January  8th  to  the  27th,  except  on  the 
night  of  the  10th,  and  the  elements  of  the  frost,  as  compared 
with  those  given  above,  were  as  follows : — 

1881— Duration,  20  daya 


Mean  Maximum     .  .38*4 

Minimum      .  .     23  9 

Temperature.  .     31*1 

Humidity      .  .     83 

1881 — 15  days  of  greatest  severity,  from  January  12th  to  26th. 



Lowest  Minimum  . 
Lowest  Mean   Tempera- 
ture for  a  day . 


Mean  Maximum     .        .36*5 
Minimum      .  21*9 

Temperature.         .     29*2 
Humidity      .  84 

Total  Rainfall  (with  Snow) 




Lowest  Minimum  .         .     15*7 
Lowest  Mean   Tempera- 
ture for  a  day  .         .24*8 

1*58  inches. 

240  THE  FROSTS  OF   1855   AND   1895, 

The  mean  temperature  of  the  whole  month  of  January, 
1881,  was  350,  the  lowest  mean  temperature  for  January 
that  I  have  any  record  of. 

I  have  stated  that  the  mean  temperatures  of  October, 
November,  and  December,  1894,  were  in  each  case  above  the 
average.  The  mean  temperature  of  January,  1895,  was  36*2, 
or  5'4  below  the  average.  That  of  February  was  32*4,  or 
10*2  below  the  average,  the  lowest  mean  temperature  of 
which  I  have  any  record  for  February,  or,  indeed,  for  any 
month.  The  mean  temperature  of  March  was  43*9,  or  01 
above  the  average ;  that  of  April,  49  3,  or  1*7  above  the 
average ;  that  of  May,  55*6,  or  2'7  above  the  average ;  and 
that  of  June,  61*0,  or  23  above  the  average. 

The  effect  of  the  frost  of  1895  on  vegetation  was  equally 
severe  with  that  of  1855. 

The  tender  veronicas  were  cut  oft';  the  double  wall- 
flowers were  largely  killed,  and  even  the  white  arabis 
was  severely  handled;  while  at  the  close  of  the  frost  the 
grass  itself  was  faded  and  burnt,  as  after  an  unusually 
dry  and  hot  summer,  and  the  very  hedges  looked  bare 
and  withered.  The  myrtles  were  much  cut,  but  not  seriously 
hurt,  and  a  fine  verbena  (Aloyesia  citriodora)  against  the  wall 
of  my  house,  some  twenty  years  old  or  more,  and  fully 
fifteen  feet  in  height,  was  cut  down  to  the  lowest  parts 
of  the  stock,  though  not  killed.  The  favourable  weather, 
however,  of  the  spring,  aided  perhaps  by  the  warmth 
of  the  previous  fall,  had  its  influence  on  vegetation,  back- 
ward though  it  was.  At  the  very  close  of  the  frost  the 
snowdrops  appeared  in  the  garden,  followed  soon  after 
by  the  crocuses.  Cardamine  hirsuta,  and  Ranunculus 
ficaria  were  in  flower  on  the  14th  March,  and  Veronica 
kedcri*olia  on  the  21st,  but  I  did  not  notice  Lamium 
purpureum  in  flower  again  till  the  30th,  nor  was  PotentUla 
fragariastrum  in  flower  till  the  9th  April.  The  blackthorn 
(Prunus  wdgaris)  I  found  in  flower  in  the  third  week  of 
April.  The  verbena,  mentioned  above,  was  shooting  out  its 
fragrant  leaves  at  the  very  commencement  of  May,  and  the 
horse-chestnut  and  lilac  were  in  bloom  in  the  second  week  of 
that  month.  When  the  frost  had  once  passed  the  grass  rapidly 
recovered  itself,  and  soon  showed  a  verdure  the  more  vivid, 
perhaps,  by  contrast  with  its  former  faded  state ;  while  the 
high  temperature  of  the  second  week  of  May  so  forced  on  the 
still  backward  foliage  of  the  trees,  that  before  the  middle  of 
the  month  the  elms  and  beeches  were  fully  clothed,  and  glad- 
dening the  sight  with  their  fresh  beauty  in  the  hues  of  spring. 


I  have  subjoined  tables  giving  the  maximum  and  mini- 
mum shade  temperatures,  the  humidity,  the  wind,  and 
the  rainfall  for  each  day  in  January  and  February,  1855,  and 
January  and  February,  1895-  The  degrees  of  humidity  for 
1855  have  been  re-calculated  according  to  the  Hygrometrieal 
Tables,  of  Mr.  Glaisher,  published  in  1869 ;  and  the  force  of 
the  wind  in  1855  has  been  given  according  to  the  scale  0-12. 


Thermometers  in  the  shade. 


Mm. 41. 9    34-S    85  Total  0.39    Una.  37-6    Z9.3    81  Total  3. 61 

383  33-4 

THE   FROSTS   OF   1855   AND   189G. 


9  a.m.     Thermometers  in  the  shade. 




BT   A.   R.    HUNT,    M.A.,    F.L.8.,    F.G.8. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 


It  is  impossible  to  look  back  over  the  records  of  the  Devon- 
shire Association,  without  noticing  how  suddenly  geological 
research,  which  at  one  time  occupied  its  full  share  of  our 
Transactions,  died  out  Old  workers  ceased  to  contribute, 
and  no  young  ones  came  forward — a  remarkable  fact,  when 
it  is  considered  what  an  excellent  opportunity  for  publica- 
tion the  Association  offers  to  any  serious  investigator.  The 
explanation  suggested  in  the  following  paper  is  that  no 
provincial  work  can  survive  in  the  face  of  persistent  neglect, 
opposition,  misrepresentation,  and  obloquy,  by  representative 
leaders  of  the  science  at  headquarters.  Research  under 
such  circumstances  is  practically  impossible.  The  Oeological 
Society  was  founded  to  promote  the  study  of  the  mineral 
structure  of  the  earth.  For  many  years  past  considerable 
effort  has  been  made,  and  with  much  success,  on  the  part  of 
influential  members,  both  of  that  Society  and  of  the  British 
Association,  to  repress  such  study.  The  science  boycott  is  a 
far  more  formidable  engine  than  might  at  first  sight  appear, 
one  of  its  indirect  effects  being  that  the  boycottee  is  not 
favoured  with  reprints  of  scientific  papers.  Indeed,  the 
chief  advantage  of  getting  a  paper  into  the  Journal  of  the 
Geological  Society  is  the  cross  in  the  list  of  members  classing 
a  Fellow  as  among  the  active  workers  of  the  Society.  I  felt 
my  way  towards  this  useful  mark  on  three  occasions,  with 
reference  to  the  Submarine  Geology  of  the  Channel,  Waves, 
and  the  Rounding  of  Sand-grains ;  but  discretion  being  the 
better  part  of  valour,  I  made  a  strategic  movement  to  the  rear. 
Having  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  that  august  body 


of  scientists  suppressed  the  Kent's  Cavern  evidence  in 
1846,  thereby  losing  for  Great  Britain  the  honour  of 
solving  the  problem  of  the  antiquity  of  man,  I  deemed 
it  best  to  offer  my  facts  to  the  Society  with  much  the 
same  reserve  as  the  Sibyl  dealt  with  King  Tarquin,  and 
with  much  the  same  result  except  that  the  Sibyl  returned, 
and  I  did  not. l  One  thing  I  must  admit  with  utmost  grati- 
tude. When  the  scientific  boycott  was  well  nigh  triumphant, 
the  Editors  of  the  Geological  Magazine  gave  me  access  to 
their  hospitable  columns,  than  which  no  knight  could  wish 
a  fairer  field. 

In  such  miscellaneous  work  as  mine  has  been,  all  success 
must  necessarily  depend  on  the  helping  hands  of  colleagues. 
Among  those  to  whom  my  thanks  are  specially  due,  are  my 
Cambridge  friends,  who  have  one  and  all  been  most  helpful, 
from  my  first  half-hour's  demonstration  on  the  microscope 
by  Mr.  Tawney,  at  the  commencement  of  the  Channel  blocks 
research,  to  the  final  acceptance  of  the  collection  by  Professor 
Hughes  for  the  Museum,  and  long  after.  To  the  Director- 
General  and  the  Members  of  the  Survey  I  am  particularly 
grateful  for  their  camaraderie  while,  for  a  short  time,  working 
at  the  Devon  schists.  My  second  half-hour's  demonstration 
on  the  microscope,  this  time  at  Jermyn  Street  from  Mr. 
Teall,  enabled  me,  when  the  time  came,  to  detect  tourmaline 
at  the  Start;  and  it  is  the  simple  truth  that  without 
Mr.  Ussher  I  should  never  have  tackled  the  schists  at  all, 
and  without  Mr.  Teall  I  should  not  have  had  the  technical 
skill  to  recognise  the  detrital  tourmaline.  Of  Mr.  Pengelly 
and  Mr.  Tawney  it  is  hard  to  speak ;  their  loss  seems  greater 
as  the  years  roll  on.  The  memory  of  the  just  is  blessed. 
Requiescant  in  pace. 

It  is  now  about  six  years  since  at  Tavistock  in  1889,  in 
my  concluding  paper  on  the  Submarine  Geology  of  the 
English  Channel  off  the  coast  of  South  Devon,  I  en- 
deavoured to  sum  up  the  conflicting  arguments  for  and 
against  the  Devonian  age  of  the  Devonshire  schists,  which 
had  been  maintained  up  to  the  date  referred  to. 

This  very  old  problem  had  been  started  afresh  at  the 
Ilfracombe  Meeting  of  the  Devonshire  Association,  by  my 
paper  on  a  block  of  granite  from  the  Salcombe  fishing 
grounds.  That  paper  had  been  handed  to  Mr.  Pengelly 
in  manuscript,  to  enable  him  to  utilise  its   facts  in   the 

1  Vide  Appendix. 

IN   SOUTH  DEVON.  245 

preparation  of  his  own  paper  on  "The  Metamorphosis 
of  the  Eocks  extending  from  Hope  Cove  to  Start  Bay, 
South  Devon"  {Trans.  Dev.  Assoc.  1879),  which  followed 
it  immediately  in  the  Transactions,  and  in  which  Mr. 
Pengelly  assumed2  that  the  slates  to  the  northward 
of  the  schists  "are  certainly,  and  the  schists  probably, 
amongst  the  most  recent  Devonian  deposits  in  South 
Devon."  Mr.  Pengelly  maintained,  in  conclusion,  that 
the  hypothesis  of  a  submarine  granitoid  formation,  ex- 
tending from  the  Channel  to  Dartmoor,  accounted  for, 
(1)  the  northerly  dip,  as  well  as  (2)  the  metamorphosis 
of  the  Start  and  Bolt  schists;  (3)  for  the  gneissic  and, 
perhaps,  granitic  origin  of  the  Eddystone  rocks ;  (4)  for 
the  block  of  granite  caught  by  the  trawler  in  October, 
1878 ;  (5)  for  the  blocks  of  the  same  kind  of  rock  lying 
beneath  the  cliffs,  east  of  the  Prawle ;  and  (6)  for  the  crowd 
of  granitoid  pebbles  immediately  east  of  the  River  Erme. 

Now,  this  elaborate  deduction  was  based  on  one  of  the 
most  misleading  coincidences  which  ever  entrapped  a 
cautious  geologist.  Geologists  had  declared  that  certain 
geological  phenomena  on  shore,  rendered  it  probable  that 
the  Dartmoor  granite  extended  as  a  subterranean  formation 
under  South  Devon,  and  probably  formed  the  floor  of  the 
Channel  off  the  southern  headlands  of  the  county.  I  was 
fortunate  enough  to  succeed  in  obtaining  a  large  number 
of  crystalline  rocks  from  the  very  locality  indicated  as  likely 
to  supply  them.  Most  naturally  it  was  concluded  that  the 
granitoid  rocks  found  were  the  ones  sought  for,  and  that  the 
post-Carboniferous  Dartmoor  rocks  really  reappeared  under 
the  waters  of  the  English  Channel. 

Before  very  long,  evidence  came  to  hand  that  the  Channel 
crystalline  rocks  were  very  different  from  the  Dartmoor 
varieties ;  were  probably  much  older,  and  therefore  unequal 
to  the  task  of  giving  rise  to  the  metamorphic  phenomena 
with  which  they  had  been  credited.  The  Channel  rocks, 
indeed,  were  considered  of  so  generally  ancient  a  type,  in 
the  case  of  the  first  half-dozen  or  so  brought  to  land,  that 
my  colleague  in  the  investigation,  the  late  Mr.  E.  B.  Tawney, 
suspected  that  the  Devon  schists  might  be  pre-Cambrian, 
in  other  words  Archaean,  and  took  an  early  opportunity  to 
examine  them,  in  the  expectation  of  being  first  in  the  field 
to  proclaim  their  antiquity ;   or,  more  strictly  speaking,  to 

2  '•  It  must  be  needless  to  remark  that  we  are  here  dealing,  not  with  the 
age  of  the  Start  and  Bolt  as  rocks,  but  with  the  era  of  their  metamorphosis." 
Pengelly,  Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  xl  825. 


prove  their  antiquity,  for  the  great  age  of  the  schists  was 
one  of  the  hypotheses  of  De  La  Beche  and  other  geologists. 
Mr.  Tawney  came,  he  saw,  but  in  this  case  he  did  not 
conquer.  He  returned  to  Cambridge,  hoping  at  some  future 
time  to  find  leisure  to  tackle  the  problem  effectually. 

In  the  following  year  I  was  compelled  to  admit  that 
the  hypothesis  of  the  Dartmoor  granite  reappearing  in  the 
English  Channel  must  be  given  up,  albeit  that  this  hypo- 
thesis had  itself  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  Channel  granites. 
In  1881,  I  wrote:  "If  these  typical  granites  and  gneisses 
are  of  the  age  suggested  (i.e.  pre-Devonian),  they  can  clearly 
have  no  claim  to  having  had  anything  to  do  with  the 
metamorphosis  of  the  more  modern  Devonian  slates  of  the 
Start  and  Bolt  district"  But  I  still  clung  to  the  many 
other  crystalline  rocks,  syenite,  gabbro,  diabase,  and  diorite, 
as  being  possibly  of  later  age  than  the  deposition  of  the 
Devon  schists,  so  firmly  engrained  had  been  the  doctrine 
that  the  schists  were  Devonian,  and  subsequently  metamor- 
phosed by  some  igneous  rock  in  their  neighbourhood. 

In  December,  1882,  Mr.  E.  B.  Tawney  went  abroad  for 
the  Christmas  vacation,  and  there  died  before  the  close  of 
the  year.  When  in  Devonshire  he  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Devon  Association,  and  had  contributed  to  its  Transactions. 
His  descriptions  of  rocks,  appended  to  my  own  earlier  Channel 
papers,  are  models  of  what  such  descriptions  should  be  ; 
descriptions  accurate  and  detailed  of  the  minerals  contained, 
and  of  their  mode  of  occurrence — the  full  facts,  unbiassed, 
left  to  speak  for  themselves. 

On  the  death  of  Mr.  Tawney,  I  asked  Professor  Bonney  to 
fill  the  void,  as  otherwise  the  Channel  research  could  not 
continue.  This  he  most  kindly  consented  to  do,  concluding 
his  reply  with  the  cordial  words,  "  So  I  will  do  my  best  to 
supply  Mr.  Tawney's  place."  This  was  written  in  February, 
1883.  In  my  paper  in  August,  1883  (read  at  Exmouth), 
there  appeared  Mr.  Tawney 's  last  six  rock  analyses,  and 
Professor  Bonney's  first  three. 

In  the  meantime,  about  a  month  after  consenting  to  assist 
me,  Professor  Bonney,  at  Easter  1883,  spent  a  few  days  on 
the  Devonshire  schists,  and  subsequently  in  November  of 
the  same  year  read  a  paper  on  the  subject  to  the  Geological 
Society  of  London.  In  this  paper  he  claimed  the  Devon 
schists  as  of  Archaean  age,  whilst  expressing  the  opinion 
that  they  could  not  u  be  referred  to  the  earlier  portion  of  it."8 

8  Q.  J.  G.  S.  xl.  24. 


Had  Professor  Bonney  given  me  any  hint  as  to  his  inten- 
tions, I  could  have  warned  him  as  to  Mr.  Tawney's  inability 
to  confirm  his  own  pre-conceived  idea  that  the  schists  were 
pre-Cambrian.  As  it  was,  I  found  myself  in  a  difficulty.  I 
had  never  myself  wavered  from  the  belief  that  the  schists 
were  Devonian,  but  in  future  Professor  Bonney  regarded 
any  difference  of  opinion  somewhat  in  the  light  of  an 
impertinence.4  I  confess  that  Professor  Bonney's  confidence 
ultimately  shook  me,  and  I  accepted  his  opinion  at  his  own 

In  the  discussion  that  followed  Prof.  Bonney's  paper,  Dr. 
Hicks,  F.R.S.,  agreed  with  the  view  that  the  schists  were 
among  the  newer  of  the  Archaean  series.  On  the  same 
occasion,  in  reply  to  a  question,  the  Professor  said  that  "  the 
rocks  dredged  by  Mr.  Hunt  in  the  Channel,  were  generally 
of  a  much  older  type  than  those  of  South  Devon."  This, 
under  the  circumstances,  was  equivalent  to  saying  they  were 
much  older  than  the  newer  Archteans :  a  hard  saying  in  the 
case  of  the  sandstones,  diabase,  killas,  diorites,  gabbros, 
and  serpentine ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  granites  of  unknown 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  great  South  Devon  problem 
had  executed  a  complete  volte  face.  Prom  Devonian  rocks, 
metamorphosed  by  post-Carboniferous  granites,  the  schists 
had  become  a  series  of  newer  Archseans,  abutting  against 
older  Archaean  crystalline  rocks  in  the  Channel 

The  South  Devon  problem  having  been  so  promptly 
packed  up  and  put  away,  I  looked  about  for  some  unoccu- 
pied field  for  work,  and  lighted  on  Dartmoor ;  oblivious,  or 
ignorant,  of  the  fact  that  my  friends,  Messrs.  Ussher  and 
Worth,  had  already  made  that  district  their  own.  Before 
discovering  this  fact,  I  had  evolved  a  theory  that  the  Dart- 
moor granite  was  an  Archaean  granite,  much  altered  and 
partially  re-dissolved  in  post-Carboniferous  times.  Thus,  for 
a  time,  on  the  Dartmoor  question,  we  three  were  at  daggers 
drawn — Mr.  Ussher  with  his  laccolite,  Mr.  Worth  with  his 
volcano,  and  myself  with  my  Archaean  granite.  Needless 
to  say,  we  always  assisted  each  other,  regardless  of  conse- 
quences. I  well  remember  casually  announcing  my  heresy 
to  Mr.  Ussher,  and  his  reply,  "My  dear  friend,  you  will 
throw  yourself  over  a  precipice " ;  to  which  I  could  but 
rejoin,  "  Then  I  'm  going  over." 

4  Should  any  of  my  friends  consider  me  an  unwarranted  intruder  into 
this  problem,  I  ask  them  in  fairness  to  read  the  first  paragraph  of  Mr. 
Pengelly's  paper  on  the  "  Devon  Schists.'1    (Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  xi.  819.) 


My  Dartmoor  work  indirectly  threw  me  back  on  the 
schists,  as  the  two  problems  are,  in  fact,  intimately  con- 
nected, and  led  me  to  write  the  following  passage,  which  one 
might  suppose  to  be  couched  in  terms  sufficiently  humble  to 
appease  the  most  exacting  Professor : 

"It  would  be  very  convenient  for  the  theory  I  am  advocating, 
could  the  old  view  be  maintained,  that  the  South  Devon  schists 
are  altered  Devonians ;  but  in  the  face  of  Professor  Bonner's  con- 
viction that  they  are  of  Archaean  age,  I  hesitate  to  express  an 
opinion  one  way  or  the  other."  5 

In  other  words,  my  facts  tended  to  confirm  the  Devonian 
theory  of  the  schists — so  much  the  worse  for  the  facts,  when 
pitted  against  professorial  opinion. 

In  the  meantime,  in  the  years  1887,  1888,  and  1889,  Mr. 
A.  Somervail  had  contributed  to  our  Transactions  three  most 
important  papers  on  the  Metamorphic  Eocks  of  South 
Devon,  in  which  he  upheld  their  Devonian  age.  He  had,  I 
believe,  the  distinguished  honour,  at  that  time,  of  being  the 
only  geologist  to  hold  that  view.  One  of  the  most  import- 
ant points  made  by  Mr.  Somervail,  lay  in  his  insistence  on 
the  significance  of  the  volcanic  rocks  (greenstones)  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Dartmouth,  in  connection  with  the  chloritic 
rocks  in  the  metamorphic  district. 

Mr.  Somervail,  at  that  time,  was  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  the  Devonshire  Association,  whose  communications  were 
esteemed,  and  printed  in  extenso ;  a  writer,  too,  whose  pen 
never  wandered  from  the  path  of  the  strictest  and  most 
punctilious  courtesy.  He  had,  however,  dared  to  express  an 
opinion  which  did  not  coincide  with  the  novel  Archaean 
views  of  Professor  Bonney,  so  he  was  treated  to  one  of  those 
contemptuous  incidental  comments  peculiar  to  that  distin- 
guished geologist. 

"  As  I  am  writing,  I  may  as  well  briefly  notice  another  criticism 
on  some  work  of  mine  in  the  South-west  ...  As  the  writer  has 
4  to  confess  to  much  ignorance  as  to  the  methods  and  results  of 
microscopic  research/  and  the  question  is  one  in  which  such 
methods  are  essential  in  order  to  distinguish  real  differences,  and 
avoid  being  misled  by  superficial  resemblances,  I  cannot  admit  that 
he  is  qualified  to  investigate  the  subject,  or  waste  time  by  discuss- 
ing it  with  him,6  and  will  only  say  that  though,  since  I  wrote  the 

8  Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  xxi.  255. 

6  This  is  practically  a  refusal  to  give  Mr.  Somervail  the  benefit  of  the 
Professor's  criticism,  with  reasons  for  disagreeing.  Yet  in  1886,  in  the 
Presidential  Address  from  the  Chair  of  Sec.  C,  Professor  Bonney  had 
publicly  thanked  Mr.  Somervail  for  assistance  rendered  in  the  way  of 
specimens  !  And  after  all,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Somervail  was  right  and  the 
Professor  wrong. 

IN  SOUTH   DEVON.  249 

paper,  I  have  frequently  examined  my  specimens  and  slides,  I 
have  seen  no  reason  to  alter  my  opinion  as  to  the  separateness  of 
the  two  groups  of  rocks.  ...  It  would  be  thought  strange  if  any- 
one were  to  enter  into  a  dispute  as  to  the  interpretation  of  a 
corrupt  passage  in  a  chorus  of  a  tragedy  of  iEschylus,  without  a 
preliminary  study  of  the  niceties  of  the  Greek  language ;  yet  this 
is  the  course  which  some  persons  follow  in  petrloogy,  and  seem  to 
think  that  thereby  they  are  doing  a  service  to  science."7 

Here  the  Professor  is  quite  mistaken ;  were  a  Latin 
scholar  fortunate  enough  to  find  an  ancient  Latin  version  of 
the  tragedies  of  ^Eschylus,  he  would  be  in  a  position  to 
maintain  an  opinion  against  the  conjectures,  surmises,  and 
emendations  of  our  best  Greek  scholars,  founded  on  their 
rotten  and  ragged  manuscripts.  Now,  Professor  Bonney 
seems  to  have  staked  his  reputation  on  a  very  fragmentary 
petrological  palimpsest,  with  all  the  original  record  obscured 
by  secondary  characters.  Mr.  Somervail  only  attempted  to 
check  and  test  Professor  Bonney's  conjectures  and  surmises, 
based  on  the  said  fragment,  with  the  assistance  of  a  well- 
preserved  stratigraphical  record,  apparently  treating  of  the 
same  subject 

It  will  be  acknowledged  that  such  a  severe  stricture  as  the 
above,  by  a  past  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
Geological  Society,  on  a  prominent  member  of  the  Devon 
Association,  and  of  the  Torquay  Natural  History  Society, 
was  not  calculated  to  strengthen  those  Societies,  or  to 
promote  provincial  research. 

My  own  interest  in  the  schists  was,  at  the  time  referred 
to,  dormant,  and  so  far  as  I  was  myself  concerned,  I  paid 
little  attention  to  the  controversy,  until  my  friend,  Mr. 
W.  A.  E.  Ussher,  f.g.s.,  of  the  Geological  Survey,  who  had 
been  for  long  re-mapping  the  area  between  Torquay  and  Dart- 
moor, crossed  the  Dart  and  approached  the  much-debated 
schists.  It  was  obvious  that  the  problem  was  now  going  to 
be  attacked,  not  only  by  a  most  skilful  stratigraphist,  but  by 
a  geologist  whose  mind  was  saturated  with  the  details  and 
characters  of  the  Devonian  strata.  Such  an  opportunity  had 
never  before  occurred,  and  may  well  never  occur  again. 

When  mapping  between  Dartmouth  and  Slapton  Sands, 
Mr.  Ussher  was  kind  enough  to  allow  me  to  accompany  him 
on  three  separate  occasions,  to  learn  a  little  of  the  details  of 
field-work  with  map  and  hammer.  The  first  day  my  atten- 
tion was  so  much  attracted  by  the  raised-beach  problems, 
that  the  questions  of  slates  and  volcanics  seemed  of  minor 

7  Geological  Magazine,  1887,  p.  574. 


interest;  but  when  once  the  fact  dawned  on  me  that  the 
chlorite  schists  and  mica  schists  on  the  south  were 
paralleled  by  the  slates  and  volcanic  rocks  on  the  north,  my 
old  interest  in  the  metamorphic  problem  was  renewed  and 
intensified.  My  self-allotted  task  was  now  to  couple  the 
two  series  of  rocks  together  in  as  many  ways  as  possible,  for 
slicing  and  microscopic  examination.  Having  made  a  small 
collection  of  couples,  I  submitted  the  slides  to  Mr.  A. 
Harker,  F.G.S.,  with  very  little  information  as  to  localities,  my 
object  being  to  get  a  perfectly  unbiassed  opinion ;  and  so 
uninfluenced  was  Mr.  Harker,  that,  as  may  be  seen  in  his 
descriptions,  he  disconnected  my  couples  :  Bx  from  B2,  and 
Cx  from  C28;  so  that  he  proved  himself  unconscious  of  the 
intention  on  my  part  to  keep  each  of  those  couples  together. 
On  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Harker's  report,  a  curious  coincidence 
occurred.  I  had  written  to  Mr.  Ussher,  asking  how  the 
stratigraphical  evidence  was  tending,  and  on  the  very  day 
Mr.  Harker's  report  arrived,  the  following  letter  from  Mr. 
Ussher  also  came  to  hand : — 

"Rookfields,  Torquay,  19th  May,  1891. 
"My  Dear  Hunt, — In  reply  to  yours  of  18th  inst  As  far  as 
my  investigations  of  the  Start  and  Prawle  areas  have  gone,  I  have 
been  unable  to  obtain  a  shred  of  evidence  from  the  stratigraphical 
side  in  favour  of  the  Archaean  age  of  the  mica  schists  and  so-called 
chloritic  rocks,  or,  indeed,  to  endorse  De  La  Beche's  opinion  re- 
specting them  (pp.  35,  36,  Report  on  Geology  of  Cornwall  and 
Devon)  as  being  an  older  series  than  the  then  termed  grauwacke." 

Mr.  Ussher's  permission  to  use  this  letter  was  granted 
after  he  had  finished  and  left  the  schists,  so  it  was  not 
modified  by  his  subsequent  work. 

Geologists  will,  I  think,  admit  that  this  strong  strati- 
graphical testimony,  confirming  my  own  microscopic  work, 
afforded  strong  primd  facie  evidence  of  the  non- Archaean  age 
of  the  schists. 

However,  still  stronger  evidence  was  close  at  hand.  Mr. 
Harker  had  detected  tourmaline  in  the  sandstone  Clv  but  had 
not  noticed  it  in  C2,  its  schist  couple.  Now  it  flashed  across 
my  mind  one  night,  while  lying  awake,  that  it  would  be  a 
splendid  point  if  I  could  find  tourmaline  in  C2.  Next  day  I 
searched  the  slide  Mr.  Harker  had  returned,  and  naturally 
failed  to  find  more  than  Mr.  Harker  had  himself  found,  but 
I  had  a  duplicate  slide,  and  in  this  duplicate  there  proved  to 
be  a  single  minute  fragment  of  detrital  tourmaline.     Thus 

8  Qcol  Mag.  Aug.  1892,  p.  347. 

IN  SOUTH  DEVON.,  251, 

this  mineral  was  no  chance  discovery,  but  had  been  specially 
sought.  Several  more  slices  were  now  cut,  each  of  which 
proved  to  contain  detrital  tourmaline.  As  all,  so  far, 
depended  on  one  hand  specimen,  I  went  to  the  Start,  sought 
diligently  for  an  hour,  and  at  last  found  one  bit  of  rock,  in 
situ,  which  seemed  promising.  This  rock  proved  to  contain 
more  perfect  crystals  of  detrital  tourmaline  than  the  one 
collected  by  Mr.  Somervail.  This  discovery  of  tourmaline, 
under  the  circumstances,  seemed  so  important  that  I  deter- 
mined to  bring  it  before  the  British  Association  at  Cardiff. 
But  being  very  anxious  not  to  forestall  Mr.  Ussher's  conclu- 
sions, I  induced  Mr.  Ussher  to  submit  a  paper  at  the  same 
meeting,  to  take  precedence  of  mine.  The  reception  of  these 
papers  was  most  disappointing,  and  I  was  actually  stopped 
in  my  remarks  on  Mr.  Ussher's  paper  by  the  Chairman,  and 
requested  to  continue  them  conversationally,  and  the  meeting 
was  closed  long  before  the  usual  time. 

The  abstract  of  the  tourmaline  paper  was  published  in  the 
Geological  Magazine;  but  having  no  reprints,  I  gave  Professor 
Bonney  a  friendly  notice  that  it  had  appeared.  The  Pro- 
fessor replied,  in  an  equally  friendly  tone,  offering  to  examine 
some  sections  of  the  Channel  rocks  for  me,  but  with  reference 
to  the  schists,  declared  that  he  did  not  mean  to  enter  into 
any  controversy  on  the  subject  until  his  shield  was  struck  by 
a  knight  of  equal  experience. 

Though  having  no  desire  for  controversy,  this  declaration 
raised  a  difficulty.  I  knew  Professor  Bonney's  paper,  so  to 
speak,  by  heart,  and  had  dismissed  it  as  absolutely  valueless. 
But  in  writing  myself  on  the  problem,  I  scarcely  knew  how 
to  deal  with  the  Professor,  after  such  an  intimation  of  his 
negative  intentions.  On  taking  weighty  advice,  I  was 
counselled  to  go  my  own  way  independently,  and  leave  my 
opponent  alone. 

This  was  done  in  my  paper  published  in  the  Geological 
Magazine,  with  two  very  slight  exceptions.  Greatly  fearing 
that  my  antagonist  would  retreat  from  his  Archaean  position, 
I  stated  his  views  clearly,  and  this  little  ruse  succeeded 
beyond  anticipation. 

Very  much  to  my  surprise,  in  October  following  (1892), 
Professor  Bonney  attacked  me  violently  in  the  Geological 
Magazine  ;  after  his  "knight  of  equal  experience  "  remark  had 
thrown  me  completely  off  my  guard,  and  caused  me  to  forego 
the  controversial  advantage  of  a  critical  review  of  his  1883 
paper.  This  letter  was  very  unguarded ;  almost  every  line 
could  be  pulverized,  but  I  merely  fenced  with  the  attack  in 



the  same  periodical  in  the  following  December.  However,  in 
January,  the  Professor  wrote  a  very  serious  letter,  seeing  that 
he  was  a  Vice-President  of  the  Geological  Society,  and  I  was 
at  the  time  President  of  the  Teign  Naturalist  Field  Club, 
senior  Vice-President  of  the  Torquay  Natural  History 
Society,  Vice-President  and  acting  President  of  the  Torquay 
Photo.  Association,  and  Vice-President  elect  of  the  Devon- 
shire Association;  not  to  say  a  Fellow  of  the  Geological 
Society,  and  a  fellow-member  with  him  of  the  Athenaeum 
Club.  This  letter  charged  me  with  misrepresentation 
by  selective  quotation,  and  with  general  ignorance.  The 
first  charge  was  untrue,  and  the  second,  though  true,  was 
not  one  for  the  Professor  to  make.  To  make  the  matter 
worse,  within  a  few  weeks  of  the  publication  of  this  letter,  I 
was  the  recipient  of  the  greatest  compliment  in  the  power  of 
Devonshire  naturalists  to  bestow,  viz.,  an  invitation  to  allow 
myself  to  be  proposed  as  President  of  the  Devonshire 
Association;  an  invitation  I  would  not  entertain  for  an 
instant,  as  its  acceptance  (however  gratifying  to  personal 
vanity,  as  the  last  Presidential  Address  on  Geology  was  from 
the  now  late  President  of  the  Geological  Society)  could  not 
fail,  under  the  circumstances,  to  degrade  the  Association  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Geological  world.  Personally,  when  certain  as 
to  a  matter  of  fact,  I  care  not  for  the  opinion  of  the  Royal 
Society,  Geological  Society,  British  Association,  or  any  other 
body,  ignorant  of  that  particular  fact  But  I  am  strongly  of 
opinion  that  a  worker  who  has  been  treated  with  contempt 
by  officers  of  the  Geological  Society,  and  of  the  British 
Association,  is  not  morally  eligible  to  be  the  representative 
of  a  great  county  Society  with  an  unblemished  record  of 
work  performed. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  by  the  accident  of  the  moment,  I  was 
a  representative  of  nearly  all  our  South  Devon  working 
scientific  societies,  and  mud  thrown  at  me  would  indirectly 
hit  them.  Hence  my  detailed  criticism  of  Professor  Bonney's 
South  Devon  paper,  printed  privately  and  forwarded  to  the 
leading  Fellows  of  the  Geological  Society,  at  home  and 
abroad.9  Some  friends  have  considered  it  too  severe ;  and, 
doubtless,  between  private  individuals  it  would  have  been 
so;  but  it  was  practically  a  defence  of  provincial  societies 
and  workers  against  the  attacks  of  a  past  president,  and  a 
member  of  the  Council,  of  the  Geological  Society. 

9  "An  Examination  of  some  of  the  evidence  advanced  by  the  Rev.  Professor 
T.  G.  Bonney,  D  Sc.,  in  support  of  the  Archaean  age  of  the  Devonshire 


Nothing  further  occurred  in  the  contest  until  March  of 
last  year,  1894,  when  the  report  of  the  Geological  Survey 
(1892)  was  noticed  in  Nature. 

Eeferring  to  the  Devon  schists  under  the  heading, 
"Devonian,"1  the  Director -General  quotes  a  report  of 
Mr.  J.  H.  H.  Teall,  F.R.S.,  to  the  effect  "that  the  detailed 
examination  of  the  rocks,  from  the  metamorphic  area  of 
South  Devon,  has  brought  to  light  the  fact  that  the  pre- 
viously published  descriptions  of  the  green  varieties  of 
rock  were  very  imperfect  .  .  .  ." 

Comparison  is  also  made  between  the  "green  rocks" 
of  South  Devon,  and  the  Devonian  rocks  of  the  Hartz. 

Let  us  now  sum  up  the  opinions  of  specialists  of  the 
Geological  Survey,  as  to  the  Devonshire  schists.  They 
are  as  follows: — 

1.  Not  a  shred  of  evidence,  stratigraphically,  that  they  are 
older  than  Devonian. 

2.  All  previous  descriptions  of  the  green  rocks,  and  there- 
fore Professor  Bonney's,  very  imperfect. 

3.  The  Devonshire  "green  rocks"  (schists),  similar  to 
the  Devonians  of  the  Hartz. 

All  this  evidence  is  entirely  supplementary  to  my  own ; 
and  it  may  fairly  be  asked  whether  a  primd  facie  case 
for  the  Devonian  age  of  the  Devonshire  schists  has  not 
been  established :  one  which  any  Grand  Jury  of  Geologists 
would  send  for  trial  ? 

Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this  consensus  of  evidence,  Pro- 
fessor Bonney's  tactics  have  been  to  ignore  it  absolutely. 
On  my  calling  attention  to  a  special  instance  of  such  evasion 
in  Nature,  the  Professor  replied  as  follows,  in  the  same 
contemptuous,  incidental  manner2  he  makes  a  practice  of 
employing  when  depreciating  amateurs : — "  It  may  save  time 
to  add  that  I  have  observed  how  a  remark  of  mine  has  again 
stirred  up  Mr.  A  R.  Hunt  in  defence  of  Devonian  schists. 
In  regard  to  his  letter,  I  content  myself  with  repeating  what 
I  have  already  said"  (where?)  "viz.,  that  either  I  have 
wasted  a  good  many  years  in  study  bearing  on  this  question, 
both  in  the  field  and  with  the  microscope,  or  his  '  evidence ' 
is  of  little  value,  and  his  knives  of  the  wrong  temper  for  the 
dissection  which  he  has  essayed.  He  will  not  succeed  in 
drawing  me  into  a  controversy  with  him  on  this  question. 

1  Nature,  xlix.  497. 
8  See  ante,  p.  248. 


Life  is  short"8  My  reply  to  this  personal  attack  was 
suppressed  by  Nature.* 

Now,  so  far  as  I  can  gather  from  published  papers  and 
reports,  Professor  Bonney  has  against  him  in  this  question, 
Sir  A.  Geikie,  Messrs.  Somervail,  Teall,  and  Ussher,  and 
myself.  Yet  he  takes  his  stand  on  the  unprecedented  argu- 
ment that  we  cannot  be  right,  because  if  so  he  must  be 
wrong.  Papal  infallibility  is  nothing  to  this,  for,  according 
to  Roman  Catholic  authorities,  the  Pope  is  only  held  to  be 
infallible  "  when  it  becomes  necessary  to  decide  ....  what 
is  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  concerning  faith  or  morals : 
then  the  Pope,  by  God's  providence,  is  guaranteed  against 
deciding  erroneously."6  There  is  no  such  simple  way  of 
correcting  geologic  error  recognised  by  geologists. 

But  the  worst  of  the  matter  is,  that  not  only  does  Pro- 
fessor Bonney  bring  his  great  influence  to  bear  to  stifle 
much-needed  discussion  on  the  Devonshire  schists,  but 
Nature,  by  suppressing  the  case  for  the  defendant,  may  lead 
geologists  unacquainted  with  the  facts  to  believe  that  no 
discussion  is  needed. 

It  is  well  that  geologists  should  realise  the  fact  that, 
by  this  continued  opposition  to  further  research,  an  oppor- 
tunity has  been  lost  which  can  scarcely  recur,  viz.,  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  the  examination  of  almost  every 
rood  of  the  debatable  ground  by  Mr.  Ussher,  in  the  course 
of  his  recent  minute  survey.  Any  objections  or  theories 
advanced  then,  could  have  been  at  once  put  to  the  test. 
For  instance,  take  the  case  of  the  tourmaline  rock  at  the 
Start :  Mr.  Ussher  accepted  a  standing  commission  from 
me  to  match  that  rock,  if  possible,  anywhere  between 
the  Start  and  the  Bolt  Tail.  The  nearest  he  could  do 
for  me  was  to  produce  specimens  of  apparently  the  same 
rock  in  a  more  advanced  stage  of  metamorphism,  with 
all  original  characters  obscured.  After  this  it  is  not  very 
likely  that  this  particular  rock,  retaining  its  sedimentary 

*  Nature,  xlix.  576. 

4  An  amateur  with  an  unorthodox  fact  for  publication  is  often  in  a 
dilemma.  If  the  point  be  both  important  and  novel,  the  Editor  of  a  periodi- 
cal may  well  be  in  doubt  as  to  publishing.  If  the  latter  commits  it  to  the 
W.  P.  B.  well  and  good ;  but  if  he  refers  it  to  an  orthodox  expert  before 
doing  so,  he  will  in  all  probability  hand  the  discoverer,  bound  hand  and 
foot,  to  his  opponents.  So  far  as  my  experience  goes,  the  prospect  of 
the  W.  P.  B.,  is  in  direct  proportion  to  the  importance  of  the  communication. 
However,  on  the  question  of  writing  at  all,  a  casual  dinner-acquaintance  at 
the  Sheffield  meeting  of  the  British  Association  remarked  somewhat  cynic- 
ally, "I  never  write  unless  I  am  paid  for  it" ;  a  practical  scientist  and  a  wise. 

5  Tiic  Threshold  of  the  Catholic  Church  (imprimatur,  Cardinal  Manning), 


character,  will  be  found  elsewhere  than  at  the  Start,  which 
thus  becomes  the  final  point  of  departure  of  the  sand- 
stones for  the  unknown  region  of  complete  metamorphism. 

Friends  have  asked  me  whether  I  have  continued  the 
study  of  the  Devon  schists.  They  will  see  from  the 
foregoing  pages  that  the  equable  mind  essential  to  successful 
research  has  been  rendered  well-nigh  impossible  of  attain- 

Amateurs,  as  a  rule,  are  very  easily  snuffed  out.  When 
there  are  so  many  pleasanter  pursuits,  there  is  ever  the 
temptation  to  shirk  the  dagger  of  the  assassin.  But  in  the 
present  case,  so  much  is  at  stake,  the  battle  must  be  fought 
out  to  the  bitter  end.  Certain  prominent  penologists  have 
maintained  that  the  microscope  can  by  itself  determine  the 
age  of  certain  rocks,  of  which  rocks  the  Devon  schists  are 
examples.  So  the  question  at  issue  is  whether  this  claim 
can  be  upheld.  If  not,  half  the  petrology  of  the  last  two 
decades  will  vanish  as  mist.  This  momentous  question  can 
be  reduced  to  a  couple  of  slides,  of  schist  and  sandstone ; 
outside  of  which,  all  the  literature  of  petrology  may  be  irrele- 
vant and  beside  the  point.  Microscopists,  however,  have 
reason  to  be  satisfied  as  to  one  thing.  My  own  evidence  is 
entirely  based  on  the  microscope  itself;  so  the  microscope 
wins  in  any  event.  Had  it  been  left  to  map  and  hammer  to 
prove  the  petrological  microscope  untrustworthy,  it  might 
have  been  many  a  long  year  before  the  confidence,  which  is 
its  fair  due,  would  have  been  re-established. 

The  principle  involved  in  Professor  Bonney's  rejection  of 
evidence  without  examination,  is  of  such  grave  importance 
that  I  trust  my  colleagues,  one  and  all,  will  give  it  the 
attention  it  deserves.  The  obvious  attempt  to  escape  from  a 
false  position  on  a  false  issue,  is  too  transparent  to  succeed. 
The  attempt  is  made  to  lead  geologists  to  believe  that  a  mere 
tyro  has  ventured  to  pit  his  opinion  against  that  of  the 
greatest  authority  in  the  four  continents.  Nothing  of  the  sort. 
If  any  student  is  content  to  accept  my  opinion  or  any  one 
else's,  without  evidence,  he  is  worthy  of  all  contempt.  The 
Rev.  Professor  Bonney  belongs  to  the  only  profession  protected 
by  law  from  contradiction  in  its  public  professional  utterances. 
I  have  the  honour  to  belong  to  a  profession  whose  chiefs  are 
compelled  by  law  to  give  their  reasons  for  their  public  judg- 
ments, and  whose  rank  and  file  are  expected  to  fortify  their 
opinions  with  case  and  precedent,  often  the  only  evidence 
available  under  the  circumstances.  The  gravamen  of  the 
Professor's  charge  was  that  I  attempted  some  of  the  most 


difficult  penological  problems.  Quite  so.  The  Devonshire 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science  was  never  estab- 
lished for  its  members  to  confine  themselves  to  the  study  of 
text  books  and  primers.  The  objection,  no  doubt,  is  to  the 
examination  of  the  Devon  granites  and  the  Devon  schists ; 
and  I  am  free  to  confess,  that  when  I  commenced  the  study  I 
knew  little  of  either.  The  granite  problem  is  unquestionably 
most  difficult,  while  the  schists  are  easier.  Regarding  the 
former,  my  only  hesitation  was  touching  a  problem  rendered 
classical  by  Dr.  Sorby.  But  when  Dr.  Sorby  was  kind 
enough  to  express  his  approval  of  my  attacking  the  problem, 
and  when  subsequently  Mr.  Teall  offered  me  his  collection  of 
granites  for  comparison,  it  became  almost  a  duty  to  make  the 

But  this  new  doctrine  that  students  must  not  attempt 
difficult  problems,  would  not  only  be  fatal  to  research,  but 
has  been  quite  unknown  in  scientific  circles.  Why,  I  myself 
have  had  Stokes,  helping  me  with  waves;  Prestwich,  with 
quaternary  deposits ;  Pengelly,  with  caverns ;  Sorby,  with 
sand  grains  and  fluid  inclusions;  Ussher,  with  Devonian 
stratigraphy;  Gwyn-Jeffreys,  with  shells;  and  Teall,  with 
granites.  Sometimes  helping  with  counsel;  at  others,  with 
specimens,  or  with  literature ;  but  all  indispensable. 

The  investigation  of  the  Dartmoor  granite  has  been  even 
more  generally  obstructed  than  that  of  the  schists,  as  all 
Devonshire  workers  have  been  treated  with  much  contempt. 

The  granite  problem  has,  from  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Society,  engaged  the  special  attention  of  the  geologists  of  the 
Devon  Association.  Yet,  in  1893,  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  the  Geological  Society  attempts  to  tackle  this  advanced 
problem  in  an  elementary  and  facetious  paper,  entitled  "  Notes 
on  Dartmoor  " !  Eeferring  to  the  granite  sending  off  "intrusive 
veins  from  the  main  mass  into  the  rocks  adjoining  it,"  this 
writer  gravely  remarks,  "  this  point  is  not  so  easily  decided 
as  might  have  been  expected  "!  Had  this  inquirer  turned  to 
Mr.  Pengelly's  first  paper  on  the  subject,  he  would  have 
found  references  to  records  of  the  existence  of  intrusive 
veins,  by  De  La  Beche,  Sedgwick,  Murchison,  Godwin- Austen, 
and  Ormerod.6  Had  he  inquired  of  any  Devonshire  geologist, 
he  could  have  had  special  localities  in  abundance.  This 
paper  was  an  attack  by  a  geologist  not  conversant  with  the 
elementary  facts  of  the  problem,  on  another,  Mr.  Ussher, 
thoroughly  up  in  its  details  and  difficulties.  The  discussion, 
as  published,  would  have  been  laughable  if  not  vexatious ; 

8  Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  i.  49.  (1862.) 

m  SOUTH  DEVON.  257 

the  non-Survey  men  attacking  Mr.  Ussher,  and  his  colleagues 
rallying  to  his  defence.  However,  not  a  soul  present  seemed 
fully  to  grasp  Mr.  Ussher's  points.  Professor  Bonney  could 
not  resist  a  back-hander  at  absent  Fellows  of  the  Society,  e.g., 
"  Was  there  any  evidence  that  a  rock  could  be  fused  by 
pressure  alone,  any  more  than  by  a  gentle  stewing  in  sea- 
water,  which  also  had  been  suggested?"7  This  was  aimed 
at  Mr.  Ussher  and  myself,  and  was  as  misleading  as  it  was 
irrelevant  Fusion  by  pressure  alone,  and  by  gentle  stewing, 
were  but  phantoms  of  the  Professor's  brain. 

In  1894  the  same  author  pursued  his  researches  on  the 
rocks  of  igneous  origin  on  the  western  flank  of  Dartmoor. 
This  is  the  territory  of  Mr.  R.  N.  Worth,  F.G.S. ;  who, 
by  the  bye,  is  scarcely  referred  to.  In  the  discussion  the 
author  is  congratulated  on  discovering  augitic  rocks  on 
the  western  side  of  Cocks  Tor,  hitherto  "completely  over- 
looked/'8 and  he  thanks  the  Fellows  for  the  sympathetic  way 
in  which  they  had  received  his  paper.  On  receiving  the 
Q.  J.  O.  S.t  with  the  above  paper,  feeling  much  surprised,  I 
referred  to  a  work  in  every  penologist's  library,  viz.,  TealTs 
British  Petrography.  On  turning  to  the  Index  of  Localities, 
I  found  "Cocks  Tor,"  and,  turning  up  the  passage,  read, 
"  Bocks  allied  to  the  above,  but  frequently  containing  more 
or  less  original  augite  .  .  .  occur  at  various  points  round  the 
granite  masses  of  Devon  and  Cornwall.  They  have  been 
observed  at  Waspworthy,  Brazen  Tor,  and  Cocks  Tor,  near 

The  above  is  an  example  of  the  rule  recently  laid  down 
for  his  own  guidance  by  Professor  Bonney  in  the  following 
passage :  "  Probably  there  is  nothing  original  in  the  results, 
but  they  are  all  the  outcome  of  personal  observation,  for 
I  have  always  preferred  questioning  'Nature'  to  reading 
books.  So,  in  order  to  economise  time  in  searching  for  what 
has  been  already  said,  and  to  save  studding  the  page  with 
references,  I  will  assure  the  reader  that  he  is  quite  at  liberty 
to  suppose  that  'everything  has  been  said  by  somebody 
some  where.'  "9 

For  many  years  past  there  has  been  an  increasing 
tension  between  professor  and  amateur  in  scientific 
research.  In  June,  1894,  the  Times,  in  an  article  referring 
to  the  University  Extension  Movement,  wrote  as  follows : 
"From   smatterers   and    dilettante    amateurs  there    is    no 

7  Q.  J.  G.  S.  xlix.  397. 

8  Ibid.  1.  366. 

9  Gcol.  Mag.  1894,  p.  114. 


certain  way  of  deliverance ;  but  the  reports  of  the  committee 
of  experts  give  us  ground  for  believing  that  such  enemies  to 
real  progress  are  not  very  many,  and  that  they  will  probably 
diminish."  In  the  same  month  Professor  Max  Miiller, 
writing  on  Germany,  shows  us  the  other  side  of  the  question: 
"  For  a  philosopher  who  does  not  belong  to  the  professorial 
caste  to  gain  a  hearing  is  extremely  difficult.  The  best 
critical  papers  are  in  the  hands  of  the  professors  and  of  their 
young  pupils,  or  assistants.  They  notice  the  books  of  their 
friends,  or  of  their  rivals,  either  in  a  kindly  or  an  unkindly 
spirit,  but  the  outsider  does  not  exist  .  .  .  That  is  what  made 
Schopenhauer  so  furious,  and  so  ill-mannered  in  his  assaults 
on  the  whole  professorial  crew."1 

The  steady  resistance  to  amateur  work  by  professors,  either 
by  active  obstruction  or  the  passive  boycott,  has  for  long 
been  an  insoluble  problem. 

Max  Miiller's  terms,  "Professorial  Caste,"  and  "Professorial 
Crew,"  seem  suggestive  of  a  clue.  But,  if  so,  the  future 
of  British  research  is  clearly  endangered ;  as  the  time  seems 
rapidly  approaching  when  the  posts  of  influence,  as  well 
as  "  the  best  critical  papers,"  will  all  be  "  in  the  hands  of  the 
professors  and  their  young  pupils,  or  assistants."  Following 
out  this  suggestion,  I  made  a  rough  analysis  of  the  Royal 
Society  as  it  was  in  1892;  with  the  following  startling 
result.  Of  professors,  lecturers,  and  readers,  there  were  not 
less  than  162 ;  of  medical  men,  not  professors,  fifty  (medical 
men,  inclusive  of  professors,  ninety-eight) ;  military  men 
twenty-four,  naval  nine.  Thus  out  of  a  total  membership 
of  458,  one  in  2*8  was  a  professor,  lecturer,  or  reader ;  i.e ., 
a  teacher — one  in  4*7  was  a  medico,  whereas  one  in  1*9 
was  a  teacher,  medico,  soldier,  or  sailor.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  select  four  more  self-assertive  professions,  or 
more  resentful  of  opposition.  Under  these  circumstances 
a  want  of  sympathy  between  such  a  body  of  teachers  and 
rulers,  and  disrespectful  independent  amateurs,  is  quite 
intelligible.  It  is,  moreover,  hard  to  combine  teaching  with 
research  without  detriment  to  the  latter.  An  amateur  is 
always  interested  to  be  proved  wrong,  a  professor  never. 
Hence  an  amateur  will  assist  his  critic,  whereas  a  professor 
will  continue  his  resistance  after  he  has  no  longer  a  leg 
to  stand  upon. 

Since  writing  the  foregoing  passage  the  list  of  selected 
candidates  for  the  Eoyal  Society  for  1895  has  appeared ;  out 
of  fifteen  names,  no  less  than  six  have  the  prefix  of  "  Pro- 

1  Nineteenth  Cen.  Mag,  June,  1894,  p.  943. 

IN   SOUTH  DEVON.  •  259 

fessor."  To  adapt  Max  Miiller's  words,  we  can  almost  foresee 
the  time  when  our  great  British  Society  will  be  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  professors ;  with  remainder  to  their  young 
pupils  or  assistants.  Many  years  ago,  a  Fellow  of  the  Eoyal 
College  of  Physicians  informed  me  that  no  professional 
work  would  make  a  doctor  eligible  for  the  Eoyal  Society ; 
it  is,  therefore,  much  to  the  credit  of  this  distinguished 
profession  that  its  members  can  secure  more  than  twenty  per 
cent,  of  the  coveted  fellowship  by  miscellaneous  research, 
more  especially  when  considered  in  connection  with  the 
fact  that  one  has  to  look  outside  the  Society  for  so  many 
specialists  and  pioneers,  on  the  borderland  of  the  natural 

Perhaps  no  such  deadly  blow  has  ever  been  levelled  at  the 
credit  of  geology,  as  has  been  struck  by  the  imaginative 
school  of  petrologists,  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  the 
general  distrust  of  the  science  among  thoughtful  men  has 
greatly  increased  of  late — and  justly  so;  for  although,  by 
virtue  of  stratigraphy  and  palaeontology,  geology  may  still 
claim  to  be  one  of  the  inductive  sciences,  the  mental  flights 
of  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  microscopical  school  have 
raised  it  to  a  high  level  among  the  masterpieces  of  poetry 
and  fiction,  both  as  to  methods  and  results.2 

9  In  this  connection  the  analysis  of  the  qualifications  of  the  fifteen 
candidates  selected  by  the  Council  of  the  Royal  Society,  in  1895,  is  in- 
teresting. Judging  by  their  papers,  the  fifteen  authors  would  be  distributed 
among  the  sections  of  the  British  Association  as  follows :  (When  an  author 
would  read  in  two  sections  he  is  credited  with  J  for  each.) 

Sec.  A.  Physics         .  .  .  .     6J 

„    B.  Chemistry    .  .  .  .  .3 

„    C.  Geology         .  .  .  .  .0 

,,    D.  Biology  (including  Section  I.)  .  .     5 

„    G.  Practical  Mechanics.  .  .  .     1J 

,,    H.  Anthropology  .  .  .  .0 


The  collapse  of  Sections  C.  and  H.  is  not  surprising,  as,  at  a  Conference  at 
Oxford,  one  speaker  practically  exhausted  the  vocabulary  of  doubt  and 
conjecture  in  twelve  minutes,  and  the  only  point  proved  was  that  the  two 
sections  thought  much  but  knew  nothing. 

Two  R.S.  candidates  declare  themselves  "attached  to  science'1  !  Would 
that  all  the  Fellows  could  say  the  same.  There  would  be  more  sympathy 
and  less  obstruction  for  provincial  students. 

As  an  instance  of  Speculation  v.  Science,  the  following  extract  from  an 
address,  published  by  Nature  (May  2nd,  1895,  p.  21),  as  authoritative 
doctrine  would  be  hard  to  beat : 

"There  was  not  only  great  disruption  of  strata,  but  igneous  rocks  forced 
themselves  into  the  fissures  in  the  sedimentary  beds,  and  the  resulting  meta- 
morphism  of  the  adjacent  rocks  increased  the  confusion,  as  beds  of  slate  may 
be  traced  through  the  transformation  of  their  sedimentary  character,  by 
the  re-crystallisation  of  their  component  elements  into  diorites  having  the 


From  a  considerable  experience  of  the  work  of  country 
societies,  I  am  in  a  position  to  assert  that  there  is  no 
necessary  rivalry  whatever  between  working  amateurs  and 
professors,  and  that  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  any  such 
rivalry  should  be  set  on  foot  Amateurs  assist  each  other 
as  comrades  working  in  the  same  cause ;  and  as  often  as  not, 
ignore  the  professorial  dicta  with  the  utmost  innocence.  If, 
however,  the  professors  are  anxious  to  stir  up  a  provincial 
hornet's  nest,  as  seems  to  be  the  case,  the  hornets  will 
undoubtedly  sting,  and  so  long  as  there  is  a  printing-press 
in  the  land,  not  all  the  "  best  critical  papers  "  in  the  world 
can  prevent  this  painful  result  accruing.  Amateurs  have 
truly  no  cause  to  be  ashamed  of  their  status.  It  may  be 
remarked  that,  of  the  last  twenty-one  Presidents  elected  up 
to  date  by  the  British  Association,  there  have  been  no  less 
than  fourteen  unable  to  prefix  "professor"  to  their  names. 
More  than  one  of  the  most  distinguished  of  these  would  be, 
according  to  the  Times,  quite  typical  "  dilettante  amateurs," 
science  being  their  recreation  and  not  their  business.  After 
all,  though  sadly  tautological,  what  more  distinguished  title 
in  science  can  a  man  desire  than  that  of  a  "dilettante 
amateur,"  a  lover  of  science  who  delights  in  it?  and  is  it 
not  even  more  honourable  to  be  a  dilettante  amateur  than 
merely  "  attached  to  science,"  a  merit  occasionally  pleaded 
by,  or  for,  candidates  for  the  Royal  Society  ? 

In  connection  with  the  Amateur  and  Professor  question, 
one  incident  at  the  late  meeting  of  the  British  Association 
at  Oxford,  1894  (not  in  Sect.  C),  was  characteristic.  A  dis- 
tinguished amateur,  specially  mentioned  by  the  great  Darwin 
in  the  Origin  of  Species  as  having  caused  hint*  to  reconsider 
an  opinion,  and  one  of  our  own  past  Presidents,  read  a  paper. 
This  was  criticised  by  a  Professor  in  a  tone  of  ineffable  con- 
descension and  superiority.  Beferring  to  the  publication 
of  researches  in  miscellaneous  reports,  the  said  Professor 
thought  it  perhaps  best  as  it  was,  adding,  superciliously, 
"one  need  not  read  them"!     Clearly  for  him,  as  pointed 

peculiar  structure  of  radiating  crystals,  which  usually  characterise  rocks  of 
volcanic  origin.'1 

The  article  is  a  most  interesting  one  to  myself,  as  the  author  calls  to  his 
aid  the  water  of  the  ocean  to  account  for  metallic  lodes;  but  to  call  a 
metamorphosed  slate  a  diorite  ("The  plutonic  representative  of  the  andesitic 
magma.'  Teall,  Brit.  Petr.  254),  because  crystalline,  is  equal  to  calling 
the  solar  corona  incandescent  tallow,  because  both  tallow  and  corona  are 
sources  of  light.  The  subsequent  electric  origin  of  gold,  by  currents  acting 
on  gold  dissolved  in  salt  water,  though  most  ingenious,  and  possibly  true, 
is  strong  meat  when  delivered  as  doctrine  from  a  Presidential  chair,  and 
endorsed  by  Nature. 


out  by  Max  Miiller,  "the  outsider  does  not  exist."  Yet  in 
connection  with  such  men,  the  outsider  is  apt  to  remember 
the  following  lines  of  Cowper : 

"  Knowledge  and  wisdom,  far  from  being  one, 
Have  oft-times  no  connexion.     Knowledge  dwells 
In  heads  replete  with  thoughts  of  other  men, 
Wisdom  in  minds  attentive  to  their  own. 

Knowledge  is  proud  that  he  has  learned  so  much, 
Wisdom  is  humble  that  he  knows  no  more." 

The  following  lines,  too,  are  not  without  their  lesson : 

"  Some  to  the  fascination  of  a  name 
Surrender  judgment  hoodwinked.     Some  the  style 
Infatuates,  and  through  labyrinths  and  wilds 
Of  error,  leads  them  by  a  tune  entranced.'1 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  persistent  attacks  on 
amateurs  by  Professor  Bonney  are  of  no  ordinary  character, 
as  the  assailant  is  no  ordinary  man.  The  Professor  is  not 
only  persona  gratissima  at  the  Geological  Society,8  but  he 
accepts  the  position  accorded  him  of  being  the  most  promi- 
nent— nay,  the  representative  petrologist  of  Great  Britain. 
A  Fellow  of  Saint  John's  College,  Cambridge,  and  Professor  of 
Geology  in  University  College,  London,  he  has  also  been  the 
recipient  of  several  doctor's  degrees.  He  is  likewise  a  Fellow 
of  the  Royal  Society,  and  is  rarely  off  the  Council  of  the 
Geological,  of  which  Society  he  has  been* President,  and  by 
which  he  has  been  honoured  with  the  Wollaston  Medal,  in 
the  company  of  such  men  as  De  La  Beche,  Darwin,  Sorby, 
and  Huxley. 

All  his  virulent  attacks  on  members  of  the  Council  of  the 
Devonshire  Association  have  emanated  from  him  when  an 
officer  or  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Geological  Society, 
and  apparently  with  the  approval  of  that  body,  as  he  has 
been  re-elected  over  and  over  again.  Not  only  has  this  very 
representative  man  been  actively  hostile  to  the  rank  and  file 
of  our  workers,  but  he  has  also  treated  the  works  of  our 
distinguished  founder,  the  late  Mr.  Pengelly,  with  culpable 

All  old  members  of  the  Association  will  remember  how 
often  Mr.  Pengelly  referred  to  the  Budleigh  Salterton  pebble- 
bed,  it  being  also  one  of  the  Devon  problems  he  commended 
to  younger  workers  in  his  Presidential  Address. 

*  During  the  eighteen  years,  1878-1895,  Professor  Bonney  has  been  six 
years  secretary,  two  years  President,  and  five  years  Vice-President  of  the 
Geological  Society.    Thirteen  years  in  office. 


In  a  recent  paper  on  this  subject  Professor  Bonney,6  in  a 
foot-note,  states  that  Mr.  Pengelly,4  considered  the  fossili- 
ferous  quartzites  to  be  "practically  identical  with  those  of 
Gorran  Haven."  However,  according  to  Mr.  Pengelly's 
letter  quoted,  it  was  Mr.  Etheridge  who  stated  "that  the 
Budleigh  Salterton  pebbles  came  from  Gorran " :  Mr. 
Pengelly  having  been  only  able  to  detect  several  specimens 
of  but  one  of  the  Budleigh  Salterton  species  of  Brachiopoda, 
in  either  the  Penzance  or  Truro  Museums;  though  he 
observed,  in  siM,  fossils  of  the  same  general  fades  in 
quartzites  identical  in  structure,  and  even  in  hue,  with  the 
pebbles  of  South-Eastern  Devonshire.4 

Now  let  us  see  what  Mr.  Pengelly  really  did  write  of  the 
pebbles  in  the  following  year : — "  It  has  been  suggested  that 
their  source  may  have  been  Normandy,  or  Brittany,  or  the 
Dodman  District  in  South  Cornwall,  in  each  of  which  very 
similar  rocks,  with,  at  least,  some  identical  fossils,  are  known 
to  be  in  siM.  It  has  also  been  suggested,  and  perhaps  with 
greater  probability,  that  their  source  was  none  of  the  foregoing 
localities,  but  a  reef  lying  between  them,  perhaps  a  portion 
of  a  once-continuous  barrier  crossing  the  Channel,  and  con- 
necting the  whole.  In  short,  by  common  consent,  the  pebbles 
came  from  somewhere  between  south  and  west  of  the  pebble- 
bed."  6  (Italics  mine.) 

We  thus  see  that  Mr.  Pengelly  thought  it  more  probable 
that  the  pebbles  did  not  come  from  Gorran  Haven !  It  may 
be  contended  that  Professor  Bonney  was  unaware  of  the 
existence  of  Mr.  Pengelly's  paper ;  but  it  so  happens  that  it 
is  the  famous  paper  on  the  metamorphic  rocks  of  South 
Devon,  to  which  Professor  Bonney,  in  1883,  referred  his 
readers  for  the  previous  literature  of  that  subject. 

In  writing  of  the  pebble-bed,  Professor  Bonney  says: 
"The  materials,  then,  seem  not  generally  to  represent  the 
rocks  now  exposed  in  Devon  and  Cornwall.  I  had  expected 
to  find  a  large  proportion  of  rocks  from  this  region,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  breccias,  which  are  so  fully  exposed 
further  west."6  Was  there  ever  so  singular  a  remark? 
Surely,  if  the  pebbles  came  from  Devon  and  Cornwall, 
there  would  be  no  problem  as  to  their  origin.  Devon 
and  Cornwall  are  not  unknown  to  geographers,  even 
though  Dartmoor  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  of  a 
terra    incognita    to    the    Geological    Society,    and    known 

4  Geol.  Mag.  1878,  p.  238. 

5  Trans.  Dev.  Assoc.  1879,  p.  2. 

6  Ocol  Mag.  1895,  p.  79. 

IN   SOUTH  DEVON.  263 

only  to  the  aboriginal  geologists  of  the  district.  More- 
over, what  evidence  is  there  of  Cornish  rocks  in  the 
Devon  breccias  ?  We  certainly  have  the  Devonshire  schists 
in  the  conglomerate  in  Bigbury  Bay ;  but  these  schists  were 
rather  travelling  towards  Cornwall  than  in  the  contrary 
direction.  The  origin  of  the  crystalline  rocks  in  the 
Devon  breccias  is  still  a  puzzle.  The  schorlaceous  rocks 
of  the  breccias  which  have  come  under  my  notice,  though 
bearing  a  family  likeness  to  the  Dartmoor  rocks,  are  not 
identical  with  any  I  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  see : 
though  this,  of  course,  is  but  negative  evidence.  If  any 
have  been  actually  traced  to  a  Cornish  origin,  it  is  a  fact 
which  should  be  more  generally  known. 

Inaccurate  quotations,    and  important    assertions    made 

without  references  to  their  authors,  are  the  very  bane  of 

painstaking  students.      Mr.   Pengelly,   as   is    well  known, 

insisted  on  quoting  an  author  down  to  his  very  grammatical 

slips,  punctuation  and  all.     In  connection  with  this  subject, 

I  may  here  remark  that  a  passage  by  Mr.  Pengelly  himself, 

on  the  Budleigh   Salterton  question,   was  quoted   by   that 

distinguished  naturalist,  the  late  Dr.  Davidson,  in  his  Fossil 

Brachiopoda,  in  a  manner  almost  suggestive  of  quotation 

from  memory,  two  or  three  alterations  distinctly  affecting 

the  author's  meaning.7    No  one  could  gather  Mr.  Pengelly's 

mind  from  either  the  versions  of  Dr.  Davidson  or  Professor 

Bonney.     Moral,  verify  your  quotations. 

As  Professor  Bonney,  without  the  slightest  provocation, 
has  declared  he  could  not  waste  time  by  discussing  the 
schist  question  with  Mr.  Somervail ;  and  has  further  quite 
gratuitously  declared  that  I  should  not  succeed  in  drawing 
him  into  controversy  on  the  same  question,  life  being  short 
(albeit,  I  have  not  the  slightest  desire  to  prevent  the 
Professor  running  away  if  he  prefers  to  do  so),  I  may 
be  permitted  to  point  out  the  common  tactics  of  our  fugitive 

Professor  Bonney's  first  paper  in  the  Quarterly  Journal,  so 
far  as  I  can  ascertain,  was  published  in  1870,  a  few  months 
after  I  myself  joined  the  Geological  Society. 

It  was  printed  in  short  abstract,  and  only  occupies  about 
three-quarters  of  a  page  of  the  Journal.  Its  subject  was  the 
"  Geology  of  the  Lofoten  Islands."  When  a  writer  is  limited 
to  so  short  a  paper,  it  is  usual  to  economise  almost  every 
word.  The  Professor,  however,  commences  with  a  descrip- 
tion  of  the   scenery   of  the  islands   as    viewed   from   the 

7  Monograph,  British  Fossil  Brachiopoda,  ?oL  iv. 


steamer,  and  then  goes  on  to  notice  "bedding"  in  several 
crystalline  rocks,  viz.,  in  "a  rock  resembling  syenite,  and 
in  a  quartzite  containing  a  little  hornblende  and  felspar " ; 
and  again  in  another  "granitoid  rock,  resembling  syenite." 
"The  author  concluded,  from  his  observations,  that,  with 
few  exceptions,  the  so-called  granites  of  the  Lofoten  Islands 
are  stratified,  highly  metamorphosed  rocks — quartzites  and 
gneiss,  generally  with  much  felspar  in  the  latter,  and 
with  more  or  less  hornblende  in  both.8  . . ."  The  only  felspar 
named  was  "  pink  orthoclase." 

Now,  perhaps,  there  is  no  more  important  paper  in 
the  Quarterly  Journal,  if  the  conclusions  arrived  at  can 
be  verified ;  as  the  contention  is  that  syenite  and  gneiss, 
with  orthoclase  and  hornblende,  may  be  metamorphosed 
stratified  rocks,  which  have  not  lost  their  original 
bedding;  instead  of  being,  as  sometimes  thought,  altered 
crystalline  rocks  with  a  deceptive  bedding-structure  super- 
induced by  pressure.  I  offer  no  opinion,  but  allow  the 
Professor  to  provide  his  own  commentary. 

Eight  years  later,  in  describing  the  Charnwood  Forest 
syenites,  and  defending  their  igneous  origin,  the  Professor 
states  that  one  of  the  arguments  against  that  hypothesis  was 
"  an  appearance  of  bedded  structure."  To  which  he  replies, 
"the  'bedded  structure*  is  only  that  tendency  to  parallel 
jointing  which  is  not  rare  in  large  masses  of  igneous 
rock."  9 

In  1894,  in  "Some  Notes  on  Gneiss,"  the  Professor  asks: 
"  But  was  the  old  notion  entirely  wrong  ?  Cannot  a  gneiss 
be,  in  any  case,  an  altered  sedimentary  rock  V'1 

It  will  be  observed  that  Professor  Bonney  has  been 
wandering  in  absolute  darkness.  In  1870,  he  assumes  that 
even  syenite  may  be  a  metamorphosed  bedded  rock;  in 
1878,  he  points  out  the  error  of  confounding  the  jointing 
of  crystalline  rocks  with  bedding;  in  1894,  he  inquires 
whether  gneiss  might  not,  in  any  case,  be  an  altered  sedi- 
mentary rock.  He  goes  on  to  say,  "  There  seems,  however, 
no  reason  why  a  sediment  of  the  proper  chemical  composi- 
tion should  not,  as  a  result  of  metamorphic  processes,  be 
changed  into  a  gneiss.  But,  as  a  rule,  clays  (for  to  some 
variety  of  this  rock  we  must  look)  are  rather  deficient  in 

8  Quarterly  Journal  Oeol.  Soc.  xxvii.  623. 

9  Q.J.G.S.  xxxiv.  212.  This  may  be  the  case  in  the  instance  above 
referred  to,  but  on  Dartmoor  the  "  bedded  structure"  is  distinct  from  the 
parallel  jointing. 

1  Oeol.  Mag.  1894,  p.  120. 


alkalies,  and  seem  to  produce  micas  and  minerals  such  as 
andalusite  more  readily  than  felspar."2  (Italics  mine.) 

Now,  if  we  must  look  to  clay  as  the  parent  rock — and  clay 
is  commonly  the  result  of  the  decomposition  of  potash 
felspar — the  lack  of  magnesia  and  lime  would  render  the 
production  of  hornblende  and  of  syenite  a  physical  im- 
possibility in  most  cases.  The  limitation  of  gneisses  to 
clays  seems  most  unnecessary,  as  stratified  volcanic  ash,  or 
ash  mingled  with  aluminous  and  siliceous  sediment,  would 
supply  a  stratified  deposit  capable,  so  far  as  material  goes, 
of  being  transformed  into  gneisses,  syenites,  granites,  or 
almost  any  other  crystalline  rock,  leaving  the  more  ordinary 
clays  to  account  for  the  more  ordinary  schists.8 

It  appears  to  have  been  this  disregard  of  the  meta- 
morphosis of  volcanic  rocks  which  has  led  Professor  Bonney 
so  far  astray,  both  at  the  Lizard  and  the  Prawle ;  whereas  it 
was  by  the  recognition  of  this  very  fact,  in  discerning  the 
relation  of  the  "chlorite  schists"  to  the  Devonian  green- 
stones, that  Mr.  Somervail  did  such  a  lasting  service  to 
Devonshire  science.  1 

How  far  Professor  Bonney  went  astray  can  be  shown  by 
his  own  papers.  In  his  paper  on  the  Lizard,  in  1877,  he 
describes  the  "  granulite  "  and  hornblende  schist  as  follows : 
"Careful  examination,  however,  shows  that  we  have  here, 
highly-metamorphosed  and  entangled  in  the  serpentine, 
another  mass  of  sedimentary  rock,  which  has  once  con- 
sisted of  lenticular  bands  of  a  more  sandy  character,  in  a 
mod  whose  mineral  composition  somewhat  resembled  that  of 
hornblende.  The  first  stage  has  been  the  conversion  of  the 
former  into  a  kind  of  granulite,  the  latter,  probably,  into  a 
hornblende  schist"4  In  the  concluding  paragraph,  the 
author  says,  "The  sedimentary  rocks  of  the  Lizard  are 
probably  about  Lower  Devonian  age."  6 

So  far  as  the  hornblende  schist  was  concerned,  the  above 
was  an  attempted  correction  with  the  microscope  of  Sedg- 
wick's view,  that  the  hornblende  schist,  or  part  of  it,  called 
by  him  a  greenstone,  was  of  igneous  origin.  However,  we 
see  that,  in  1877,  Prof.  Bonney  pronounced  these  schists 
sedimentary,  and  probably  Lower  Devonian.     In  1883,  the 

1  Geol.  Mag.  1894,  p.  120. 

*  The  composition  of  the  Eddystone  gneiss,  and  of  its  felspathic  veins,  is 
precisely  sucn  as  might  be  expected  to  result  from  metamorphisin  of  the 
schists  and  felspathic  veins  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Bolt  Head,  the 
original  sediment  being,  at  least  to  some  extent,  of  volcanic  origin. 

<0. /.  <?.  S.  xxxiii.  902. 

•  hoc.  cit.  924. 

vol.  xxyii.  T 


Professor  again  returned  to  the  subject  with  an  entire  change 
of  front  Of  the  hornblende  schist  he  now  writes : — "  The 
result  of  the  above  examination  of  the  hornblende  schist 
shows  that  it  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  a  metamorphic 
representative  of  the  Lower  Devonian  (or  even  Silurian) 
strata,  but  that  it  almost  certainly  belongs  to  some  part 
of  the  Archaean."0  The  sedimentary  character  of  the  horn- 
blendic  rocks  is,  however,  still  retained,  e.g.  "I  .  .  .  am 
disposed  to  regard  the  group  as,  at  any  rate  in  the  main,  of 
sedimentary  origin."7  Most  surprising  of  all,  the  Professor 
discovered  u  a  record  of  true  •  current-bedding ' "  in  the  horn- 
blendic  rocks,  and  of  "  indications  of  current-bedding  *'  in 
the  granulitic  rocks !  These,  or  some  of  them,  are  figured 
on  PL  1,  vol.  xxxix.  of  the  Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Geological 
Society  of  London. 

In  1891  Professor  Bonney  wrote  a  third  time  on  the  same 
rocks.  The  sedimentary  granulitic  rocks  with  their  current 
bedding  were  now  found  to  be  volcanic  rocks,  the  phenomena 
of  banding  being  explained  as  follows  : — 

"  These  conditions  appear  to  be  best  fulfilled  by  the  following 
hypothesis :  That  into  a  basic  magma,  which  at  any  rate  was 
sufficiently  solid  to  break  into  fragments,  an  acid  magma,  at  a  very 
high  temperature,  was  injected, — that  either  the  more  basic 
material  was  still  somewhat  plastic  when  this  intrusion  took  place, 
or  it  was,  by  this  accession  of  heated  stuff,  so  far  softened,  that  it 
was  drawn  out  into  streaks,  and  was  even  sometimes  slightly 
mixed  with  the  other  by  actual  fusion,  when  movements  occurred 
in  the  mass ;  and  that  afterwards,  as  the  temperature  gradually 
fell,  the  whole  mass  became  crystalline.  Thus,  the  banded 
gneissoid  rock  of  the  Granulitic  Group  is  an  example  of  a  kind  of 
flow-structure  on  a  large  scale,  wholly,  or  (more  probably)  in  part, 
antecedent  to  crystallisation."  s 

Our  quondam  sedimentary  current-bedded  rock  has  now 
become  an  example  of  an  igneous  rock  formed  "  at  a  very 
high  temperature  " ! 

Of  the  Hornblendic  Group,  which  in  1S33  furnished  a 
record  of  "  true  current-bedding,"  the  Professor  writes : — 

41  Thus,  although  our  reasons  cannot  be  fully  appreciated  by 
those  who  have  not  followed  our  steps,  we  are  at  present  unable  to 
suggest  any  form  of  mechanical  disturbance  as  a  complete  explana- 
tion of  the  more  banded  members  of  the  Hornblendic  Group,  and 
think  that  for  these  the  stratification  of  an  ash  (perhaps  by  the 
intervention  of  water)  is  the  better  working  hypothesis." 

•  Q.  G.  J.  S.  xxxix.  23. 
T  Z*v.  cit.  19. 

*  Q.J.G.S.  xlviL  477. 


But  later  on : — 

"  We  now  feel  convinced  that  some  members  of  the  group  were 
originally  dolerites,9  and  some  structures  are  due  to  fluxion."1 

It  may  be  observed  that  certain  unexplained  structures  in 

these  rocks  are  thus  attributed  partly  to  fluxion,  and  partly  to 

currents.     It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  the  conditions 

tinder  which  similar  structure  could  be  produced  in  the  same 

rock  by  such  opposite  agencies.    Not  having  studied  the 

lizard  rocks,  I  simply '  watch  the  struggle  as  an  amused 

spectator ;  but,  judging  from  an  also  unexplained  incipient 

banded  structure  in  the  Devon  schists,  I  anticipate  that 

geologists  will  agree  before  long  that  the  current-bedding 

hypothesis  is  out  of  the  question,  and  the  fluxion  hypothesis 

equally  so. 

At  the  time  geologists  first  discovered  current-bedding  in 
hornblende  rocks,  I  had  been  working  at  the  subject  of 
ripple-mark  and  current-bedding  myself,  and  my  first 
thought  was  to  test  the  theory  by  experiment  with  volcanic 
ash.  On  second  thoughts,  however,  the  suggestion  seemed 
so  highly  improbable,  that  it  seemed  best  to  let  it  die  a 
natural  death.  One  of  the  fundamental  difficulties  is  this : — 
Current-bedding  differs  from  sedimentation  in  being  due  to 
transport  of  material  over  a  river-,  or  sea-,  or  lake-bottom. 
This  transport  is  practically  confined  to  sands,  clay  and  mud 
being  conveyed  in  suspension,  and  accumulated  by  sedimen- 
tation. Kipple-mark  and  current-mark  must,  therefore,  not 
be  looked  for,  either  in  recent  muds  or  in  ancient  slates.  It 
is  an  open  question  whether  current-mark,  as  seen  in  sands 
and  sandstones,  could  be  produced  in  volcanic  ash.  It  could, 
no  doubt,  be  produced  in  a  mixture  of  ash  and  sand,  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  it  could  be  produced  in  a  pure 
volcanic  deposit.  But  on  the  assumption  that  such  were 
possible,  it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  any  conditions  of 
river,  lake,  or  sea,  subject  to  currents,  which  would  not  bring 
about  an  admixture  of  quartz-sand  with  the  volcanic  ejecta- 
menta.  If  so,  it  is  almost  certain  that  any  metamorphic 
processes  insufficient  to  obliterate  the  current  structure 
would  also  fail  to  obliterate  traces  of  the  original  siliceous 
sand,  easily  recognised  in  the  microscope. 

In  one  of  the  cases  figured  by  Professor  Bonney,  we  are 
told  expressly   that   the  materials  "appear  to   be  mostly 

9  The  point  here  at  issue  is  whether  the  petrologies!  microscope  in  Prof. 
Bonney's  hands  can  distinguish  an  altered  dolerite  from  a  metamorphosed 
"mud  whose  mineral  composition  somewhat  resembled  that  of  hornblende. " 
See  ante,  p.  265.  1  Loc.  tit.  480. 

t  2 


rather  rounded  grains  of  felspar/'2  the  other  constituents 
being  quartz,  hornblende,  and  mica,  a  closely-twined  plagio- 
clase  being  very  abundant.  It  is  difficult  to  see  whence 
currents  could  collect  such  materials,  but  if  once  collected, 
the  latter  would  soon  be  distributed  apart,  according  to 
weight  and  form.  However,  this  case  is  in  the  granulite, 
which  Professor  Bonney  now,  or  at  least  in  1891,  decided  to 
be  igneous,  and  to  show  flow  structure. 

The  Lizard  question  does  not  particularly  concern 
Devonshire  geologists ;  but  the  problem  of  the  hornblendic 
metamorphics  is  common  to  both  the  Lizard  and  the  Prawle, 
and  demands  the  closest  attention. 

When  Professor  Bonney  denies  the  right  of  Devonshire 
men  to  investigate  the  geology  of  their  own  county,  it  is 
impossible  to  avoid  scrutinizing  closely  his  own  claim  to 
monopolize  their  great  geological  puzzle — the  Devon  schists, 
one  of  whose  chief  difficulties  lies  with  the  hornblendic 
green  rocks.  Now,  with  respect  to  hornblendic  schists  in 
general,  the  foregoing  pages  have  shown  how  often  Professor 
Bonney  has  changed  his  mind  on  quite  fundamental  points, 
from  Lofoten  to  the  Lizard.  Although  the  Professor  has 
practically  staked  his  reputation  (quite  needlessly)  on  the 
Archaean  age  of  the  Devon  schists,  the  Director-General  of 
the  Geological  Survey  now  describes  them  under  the  heading 
"  Devonian/'  and  the  petrographer  to  the  Survey  mentions 
that  previous  descriptions  of  the  green  rocks  have  been  very 
imperfect.8  Thus,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  competent 
geologists  now  maintain  the  possibility  of  the  schists  being 
Devonian;  and  the  question  is,  therefore,  one  clearly  open 
to  further  research  and  discussion.  Professorial  obstruction 
of  research  is  not  a  danger  to  be  safely  disregarded,  because, 
although,  as  has  been  seen  in  the  case  of  the  Devonshire 
Association  itself,  local  amateur  work  can  be  very  easily 
quenched,  such  work  has  then  to  remain  undone,  as  no  one 
but  the  local  amateur  (except,  of  course,  the  Geological 
Surveyor)  has  either  the  opportunity  or  leisure  to  do  it  It 
is  quite  preposterous  to  suppose  that  London  gentlemen, 
however  able,  can,  in  their  flying  holiday-visits,  dispose 
authoritatively  of  problems  which  have  perplexed  men  of 
at  least  equal  ability,  who  have  given  them  attention  for 
years.  We  may  safely  take  it  for  granted  that  where  Mr. 
Pengelly  and  Mr.  Tawney  have  doubted,  certainty  is  not 
within  easy  reach ;  or,  that  where  Mr.  Pengelly  has  kept  his 

1  Q.  J.  G.  S.  xxxix.  17. 
3  Hature,  xlix.  497. 

IN   SOUTH   DEVON.  269 

eye  and  pen  on  a  notorious  problem  for  his  whole  working 
life,  it  is  not  safe  to  pay  the  locus  in  quo  a  hasty  visit  under 
the  assumption  that  the  problem  is  non-existent,  the 
mere  creature  of  provincial  imagination.  It  appears  to  be 
almost  an  unwritten  law  among  scientists  (I  use  this  word, 
as  Mr.  Fengelly  commonly  did,  as  distinguishing  science 
from  philosophy;  the  same  great  distinction  as  between 
"talent"  and  u genius"),  either  to  ignore  the  work  of 
an  opponent,  who  is  not  a  personal  friend;  or,  to  attack 
the  man  himself  tooth  and  nail. 

Trained  as  I  had  been  at  the  meetings  of  the  Torquay 
Natural  History  Society,  I  was  fairly  taken  aback  by  & 
retort  of  Sir  Andrew  Ramsay  at  one  of  the  first  meetings 
of  the  Geological  Society  which  I  attended.  He  was  vexed 
by  some  remark  made  on  a  paper,  and,  in  replying,  he  fairly 
hissed  out,  "I  thought  I  was  addressing  the  Geological 
Society  of  London,  and  not  an  elementary  school ! "  Can  we 
conceive  such  a  remark  made  by  a  member  of  the  Council 
from  the  platform  of  the  Devonshire  Association?  I 
registered  a  vow  there  and  then  never  to  venture  a  remark 
before  the  Geological  Society,  a  vow  which  has  been  kept. 
Sir  Andrew's  victim  was  no  doubt  a  prominent  geologist,  or  he 
would  scarcely  have  been  speaking  at  the  Geological  Society, 
and  such  a  thrust  would  do  him  no  harm;  but  very  few 
amateurs  care  to  face  such  stabs,  and  speedily  turn  to  more 
congenial  occupations ;  if,  however,  they  do  not  do  so,  there 
is  the  greatest  risk  that  their  main  object  will  quite  in- 
sensibly change  its  character.  The  desire  to  defeat  the 
adversary  will  take  the  place  of  the  honest  search  for  truth ; 
and  then  nothing  but  disaster  can  befall  the  scientific 

As  my  own  investigations  have  been  solely  due  to  the 
Devonshire  Association,  and  my  experiences  are  doubtless 
the  common  lot  of  the  amateur,  a  brief  sketch  may,  perhaps, 
interest  a  Society,  which,  by  its  early  encouragement,  is 
the  true  author  of  all  my  papers.  Without  the  Devonshire 
Association,  not  a  line  would  have  been  written. 

In  every  case  my  subjects  have  sought  me;  not  I  my 
subjects.  And  in  nearly  every  case,  I  have  been  able  to 
bring  that  happy  ignorance  to  my  tasks,  which  precludes  the 
possibility  of  prejudice  and  preconception.  Owing  to  lack  of 
memory,  history  has  always  been  a  very  weak  point,  and  of 
numismatics  I  know  nothing.  But  my  first  paper  was  on 
History  and  Numismatics.4   It,  I  believe,  led  to  an  invitation 

4  Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  vi.  197. 


to  become  (if  I  forget  not)  an  original  member  of  the 
Historical  Society,  which  invitation  I  at  first  was  inclined  to 
regard  as  a  hoax ;  and  it  also  elicited  the  warm  commenda- 
tion of  a  gentleman  who  had  been  in  the  Coin-room,  at  the 
British  Museum.  This  I  took  for  chaff ;  and  I  had  to  ask, 
"  Do  you  really  think  it  a  good  paper  ? "  This  approval  was 
encouraging,  and  no  doubt,  had  not  I  done  what  I  could  to 
record  and  analyse  the  evidence  of  the  Blackpool  coins,  that 
interesting'  find  would  have  been  lost  entirely  to  science. 
That  paper  was  the  first  original  paper,  as  distinguished  from 
an  essay,  which  I  ever  wrote.  Read  at  the  Torquay  Society, 
Mr.  Pengelly  persuaded  me  to  send  it  to  the  Devonshire 
Association,  where  it  had  to  go  unattended  by  its  author,  as 
the  bare  idea  of  standing  on  a  platform  and  reading  a  paper 
was  sufficient 

My  next  subject  was  equally  uncongenial.  Of  conchology 
I  knew  nothing,  and  cared  nothing.  But  circumstances  led 
to  my  preserving  a  large  aplysia,  or  sea  hare,  with  the 
intention  of  describing  it  to  the  Torquay  Natural  History 
Society  from  Forbes  and  Hanley,  and  Gwyn-Jeffreys. 
Doctors  differed :  so  I  worked  up  the  subject  for  several 
years,  set  the  malacologists  and  conchologists  by  the  ears : 
the  latter  asserting  that  the  large  sea-hares  were  A.  depilans, 
the  former  agreeing  with  me  that  they  were  over-grown 
A.  punctata.  The  result  being  that,  thanks  to  Mr.  Gwyn- 
Jeffreys'  candour  in  acknowledging  that  he  had  described 
A.  depilans  from  a  badly  preserved  specimen,  I  believe  I 
have  turned  A.  depilans  out  of  the  British  fauna.  However, 
my  amateur  work  was  taken  up  subsequently  by  my  friend 
Mr.  A.  Garstang,  and  the  problem  cannot  well  be  in  better 
hands,  whatever  be  the  final  conclusion. 

Dredging  in  Torbay,  suggested  "Notes  on  Torbay,"  dis- 
cussing both  the  fauna,  and  the  action  of  waves  on  the 
bottom.  This  paper  dealt  with  a  difficult  subject  for  a  non- 
mathematician,  and  to  guard  against  blunders  in  this  line 
Lord  Rayleigh  most  kindly  looked  through  the  manuscript  for 
me.  The  subject  was  now  followed  up  by  experiments  in  a 
special  tank,  and  a  paper  on  "  Kipple-mark "  was  submitted 
to  the  Royal  Society,  which  touched  also  on  the  influence  of 
waves  on  the  marine  fauna.  This  latter  problem  was,  I 
believe,  novel,  and  certainly  important,  and  a  paper  was  pre- 
pared for  the  Linnean  Society.  On  submitting  this  paper  to 
Mr.  Gwynn-Jeffreys,  F.R.S.,  a  past-president  of  the  Linnean, 
he  advised  my  trying  to  get  it  communicated  to  the  Royal 
Society,  and  left  it  at  that  Society's  rooms  to  await  my 


decision.  Now  the  Royal  Society  had  not  appreciated  my 
former  paper,  and  I  did  not  know  of  a  soul  in  it  who  would 
care  to  hear  more  of  waves  and  fauna  from  an  outsider.  The 
paper  was  written  for  the  Linnean,  but  the  question  was  how 
to  get  it  there.  As  the  paper  was  already  at  the  Royal,  I 
determined,  in  my  dilemma,  to  refer  the  question  to  a  scientist, 
and  more  than  a  scientist,  who  had,  I  believe,  been  President 
of  both  Linnean  and  Royal,  and  whose  praises  I  had  heard 
sung  for  his  kindness  to  a  relative  of  my  own.  Five  minutes 
would  have  sufficed  to  decide  whether  this  short  paper,  the 
result  of  years  of  thought,  was  suited  to  .the  Linnean,  and 
none  could  tell  me  better  than  my  referee.  It  is,  I  believe, 
the  only  case  in  which  I  have  been  refused  scientific  assist- 
ance, so  I  quote  the  reply  in  extenso.5 

"May  9th,  1884. 

"  Sir, — I  regret  that  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  undertake  to  read 
papers,  with  a  view  to  deciding  whether  they  are  fit  for  presentation 
to  a  Society.  (( j 

"  Your  obedient  Servant, 


Needless  to  say,  my  correspondent  was  a  professor.  Not 
«m  amateur  in  the  kingdom  would  have,  under  the  circum- 
stances, adopted  such  a  tone  to  a  fellow-student.  The  letter 
Is  interesting  both  for  style  and  signature.  It  proved  the 
"best  answer  to  my  enquiry,  and  confirmed  my  reluctance  to 
submit  the  paper  to  the  Royal  Society.  Mr.  Gwyn-Jeffreys 
kindly  resumed  charge  of  it,  and  communicated  it  to  the 

The  Linnean  paper  was  practically  the  outcome  of  my 
Devon  Association  paper,  "Notes  on  Torbay,"  and  it  may 
possibly  interest  some  of  our  members  to  know  how  it  fared. 
I  had  shirked  attending  the  Royal  Society  when  Ripple-mark 
was  submitted,  and  would  have  done  the  same  by  the 
Linnean,  had  not  Mr.  Pengelly  insisted  that  my  absence 
would  show  disrespect  to  the  Society.  Shortly  after  my 
arrival  in  town,  I  picked  up  a  Standard  in  the  hotel  reading- 
room,  and  was  somewhat  staggered  to  find  my  humble  paper 
advertised  as  one  of  the  events  of  the  following  evening,  in 
the  notices  of  meetings.     The  following  afternoon  a  telegram 

5  Since  the  above  was  written,  science  has  had  to  deplore  the  loss  of  the 
distinguished  author  of  the  letter  in  question,  Professor  Huxley.  The  letter 
is  quite  explicable  on  the  assumption  that  it  was  written  not  by  Huxley  the 
great  naturalist,  but  by  Huxley  the  controversialist,  who  in  his  later  years 
aevoted  so  much  of  his  valuable  time  to  the  attempt  to  enforce  the  sub- 
mission of  reluctant  ecclesiastics  to  his  own  opinions. 


came  to  hand  with  an  invitation  to  dine  at  the  Linnean 
Club.  After  dinner,  Mr.  Gwyn- Jeffreys  drove  me  to 
Burlington  House.  On  the  way,  I  sounded  him  as  to  the 
apparent  links  between  Trochus  zizyphinus  and  T.  granu- 
latvs,  a  really  very  perplexing  question.  The  great 
conchologist  was  a  stickler  for  the  immutability  of  species, 
and  he  decided  the  point  by  saying,  "Oh,  but  after  all,  a 
species  is  a  species  " !  From  the  moment  my  fate  was  sealed 
that  I  must  accompany  my  paper,  I  had  been  on  the  stretch, 
in  what  Devonians  would  call  "a  proper  flitter,"  and  the 
crisis  was  reached  when,  after  preliminary  business  had  been 
transacted,  the  Vice-President,  in  the  chair,  requested  me,  in 
the  suavest  of  tones,  to  expound  my  paper  to  the  meeting ; 
a  crowded  meeting,  too.  This  was  beyond  my  powers,  and  I 
read  it  through  from  beginning  to  end.  After  the  meeting, 
Mr.  Gwyn-Jeffreys  was  good  enough  to  ask  me  to  join  the 
Society,  and  when  I  had  proved  to  him  my  entire  unfitness 
for  the  fellowship,  he  summoned  a  botanist,  whose  name  was 
a  household  word :  him  I  thought  to  discomfit  by  exclaim- 
ing, "I  know  no  botany,  and  no  systematic  zoology."  He 
calmly  replied,  "We  have  plenty  of  systematic  zoology 
here."  Then  Mr.  Gwyn-Jeffreys  said,  "  If  your  objection  is 
financial  I  will  say  no  more."  This  was  conclusive,  and  I 
left  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  these  genial  naturalists.  I 
believe  they  were  wrong ;  any  young  professor  would  pluck 
me  on  the  elements  of  zoology,  and  on  botany  I  could  not 
answer  a  question ;  but  the  cheer  and  support  which  those 
kind  words  of  welcome  afforded,  are  beyond  my  powers  to 

The  only  possible  explanation  that  occurs  to  me  why  the 
Linnean  Society  should  have  been  so  sympathetic,  whereas 
the  Boyal  and  Geological  have  been  so  much  the  other  way, 
is  that  the  first-named  was  much  less  under  professorial  rule. 

As  the  Linnean  paper  was  highly  condensed,  and  dry  to  a 
degree,  I  continued  my  work  in  the  form  of  a  lecture  to  the 
Torquay  Natural  History  Society.  Having  taken  in  Nature 
from  the  first  number,  and  that  periodical  being  addicted  to 
publishing  lectures  in  extenso  or  abstract,  enquiry  was  made 
whether  the  editor  would  entertain  the  idea  of  giving 
publicity  to  my  "  Waves  and  Fauna."  The  proposal  was  very 
civilly  declined,  without  any  request  even  to  see  the  manu- 
script. Knowing  of  no  other  means  of  effectual  publication, 
I  had  no  option  but  to  drop  the  research,  which  was 
accordingly  done.  However,  the  subject  can  afford  to  wait, 
though  no  evolutionist  can  afford  to  ignore  it,  and  in  the 


meantime  my  thanks  are  due,  more  especially,  to  Lord 
Rayleigh,  Sir  G.  G.  Stokes,  the  Eev.  A.  Cooke,  and  to  the 
Brixham  fisherman,  Mr.  George  Hayden,  who  all,  in  one 
way  or  another,  materially  assisted  me  in  my  enquiry. 

A  problem  intimately  connected  with  waves  and  shoals  is 
the  origin  of  rounded  sand-grains.  It  is  no  easy  matter 
to  distinguish  sands  rounded  by  wind,  sands  rounded  by 
waves,  and  sands  derived  from  quartz  rounded  in  the 
parent  matrix,  yet  it  is  most  important  that  geologists 
should  not  confound  these  varieties.  Now,  in  1886,  I  sent 
in  a  paper  to  the  British  Association  at  Birmingham  on 
"  Denudation  and  deposition  experimentally  considered  " ; 
a  subject  of  much  importance  to  geologists,  and  one  in  which 
serious  blunders  have  been  made  as  to  the  action  and  point 
of  attack  of  plunging  waves.  In  this  paper  I  demonstrated 
the  lines  of  plunge  on  different  slopes,  and  proved  by  experi- 
ment the  persistence  of  the  wave  depression  to  the  very  last. 
Unfortunately,  my  constant  antagonist,  Professor  Bonney, 
was  Sectional  President,  and  in  his  address  promulgated  the 
heresy  that  rounded  sand-grains  almost  necessarily  indicated 
seolian  action,  i.e.  the  action  of  wind.  My  own  paper 
was  treated  with  the  utmost  disrespect,  my  name  being 
even  omitted  from  the  Sectional  Committee;  an  unusual 
slight  to  an  old  member,  and  an  almost  unheard-of  one  to  an 
old  member  communicating  a  paper.  Thus  I  was  unable  to 
obtain  any  tidings  of  my  paper,  and  it  was  only  by  almost 
unseemly  importunity  that  it  was  given  a  grudging  place,  last 
but  one,  on  the  last  day  in  the  sub-section  of  Section  C. 
Now,  it  must  not  be  assumed  this  was  such  a  very  bad 
paper.  It  was  subsequently  privately  printed,  and  dedicated 
by  special  permission  to  Lord  Rayleigh.  Professor  Bonney's 
dictum  from  the  chair,  that  rounded  sand-grains  implied 
wind  action,  seemed  calculated  to  lead  to  much  confusion,  so 
I  proposed  a  short  paper  on  the  rounding  of  sand-grains 
to  the  Geological  Society,  addressing  my  letter  officially 
to  the  Secretaries.  It  never  reached  them,  and  ultimately, 
both  the  President  and  Assistant-Secretary  deemed  the 
paper,  or  possibly  the  subject,  scarcely  suitable  for  the 
Society.6  The  Society  probably  still  believes  that  waves 
cannot  round  sand-grains,  because  sands  on  beaches  are 
mostly  crushed  and  angular.  It  may  be  observed  that 
not  only  were  my  experiments  and  observations  fortified  by 
the  mathematical  conclusions  of  such  physicists  as  Bayleigh 

6  My  letters  to  the  Geological  Society  appear  as  an  appendix.     The 
situation  was  not  devoid  of  a  certain  spice  oi  humour. 


and  Stokes,  but  I  was  in  correspondence  with  the  only 
geologist  whose  opinion  I  desired,  viz.,  Dr.  Sorby.  The 
paper  was  re-written  for  the  Devonshire  Association,  and  as 
I  would  not  wittingly,  without  the  greatest  care,  publish 
anything  in  conflict  with  Dr.  Sorby  (as,  in  any  question 
at  issue,  the  presumption  would  be  in  favour  of  so  accurate 
an  observer),  I  submitted  one  apparent  difficulty  to  him, 
but  only  to  receive  the  explanation  that  our  observa- 
tions were  not  inconsistent. 

It  was  obvious  that  it  was  useless  bringing  questions  of 
physical  geology  either  before  the  British  Association  or  the 
Geological  Society.  In  the  meantime  a  singular  coinci- 
dence had  occurred.  A  note  on  a  curious  tank-experiment 
connected  with  the  position  of  lighthouses  on  reefs  had  been 
suppressed  by  a  prominent  weekly.  Profoundly  disgusted 
with  Section  C.  I  sought  at  Manchester  the  practical  atmo- 
sphere of  the  engineers,  and  was  vastly  interested  by  Pro- 
fessor Osborne  Reynolds'  paper  on  "  Experiments  on  a  small 
scale"  (Estuaries),  and  Sir  James  Douglass1  comments 
thereon.  In  a  few  days  I  found  myself  the  only  engineering 
layman,  on  one  of  the  most  important  committees  of  the 
year :  with  the  great  authority  on  lighthouses  as  chairman, 
and  Professor  Osborne  Reynolds  as  secretary.  It  was 
eminently  one  of  those  committees  which  should  consist 
of  two  members  with  one  absent.  The  work  was  subse- 
quently magnificently  done  by  the  secretary,  who  proved  to 
demonstration  the  trustworthiness  of  what  may  be  termed 
model  tides  and  currents.  As  the  committee  was  not 
convened  the  first  year,  there  was  no  small  commotion 
at  Bath,  in  1888,  as  to  what  had  become  of  it;  and  it  fell  to 
my  lot  to  appear  before  the  engineers  in  their  section-room, 
and  plead  for  its  re-appointment — perhaps,  the  best  day's 
work  that  can  be  laid  to  my  credit. 

In  1889,  some  unexpected  observations  on  the  Dartmoor 
granite  suggested  a  new  theory,  viz.,  that  although  many  of 
the  granitic  phenomena  were  post-Carboniferous,  the  rock 
was  a  partially  re-dissolved  granite  of  much  greater  age. 
This  problem  was  submitted  to  the  Devon  Association,  and 
an  abstract  sent  to  the  British.  It  occurred  to  me  that  the 
paper  might  fare  better  without  its  author.  And  so  it  did, 
the  entire  abstract  being  printed  in  the  Times. 

The  following  winter  was  devoted  to  the  study  of  the  fluid 
inclusions  in  the  Dartmoor  granites  and  veins ;  a  very 
attractive  problem,  and,  probably,  the  key  to  the  whole 
question.      This   problem   could    be   expounded   in   twelve 


minutes,  and  a  paper  of  that  length  was  prepared  for 
reading  at  Leeds.  There  was  no  press  for  time,  and  the 
Secretary  said  I  might  have  my  twelve  minutes.  The 
Sectional  Chairman,  however,  suppressed  me  at  ten — and 
a  paper  without  its  conclusion  is  usually  a  lame  affair.  In 
opening  the  discussion,  the  Chairman  acknowledged  his 
ignorance  of  the  subject ;  yet  his  parting  shot,  as  I  left  the 
platform,  was  in  effect  a  taunt  that  I  could  not  defend  my 
position.  Such  a  rebuke  from  the  chair  is  damning,  and  the 
reporters  naturally  omitted  even  the  title  of  my  paper — a 
better  than  the  one  which  the  year  before  had  been  published 
at  length.  The  fact  was,  my  paper  was  made  a  hook  on 
which  to  hang  Vesuvius ;  and,  as  granitic  questions  are  often 
far  enough  removed  from  volcanic  ones,  I  was  not  equal  to 
the  occasion.     I  knew  my  own  subject,  but  not  every  other. 

To  my  contention  that  the  Dartmoor  chlorides  are  chiefly 
of  sodium,  it  was  suggested  they  might  be  of  potash,  because 
Vesuvius  emits  chloride  of  potash.  My  answer,  no  doubt, 
should  have  been  that  the  point  was  immaterial,  that  the 
chlorine  was  the  important  element  in  the  case,  but  that 
sodium  had  been  recorded  in  granitic  chlorides  by  Sorby.7 
However,  it  is  very  easy  to  trip  a  man  up  on  side  issues.  It 
is  quite  conceivable  that  the  chlorine  might  be  dissociated 
from  its  sodium,  or  potassium,  and  then  re-combined  at  a 
lower  temperature ;  but  this  hypothesis  goes  out  of  the  way 
to  seek  needless  difficulties.  It  is  far  simpler  to  accept — at 
any  rate  as  a  working  hypothesis — the  direct  derivation  of 
the  sodium  chloride  from  the  sea-water  at  a  temperature  high 
enough  for  quartz-forming,  but  not  for  dissociation  of  the 
elements  of  the  chlorides. 

As  the  Dartmoor  research  seemed  only  calculated  to  excite 
hostile  opposition,  that  also  was  dropped. 

No  further  paper  would  have  been  submitted  to  the  British 
Association,  had  not  detrital  tourmaline  been  detected  in  the 
metamorphic  rocks  of  the  Start,  a  discovery  calculated  to 
throw  fresh  light  on  a  point  where  it  was  sadly  needed. 
A  short  paper  on  the  subject  was  read  at  Cardiff,  a 
penological  one,  which  unfortunately  was  taken  with  a 
stratigraphical  one  by  Mr.  Ussher,  thus  greatly  compli- 
cating the  discussions  on  the  two.  In  the  end  the 
discussion  was  abruptly  closed  by  the  Chairman,  though, 
as  it  happened,  one  of  the  Secretaries  had  just  given  the 
speaker  a  hint  that  it  was  rather  an  object  to  keep  the 

7  "  Liquid  inclusions  containing  cubic  crystals  of  common  salt  occur  in  the 
diorite  of  Quenast,  Belgium."  Tkall,  Brit.  Petrography ,  26. 


debate  going;  as  the  business  of  the  morning  had  been 
disposed  of  more  rapidly  than  anticipated.  However,  it 
seemed  fated  that  every  problem  from  the  West  of  England, 
however  influentially  supported  privately,  should  be  officially 
repressed.  In  every  case  the  private  encouragement  had 
been  remarkable,  and  not  the  least  so  at  Cardiff,  where  just 
before  reading  my  paper,  the  Director  -  General  of  the 
Geological  Survey  had  in  the  committee-room  openly  re- 
marked on  my  metamorphic  specimens,  that  he  thought 
it  quite  possible  they  were  Devonian.  Since  then  he  has 
himself  described  the  Devonshire  schists  under  the  heading 
"  Devonian." 

It  was  impossible  to  be  blind  to  the  fact  that  all  my  three 
problems,  of  denudation  and  deposition,  the  chloride  inclu- 
sions, and  the  detrital  tourmaline,  had  been  accorded  a 
reception  by  the  British  Association  which  had  been  posi- 
tively rude — not  privately,  but  officially.  I  determined  for 
the  future  to  read  no  papers,  and  make  no  remarks.  The 
last  resolution  it  was  impossible  to  keep,  as  the  next  year, 
at  Edinburgh,  I  was  present  when  Mr.  Ussher  read  a  paper 
on  Dartmoor,  and  it  might  seem  unfriendly  on  my  part  to  let 
it  pass  in  silence.  Professor  Bonney  was,  unfortunately,  the 
Vice-President  in  the  chair.  My  remarks  were  limited  to 
one  question  and  one  observation.  I  merely  asked  if  Mr. 
Ussher  had  decided  that  the  Devon  schists  were  Lower 
Devonian,  they  being  so  coloured  on  his  map.  This  was, 
of  course,  a  most  interesting  point  on  which  to  elicit  a  public 
utterance.  My  remark  was  simply  that  as  Mr.  Ussher  in 
his  Dartmoor  researches  had  not  trodden  on  my  toes,  I  need 
say  nothing  more.  Thus  I  asked  a  question  for  information, 
and  expressed  a  general  concurrence  with  Mr.  Ussher's  con- 
clusions. Extraordinary  to  say,  this  offended  Professor 
Bonney,  who  sought  to  chastise  me  forthwith  from  the 
chair.  And  this  is  how  he  did  it.  Premising  that  he 
knew  my  Dartmoor  views  because  I  had  sent  him  a  paper, 
he  went  on  to  say  that  I  rested  my  world  on  an  elephant, 
the  elephant  on  a  tortoise,  and  the  tortoise  on  a  few  micro- 
scopical crystals  of  chloride  of  sodium  !8  It  was  obviously 
irrelevant  to  drag  all  this  in  for  the  sole  object  of  public 
ridicule.  This  was  the  fourth  unprovoked  official  attack 
from  the  British  Association,  so  with  an  emphatic  protest 
I  left  the  hall.  Not  content  with  this,  the  Professor  attacked 
me.  most  impertinently  in  the  Geological  Magazine  in  the  sub- 

8  Such  sarcasm  may  possibly  suit  an  elementary  class,  but  scarcely  Sec.  C. 
It  is,  however,  a  warning  not  to  send  Professors  reprints. 

IN  SOUTH   DEVON.  277 

sequent  autumn  and  winter ;  followed  up  by  a  thrust  in  the 
back  at  the  Geological  Society,  and  finally  by  the  Parthian- 
dart  shot  in  the  columns  of  Nature  already  referred  to.  It 
must  not,  however,  be  assumed  that  he  was  allowed  to  have 
it  entirely  his  own  way. 

The  Edinburgh  incident  had  its  humorous  side,  as  so 
many  such  incidents  have.  The  tragedy  of  the  drama  lay  in 
the  fact  that  a  paper  honoured  by  the  Devon  Association 
had  been  held  up  to  the  ridicule  of  the  geologists  of  the 
world.  The  comedy  lay  in  the  further  fact  that  the  two 
worst  blots  in  that  paper  must  be  laid  to  the  door  of  its 
critic,  and  that  the  paper  itself  was  absolutely  safe-guarded 
against  successful  attack.  To  explain:  owing  to  press  of 
time,  I  had  been  unable  to  check  my  facts  and  arguments  to 
my  own  satisfaction,  but  it  was  expedient  not  to  delay  publi- 
cation. So  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  unwary 
readers  being  led  astray,  I  took  the  strong  course  of  heading 
my  paper  with  the  monitory  motto,  peculiarly  applicable  to 
a  treatise  on  salt,  "  Cum  grano  salts'*  One  might  suppose 
such  humility  would  disarm  venomous  criticism,  or,  at  any 
rate,  that  it  would  be  patent  to  any  opponent  that  he  was 
openly  invited  to  doubt  as  much  as  he  pleased.  Not  so, 
however;  my  antagonist,  as  almost  invariably  the  case, 
rushes  headlong  into  the  trap. 

In  the  second  paragraph  of  the  paper  in  question,  it  was 
plainly  stated  that  I  desired  to  see  my  problems  and  doubts 
•'  solved  and  settled  by  those  competent  for  the  task."  How 
much  more  seemly  it  would  have  been  for  the  Chairman  of  the 
Geological  Section  of  the  British  Association  to  have  thrown 
some  light  on  these  problems,  instead  of  going  far  out  of  his 
way  to  attack  a  fellow-student.  The  two  blots  referred  to  were 
the  allowing  weight  to  Professor  Bonney's  contention  that 
the  Channel  granites  and  Devonshire  schists  were  Archsean  ; 
and  the  following  Miss  Eaisin,  who  followed  Professor 
Bonney  in  identifying  one  of  the  schist-minerals  as  kyanite. 
All  arguments  of  mine  based  on  these  premises  must,  of 
course,  collapse.  Evidence  at  present  certainly  tends  to  the 
conclusion  that  there  are  Archaean  granites  in  the  English 
Channel  (e.g.,  No.  19),  but  as  the  Devon  schists  are  clearly 
Devonian,  and  the  Eddystone  gneiss  probably  so,  my  agree- 
ment with  Professor  Bonney  to  this  extent  is  but  a  coinci- 
dence. Although  in  science  discussion  is  the  soul  of 
progress,  it  must  be  a  londfide  friendly  encounter,  in  which 
each  combatant  tries  to  do  his  opponent  the  service  of 
winnowing  the  chaff  from  his  grain.     When  the  threshers 


lay  their  flails  along  each  other's  backs  instead  of  on  the 
corn,  useless  fighting  takes  the  place  of  useful  work. 

There  is,  perhaps,  nothing  more  inspiriting  to  a  student 
sure  of  his  facts,  than  to  be  in  a  minority  of  one.  Such  has 
been  my  privilege  as  to  the  following  dozen  moot  points, 
viz.,  (1)  the  formation  of  ripple-mark  by  wave-currents  ;  (2) 
the  rounding  of  sand-grains  on  shoals ;  (3)  the  pre-Devonian 
age  of  the  Dartmoor  granite ;  (4)  the  marine  origin  of  the 
chloride  inclusions  in  its  quartzes ;  (5)  the  mode  of  forma- 
tion of  adjacent  brine  and  fresh- water  inclusions;  (6)  the 
Lower  Devonian  age  of  the  Start  quartz-schists;  (7)  the 
Devonian  age  of  the  Eddystone  gneiss ;  (8)  the  influence  of 
wave-currents  on  the  marine  fauna ;  (9)  the  identity  of  the 
British  Aplysia  d^pUans  with  A.  punctata ;  (10)  the  in  sitH 
character  of  a  certain  granite  south  of  the  Eddystone ;  (11) 
Dartmoor  tourmaline  not  directly  derived  from  mica  or 
felspar ;  (12)  wave  disturbance  at  forty  fathoms,  and  over. 
Whether  correct  or  not,  in  each  of  these  cases,  so  far  as  I 
know,  my  views  at  one  time  or  another  have  not  been  shared 
by  a  single  colleague,  but  neither  have  my  positions  been 
shaken.  Up  to  a  certain  point,  opposition  is  of  great  value 
to  a  student,  but  it  may  be  carried  too  far.  Of  fair  criticism 
there  can  scarcely  be  too  much.  For  instance,  it  is  im- 
possible to  over-estimate  the  value  of  Mr.  Pengeily's 
"  Notes  and  Notices,"  in  which  year  by  year  he  pointed  out 
inaccurate  statements  concerning  Devonshire  geology.9  It 
is  too  much  the  custom  among  geologists  to  leave  their 
opponents  severely  alone,  with  the  result  that  two  recipro- 
cally contemptuous  students  often  blunder  along  their 
solitary  paths,  instead  of  by  mutual  assistance  making  the 
journey  easier  for  both.  When  professorial  trades  unionism 
enters  into  the  question,  active  opposition  takes  the  place 
of  indifference,  and  the  cry  is  "  'Ere  *s  a  stranger,  let  's  'eave 
'arf  a  brick  at  him!1'  This  does  not  facilitate  the  stranger's 
upward  climb.     It  impedes  it 

Indeed,  careful  co-operation  is  equally  necessary  between 
colleagues,  as  was  curiously  exemplified  in  the  case  of  a 
paper  published  in  our  Transactions,  "  The  Thatcher  Raised 

8  For  years  not  a  sentence  of  mine  was  published  without  a  defence  being 
ready  for  well-nigh  every  dot  and  comma,  in  case  of  attack  by  my  master 
and  trainer,  Mr.  Pengelly.  One  such  attack  was  made,  but  I  was  more 
frightened  than  hurt,  and  no  single  joint  of  the  armour  was  pierced.  Mr. 
Pengelly's  conduct  was  most  chivalrous.  He  gave  me  timely  notice  of  the 
intended  onslaught,  and  then,  when  I  had  hit  him  back  as  hard  as  I  could, 
he  gave  me  further  notice  he  intended  to  let  the  subject  drop.  Whereupon 
I,  of  course,  regretted  having  hit  quite  so  hard. 

See  "  Reply  to  a  Recent  Critique."    Trans.  Dev.  Assoc,  xv.  202. 

IN   SOUTH  DEVON.  279 

Beach,  its  Shells  and  their  Teaching/1  This  paper  may  be 
said  to  owe  its  existence  to  my  friend  Mr.  D.  Pidgeon's 
enthusiastic  work  in  identifying  the  shell  fragments  which 
I  from  time  to  time  collected.  Owing  to  the  comminuted 
condition  of  both  shells  and  beach  material,  Mr.  Pidgeon 
used  constantly  to  point  out  to  me  the  abnormal  character 
of  the  beach  ;  and  to  express  his  scepticism  that  it  was  a 
beach  at  all.  For  my  own  part,  I  should  as  soon  question 
the  accuracy  of  the  multiplication  table  because  a  problem 
in  arithmetic  presented  difficulties,  as  question  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  Torbay  raised  beaches  because  some  of  their 
phenomena  were  hard  to  explain.  However,  Mr.  Pidgeon 
read  a  paper  to  the  Geological  Society  on  the  "  So-called 
*  Raised  Beaches/  "  in  which  he  denied  they  were  beaches ; 
and  in  the  discussion  another  very  good  friend  of  mine  denied 
they  were  raised.  This  was  questioning  the  raised  beach 
multiplication-table  with  a  vengeance.  Some  time  afterwards 
Professor  Prestwich  read  a  paper  to  the  Geological  Society, 
dealing  with  raised  beaches,  in  which  he  mentioned  my  own 
work  with  much  kindness,  but  absolutely  ignored  the  paper 
aspersing  the  character  of  our  classical  old  beaches. 

I  am  confident  that  had  Mr.  Pidgeon  visited  the  beaches, 
instead  of  relying  entirely  on  my  material,  their  large  base 
stones,  stratification,  blown  sand,  and  beach-platforms  cut 
out  of  the  rock,  would  have  satisfied  him  as  to  their 
genuineness  as  true  beaches;  leaving  still  outstanding  the 
point  he  had  so  shrewdly  detected,  viz.,  the  extraordinary 
character  of  their  angular  debris  and  broken  shells.  I  take 
blame  to  myself  not  to  have  paid  more  attention  to  Mr. 
Pidgeon's  warnings  as  to  these  unusual  characters,  but,  being 
quite  absorbed  with  "  the  shells  and  their  teaching/1  I  failed 
to  appreciate  the  significance  of  Mr.  Pidgeon's  observations. 
At  present  the  matter  stands  thus.  It  is  an  open  question 
with  the  Geological  Society  whether  there  are  any  raised 
beaches  in  Devonshire.  If  such  there  be,  Mr.  Pidgeon's 
facts  have  still  to  be  accounted  for. 

Having  mentioned  Professor  Prestwich's  paper,  I  may 
call  attention  to  one  point  concerning  the  detached  blocks  of 
stone  trawled  in  the  Channel  Nothing  can  exceed  the 
graciousness  of  the  Professor's  references  to  my  raised-beach 
and  Channel  researches,  researches  which  owe  much  to 
his  own  kindness  in  sending  me  valuable  old  papers,  by 
Godwin  -  Austen,  and  others.  But  in  giving  me  credit  for 
being  with  him  in  the  belief  that  the  Channel  blocks  are 
erratics,  he  pays  me  a  compliment  entirely  undeserved.    I 


have  stoutly  maintained  throughout  that  the  blocks,  as  a 
whole,  represent  rocks  which  form  the  Channel  floor,  and 
that  a  granite,  No.  19,  was  actually  torn  off  the  parent  rock 
by  the  trawl-rope.  There  are  a  great  many  arguments 
which  might  be  adduced  in  favour  of  the  foreign  origin 
of  the  blocks,  and  as  many  or  more  in  favour  of  their  being 
in  sitlX,  when  not  disturbed  and  carried  about  by  the 
trawlers.  To  solve  this  question  would  require  a  good  deal 
of  time,  a  good  deal  of  money,  and  much  petrological  skill — 
three  strands  not  always  found  in  the  same  rope. 

The  position  of  the  amateur  is  but  ill-understood  by  the 
advocates  of  the  endowment  of  research,  and  of  professorial 
science.  The  amateur  scientific  crew  are  much  like  the  crew 
of  the  cruiser  Undaunted,  for  whom  their  captain,  Lord 
Charles  Beresford,  provided  the  bugle  call,  u  Undaunted*  be 
ready,  Undaunteds  be  steady,  Undaunteds  look  out  for  a  job." 
Nothing  could  describe  the  amateur's  position  more  precisely : 
he  must  be  undaunted,  always  ready,  always  steady,  and  on 
the  constant  look  out  for  a  job.  While  the  professorial 
battleship  has  to  keep  station,  to  be  in  touch  with  the  rest  of 
the  fleet,  and  to  be  complete  to  the  minutest  detail,  and  her 
captain  a  perfect  strategist,  liable  by  the  chance  of  war  to 
succeed  at  any  time  to  the  chief  command ;  the  cruiser  may 
be  called  upon  at  any  moment  to  do  anything,  from  engaging 
an  enemy  at  overpowering  odds,  to  warning  his  own  Admiral 
he  is  running  into  danger.  When  a  British  captain  has  to 
engage  an  enemy  on  land,  or  at  sea,  it  is  marvellous  how 
blind  he  is  as  to  whether  he  can  reasonably  anticipate 
success.  And  the  metaphor  can  be  carried  still  further ;  for 
it  has  happened  that  cruisers  have  occasionally  been  executing 
their  orders,  while  their  Admirals  have  been  engaged  in 
ramming  each  other  to  destruction.  Certainly,  "our  Devon- 
shire Geological  cruisers,  from  our  old  Commodore,  Mr. 
Pengelly,  downwards,  have  never  paused  a  moment  to 
calculate  odds ;  and  indeed,  from  the  stirring  times  of  Good 
Queen  Bess,  and  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  the  Devon  shipmen 
have  rarely  failed  to  hang  on  to  any  unwieldy  enemy  who 
has  appeared  in  their  waters,  and  to  render  an  excellent 
account  of  themselves.  Truly,  our  comrade,  Mr.  Somervail, 
deserves  well  of  his  adopted  county  for  having  alone,  and 
amid  public  derision,  hung  on  to  that  cumbrous  foe  the 
Archaean  hypothesis,  when  it  obtained  a  brief  foothold  on  our 
southern  coasts,  never  relaxing  his  hold  till  other  Devon 
shallops  dashed  in  to  the  rescue  ;  and  then,  after  having  drawn 
the  enemy's  fire,   and  so  called  attention  to  the  fray,  our 


comrade,  like  many   another   before  him,  quietly   retires, 
almost  unnoticed. 

Perhaps,  of  all  sciences  in  England,  Geology  is  the  most 
singularly  situated,  studied  as  it  is  by  three  distinct  sets  of 
students,  viz.,  professors,  professionals,  and  amateurs.  Besides 
the  teaching  staff  of  professors,  we  have  Government  officers 
on  the  Survey  and  in  the  National  Museum ;  and  these  in 
addition  to  amateurs.  The  chief  distinction  seems  to  rest 
with  the  mere  fact  of  teaching.  Pupils  must,  to  some 
extent,  be  taught  dogmatically,  and  it  is  hard  for  a  teacher 
to  have  to  change  front  before  his  class.  Between  the  dogma 
of  the  professor  and  the  working  hypothesis  of  the  geological 
surveyor  there  can  be  nothing  in  common.  In  fact,  until 
the  stage  of  the  working  hypothesis  is  long  past,  that  of 
dogma  is  scarcely  in  sight.  The  surveyor  attacking  an 
appointed  task,  in  order  to  marshal  his  facts  and  sort  his 
evidence,  finds  it  convenient  to  work,  so  to  Bpeak,  by  trial 
and  error.  Assuming  some  probable  hypothesis,  he  tests  it 
by  every  new  discovery,  until  the  hypothesis  either  breaks 
down  completely,  or,  gradually  growing  in  strength,  imper- 
ceptibly becomes  a  theory.  It  is  most  important  to 
remember  that  the  working  hypothesis  is  often  but  the 
means  to  an  end,  the  scaffold  to  erect  the  building,  liable  to 
alteration  at  any  time,  and  finally  to  removal :  and  further, 
that  the  rejection  of  a  once-favoured  hypothesis  is  not  the 
sign  of  a  weak  man,  but  of  a  strong  one.  The  amateur  rarely 
has  a  working  hypothesis,  as  he  seldom  attempts  a  set  task. 
It  is  for  him,  generally,  to  take  note  of  isolated  facts,  often 
during  a  long  course  of  years,  and  his  method  is  to  follow 
the  facts  wherever  they  lead  him.  To  give  one  instance  from 
my  own  experience.  A  fisherman  sent  in  a  soda-water 
"bottle,  half  full  of  muddy  sand,  which  narrowly  escaped  being 
rejected  as  worthless :  the  contents  were  examined,  referred 
to  Mr.  D.  Pidgeon,  who  in  turn  consulted  Mr.  Gwyn-Jeffreys ; 
and  a  marvellous  collection  of  shells  identified.  Bottle 
ground  on  outside,  not  inside :  encrusted  with  serpulse.  At 
a  meeting,  Lord  Kelvin  mentions  long  waves  recorded  by 
Sir  G.  G.  Stokes.  A  letter  is  addressed  to  Sir  G.  G.  Stokes, 
with  particulars  of  the  bottle.  Sir  G.  G.  Stokes  calculates 
the  wave  disturbance  at  40  fathoms,  and  finds  it  sufficient  to 
account  for  abrasion  of  the  bottle.  Thus,  convincing 
evidence  is  obtained  of  the  intermittent  action  of  waves  on 
the  sea-bottom  at  considerable  depths.  In  such  a  case  as 
this  no  working  hypothesis  is  desirable.  We  have  to  ascer- 
tain whether  waves  can  roll  about  a  bottle,  at  long  intervals, 



in  about  40  fathoms ;  and  it  is  advisable  not  to  assume  the 
answer  before  studying  each  step  in  the  problem.  Working 
hypotheses  should  rarely  be  celebrated  in  type.  Artists  are 
not  in  the  habit  of  sending  their  palettes  to  the  Boyal 
Academy,  though  the  palette  is  the  means  to  the  end  of  the 
finished  picture.  Just  as  the  expression  of  opinion  is  the 
confession  of  ignorance,  so  the  working  hypothesis  is  the 
admission  of  uncertainty ;  and  to  return  once  more  to  Mr. 
Pengelly's  admirable  dictum — "  We  want  to  hear  what  Mr. 
X.  knows,  not  what  he  thinks."  The  opinion  of  the  professor 
is  too  often  the  curse  of  the  student,  an  artificial  barrier 
across  an  otherwise  practicable  path— a  sign-post  with  its 
arms  reversed. 

The  future  of  geology  in  England  is  most  uncertain.  Some 
thirty  years  ago  the  brunt  of  the  battle  was  borne  by 
amateurs  —  Lyell, '  Murchison,  Darwin,  Godwin  -  Austen, 
Prestwich,  Sorby,  Pengelly,  and  other  such.  In  those  days 
there  was  no  professional  training,  and  very  few  professors. 
Indeed,  originally,  geology  was  but  a  branch  of  mineralogy, 
and  the  object  of  the  Geological  Society,  to  study  the 
mineral  structure  of  the  earth.  Now  it  is  different.  An 
influential  body  of  scientists  aims  at  the  endowment  of 
research,  and  this  involves  the  substitution  of  the  dictum 
of  the  Professor  for  the  free  speech  and  discussion  of  the 
amateur.  It  may  be  objected  that  I  have  called  Professor 
Prestwich  an  amateur,  but,  as  Sir  John  Lubbock  has  pointed 
out,  that  distinguished  geologist  was  a  merchant  before  he 
was  Professor  of  Geology  at  Oxford.  (The  Use  of  Lift,  p.  48.) 
In  the  case  of  an  amateur,  however  distinguished,  his 
knowledge  represents  no  pecuniary  equivalent,  and  may  be 
as  freely  asked  as  it  is  invariably  freely  bestowed,  but  in  the 
case  of  the  professional  scientist,  it  would  be  as  unfair  to 
expect  from  him  his  professional  knowledge  gratuitously,  as 
it  would  be  to  expect  the  same  from  doctor  or  lawyer.  On 
one  occasion,  desiring  an  item  of  information  from  a  young 
analystic  Professor  on  a  question  of  water,  I  wrote  him 
a  civil  letter,  offering,  in  case  I  was  guilty  of  a  breach  of 
etiquette,  a  fee  of  a  guinea.  As  might  be  anticipated, 
the  letter  was  unanswered.  Had  my  amateur  correspondents 
acted  in  a  similar  way,  almost  every  one  of  my  researches 
would  have  fallen  through. 

Theoretically,  omniscient  professors  with  unlimited  leisure, 
and  fully  endowed,  would  be  the  scientific  Utopia.  But  un- 
fortunately, professors  are  not  omniscient,  and  their  very 
professional  duties  take  up  time  that  might  be  devoted  to 


research.  In  many  instances,  an  amateur  living  within  sight 
of  a  problem  may,  in  the  course  of  his  life,  glean  important 
facts,  from  which  a  Professor,  in  the  course  of  a  well-earned 
week's  holiday,  may  be,  by  force  of  circumstances,  debarred. 
The  amateur  who  visits  a  new  railway-cutting  every  day  of 
its  excavation  may  secure  facts,  to  be  concealed  for  evermore 
by  the  grass  that  will  ere  long  cover  its  slopes.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  see  how,  in  the  interests  of  science,  "  those  enemies  to 
true  progress,"  as  the  Times  dubs  amateurs,  can  be  entirely 
dispensed  with,  and  it  is  equally  hard  to  see,  if  young 
professors  so  think  of  them  and  treat  them,  how  they  will 
ultimately  survive.  I  write  rather  of  the  future  than  the 
present,  and  not  at  all  of  the  past.  Conscious  as  I  am  of 
invaluable  assistance  from  Professors  Boyd-Dawkins,  Prest- 
wich,  Bayleigh,  and  Stokes,  it  could  not  be  otherwise ;  but 
in  the  meantime,  it  is  doubtful  whether  either  of  these  dis- 
tinguished specialists  would  stigmatize  amateurs  the  enemies 
of  true  progress.  The  only  progress  amateurs  oppugn  is 
retrograde,  if  so  glaring  a  bull  may  be  pardoned. 

Of  "Fellowship"  in  scientific  societies  there  seems  but 
little,  the  term  being  an  instance  of  "  survival."  It  is  bad 
policy,  however,  to  discourage  the  subscription -paying 
crowd.  In  my  own  case,  whereas  the  co-operation  and 
esprit  du  corps  of  the  Devonshire  Association,  and  Torquay 
Natural  History  Society,  have  been  of  inestimable  advantage, 
the  Royal  Society,  the  Geological,  and  the  British  Association 
have  been  purely  obstructive,  making  work,  already  difficult, 
almost  impossible. 

Having  many  intricate  problems  on  hand,  in  which  the 
difficulties  have  been  clearly  defined,  I  have  listened  most 
attentively  to  the  experts  at  the  British  Association,  but 
their  remarks,  unlike  "  Homocea,"  have  ever  failed  to  °  touch 
the  spot"1  The  language  of  penologists  is  too  often  both 
sounding  brass  and  a  tinkling  cymbal.  It  is  the  commonest 
thing  to  find  rocks  described  as  containing  opacite,  ferrite, 
viricQte,  and  a  mineral  which  is  either  felspar  or  quartz. 
This  sounds  learned,  but  is  a  pure  statement  of  ignorance. 
Some  minerals  are,  no  doubt,  opaque ;  others  green ;  many 
have  some  connection  with  iron ;  others  are  transparent,  and 
the  odds  are,  are  felspar  or  quartz.  There  are  few  other 
things  they  can  be  without  instant  detection.  Most  of  the 
Dartmoor  granites  can  be  correctly  described  as  composed  of 
transparentite,  translucentite,  opacite,  greenite,  and  brownite, 
with  occasional  crystals  of  blueite  and  yellowite.     This, 

1  Referring  to  the  well-known  advertisement 

u  2 


however,  is  not  sufficient  for  the  student,  who  desires  either 
to  learn  what  a  mineral  is,  or  to  ascertain  that  its  exact 
character  is  unknown.  Take  the  case  of  chlorite  and 
viridite :  both  may  be  translated  greenite.  Now,  chlorite  is 
a  secondary  mineral  of  known  composition.  Viridite,  if  not 
chlorite,  is  usually  hornblende,  and  to  call  it  viridite  is  to 
express  ignorance  of  the  only  point  which  it  is  essential  to 
know,  no  doubt  in  a  very  learned  sort  of  way.  If,  whenever 
a  petrologist  had  not  proof  of  the  character  of  a  mineral,  he 
would  either  leave  it  alone,  or  call  it  agnostite,  ignorantite,  or 
some  such  name,  it  would  simplify  papers  immensely. 
What  a  student  desires  to  ascertain  is  what  is  known. 
Guesses  are  of  no  manner  of  interest.  When  a  traveller  in  a 
new  country  asks  the  road,  he  requires  a  plain  answer,  one 
way  or  the  other.  A  sign-post  is  of  greater  value  than  the 
most  learned  disquisition  on  the  probable  direction  of  his 
goal.  To  the  wayfarer  in  the  less  beaten  tracks  of  science, 
the  sign-post,  it  may  be  noted,  is  as  often  outside  the  Royal 
Society  as  in  it.  Of  the  friends  who  helped  me  in  my 
zoological  work,  Messrs.  Gwatkin,  Cooke,  Marshall,  Pidgeon, 
Stebbing,  and  Norman  were  all  then  without  the  pale,  though 
the  last-named  has  since  passed  within  it.  In  South  Devon 
my  chief  colleagues,  Messrs.  Harker,  Somervail,  Tawney, 
Ussher,  and  Worth,  have  all  been  outside  the  great  divide, 
and  per  contra,  strange  to  say,  the  resistance  of  the  anvil,  so 
necessary  to  all  the  best  hammer-work,  has  been  supplied  by 
the  Societies.  My  paper  on  "  Ripple-mark,"  subsequently 
favourably  mentioned  by  Forel,  de  Candolle,  G.  H.  Darwin, 
and  others,  and  now  actually  cited  in  geological  text-books, 
was  returned  by  the  secretaries  with  a  request  to  have  it 
shortened,  if  possible.  They  had,  however,  to  take  it  or 
leave  it.  This  paper  was  severely  left  alone  in  the  Presi- 
dent's annual  review  of  papers. 

In  connection  with  the  above  paper,  one  or  two  amusing 
incidents  may  be  noticed.  The  investigation  comprised  two 
novel  points  of  principle,  and  one  of  detail,  i.e.  (1)  proof  that 
oscillating  waves  could  be  studied  by  means  of  models,  and 
that  the  behaviour  of  the  model  waves  was  in  accord  with 
the  mathematical  theory  of  waves.  (2)  The  vast  question 
of  the  variation  of  the  forms  of  marine  animals  induced 
by  waves.  (3)  The  demonstration  of  the  manner  of  forma- 
tion of  ripple-mark  in  sand,  so  far  as  concerns  the  Geologist. 
My  conclusions  differed  from  those  of  Dr.  Sorby  in  so  far 
that  they  tended  to  prove  that  oscillating  wave-currents  had 
been  too  much  overlooked  in  favour  of  continuous  currents ; 


so  that  "  ripple-drift "  had  been  treated  as  the  rule  instead  of 
the  exception.  Now,  of  course,  I  might  have  accentuated 
this,  and  tried  to  pick  holes  in  the  work  of  a  man  whose 
pencil  I  was  scarcely  worthy  to  cut,  and  who  has  always 
treated  me  with  the  utmost  kindness.  I  determined  to  con- 
fine myself  to  my  own  experiments  and  observations. 
Presently,  my  manuscript  came  back,  referring  me  to 
Dr.  Sorby's  works,  and  with  a  request  for  curtailment. 
It  may  be  noted  that,  after  all,  my  three  subjects  only 
took  eighteen  pages  between  them.  In  response  to  this, 
I  added  a  diplomatic  paragraph  minimising  to  the  utmost 
my  difference  from  Dr.  Sorby,  and  I  may  have  possibly  cut 
out  a  few  lines,  but  when  a  paper  has  been  already  condensed 
to  the  best  of  the  author's  ability,  it  is  no  easy  matter  to 
mutilate  it  to  please  outsiders,  without  serious  injury  to  its 
value  as  a  whole.  That  paper,  from  that  day  to  this,  has 
never  been  discussed,  though  now  cited  as  an  authority, 
and  I  was  informed  on  the  best  authority  that  it  had  been 
unfavourably  received.  Before  publication,  the  famous  soda- 
water  bottle  had  come  to  hand,  confirming  my  other  observa- 
tions in  the  most  striking  manner.  A  note  of  a  few  lines 
was  accordingly  added,  but  this  was  unceremoniously  omitted. 
The  two  main  principles  established  by  this  paper,  viz.,  the 
efficacy  of  models,  and  the  influence  of  waves  on  fauna,  have 
never,  I  believe,  been  noticed  by  the  Society.  Let  us  see 
how  this  despised  paper,  or  its  principles,  were  received 
elsewhere.  (1)  Mentioned  in  the  British  Association's 
Presidential  Address  at  Montreal;  (2)  handsomely  recog- 
nised by  Douglas  and  Reynolds  in  their  appointment  of 
its  author  as  a  member  of  the  Estuaries  Committee; 
(3)  commended  by  Forel,  de  Candolle,  G.  H.  Darwin,  and 
P.  H.  Gosse;  and  (4)  finally  recognised  by  the  exceedingly 
complimentary  election  to  the  Linnean  Society.  Tet  I  am 
confident  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  influential  position 
of  the  Fellow  who  communicated  this  paper,  all  three 
researches  would  have  been  promptly  suppressed  by  the 
Royal  Society  of  London. 

There  is  not  the  smallest  doubt  that  had  I  studied  physi- 
ology under  a  Professor,  and  devoted  my  spare  time  to 
mincing  live  monkeys,  or  some  such  cheerful  occupation, 
the  latter-day  road  to  fame,  the  work  would  have  been 
discussed,  and  the  way  thereby  made  smooth:  but,  for 
steady  research  of  the  old  sort,  there  is  but  a  poor  market 
nowadays;  unless  the  goods  are  duly  branded  with  the 
professorial  iron,  published  cum  privilegio.      Indeed,  what 


with  Professors  professing  they  will  not  listen  to  evidence ; 
or  too  busy  to  afford  students  five  minutes  of  time  devoted 
to  polemics  ;  or  suppressing  essential  discussion  in  their  one- 
sided journals ;  British  science  is  going  the  best  way  to  fairly 
^arn  the  scepticism  and  covert  contempt  it  too  often  gets 
from  an  indifferent  public.  And  the  scepticism  of  the  public 
is  a  very  genuine  thing.2 

I  remember  once  at  a  conversazione  showing  a  gentleman 
a  slide  of  fossil  desert  sand,  and  telling  him  how  the  slide 
proclaimed  an  arid  desert,  a  river,  and  a  lake.  He  did  not 
think  I  was  a  knave,  and  was  too  polite  to  say  I  was  a  fool, 
but  clearly  thought  so.  Tet  the  chain  of  evidence  was 
almost  as  complete  as  could  be  wished. 

In  connection  with  the  Royal  Society,  one  or  two  Devon 
Association  incidents  may  be  of  interest  X,  Y,  and  Z  were 
three  old  members,  of  whom  X  was  f.r.s.  Then  came  Y  to 
Z,  declaring  that  if  X  was  F.R.S.,  there  was  no  reason  what- 
ever why  he,  Y,  should  not  put  up  too.  Y  accordingly 
became  a  candidate.  Thereupon,  immediately  came  X  to  Z 
declaring  that  if  Y  got  in,  the  fellowship  was  not  worth 
having.  Z,  the  confidant  of  both  friends,  chuckled  greatly 
over  this.  However,!  must  confess  that  Y  rather  overrated 
his  claims.  He  was,  no  doubt,  an  able  general  practitioner, 
but  X  and  Z  were  both  specialists  and  authorities  in  their 
respective  lines  of  study. 

One  disappointment  pained  me,  perhaps,  more  than  it  did 
the  chief  actor.  I  was  driving  out  with  an  old  friend  who 
had  devoted  the  leisure  of  a  long  life  to  Natural  History ; 
our  goal,  a  fossiliferous  cliff  of  high  importance,  which  he 
had  practically  discovered  for  science,  because  he  had  been 
the  means  of  fixing  its  most  important  horizon.  Suddenly 
he  said  to  me,  "Well,  they  elected  you,  but  they  would 
not  have  me."  A  confusion  of  thought,  for  the  "theys"  were 
different.  He  referred  to  my  election  by  a  club,  and  his  re-, 
jection  by  the  Royal  Society.  The  remark  was  hard  to  meet, 
but  my  proffered  consolation  was,  "  You  must  either  invent 
some  new  theory,  or  upset  somebody  else's  theory ;  it  does  not 
matter  the  least  which,  but  you  must  do  one  or  the  other." 
But  the  plague  of  it,  that  this  kindly  old  naturalist  should 
have  put  himself  in  competition  with  "the  professors  and 
their  young  pupils,  or  assistants,"  and  felt  this  shadow  fall 
on  the  last  years  of  his  life.     My  own  experience  may  be 

2  .  .  .  "it  would  not  surprise  one  to  hear  the  contrary  view  laid  down 
authoritatively  any  day  ;  for  science  is  hardly  more  stable  in  its  views  than 
the  British  Electorate.  — Spec.  Corresp.  Times,  Aug.  6,  1895. 

IN   SOUTH  DEVON.  287 

worth  a  note,  too.  Almost  before  I  had  done  a  stroke  of 
solid  work,  an  old  F.R.S.,  with  a  quizzical  expression,  en- 
quired one  day  if  I  had  any  ambition  to  be  a  Fellow  of  the 
KoyaL  Pausing  a  moment,  I  replied  that  the  fellowship  would 
not  be  of  much  use,  but  that  I  should  certainly  like  to  be  up 
to  R  S.  standard.  Long  years  after  this,  there  happened 
a  casual  visit  to  the  same  old  philosopher,  and  the  un- 
erpected  enquiry,  not  quizzical  this  time,  "Whether  I  had 
ever  thought  of  becoming  a  candidate  for  the  Eoyal  Society?" 
No,  I  certainly  had  not — obloquy  and  contempt  do  not  lead  to 
that  goal ;  it  was  all  I  could  do  to  stem  the  opposition,  without 
seeking  to  join  the  current.  But  the  quarter  the  suggestion 
came  from — it  was  quite  sufficient.  Had  I  been  elected  by 
the  unanimous  vote  of  the  existing  Council,  with  the 
approval  of  the  ghosts  of  all  previous  ones,  and  my  Nestor 
had  doubted,  the  satisfaction  would  have  been  less. 

The  suggestion  was  promptly  scouted  as  preposterous; 
but  I,  later  on,  went  so  far  as  to  inquire  the  modus  operandi. 
I  was  fairly  taken  aback.  My  idol  was  a  shattered  Dagon. 
The  first  prescription  was  to  take  a  list  of  members,  to  note 
my  friends,  and  enlist  their  services.  What!  write  myself? 
Yes,  nowadays,  election  entails  hard  work  on  the  part 
of  the  candidate.  Then  far  better  stay  out ;  and  the  only 
use  made  of  the  list  was  to  analyse  the  composition  of 
the  Society  as  already  mentioned.  The  result  of  this  analysis, 
together  with  years  of  observation  of  the  feuds  and  petty 
jealousies  of  scientists,  resulted  in  the  conviction  that, 
however  gratifying  election  may  be  to  the  amateur,  and 
however  valuable  to  the  professional  man  whom  it  places  at 
the  top  of  his  profession,  amateurs  would  serve  the  cause  of 
science  far  better  by  preserving  their  independence  and 
criticising  the  professors,  than  by  humbly  going,  cap  in  hand, 
to  solicit  their  patronage ;  and,  indeed,  there  is  far  too  much 
of  such  obsequiousness  in  the  characters  from  last  places, 
submitted  by  suppliants  for  vacant  situations  at  Burlington 
House.  I  have  known  of  one  man,  one  of  the  bright  lights 
of  the  century,  who,  with  the  most  patent  humility,  has  not 
been  able  to  conceal  his  gratification  with  the  mystic  F.R.S., 
and  a  little  attention  from  some  university.  An  electric- 
light  basking  in  the  illumination  of  a  gas  jet;  or,  perhaps 
more  accurately,  a  diamond  rejoicing  in  its  golden  setting. 

It  is,  however,  very  hard  to  realise  that  a  man  is  no 
wiser  for  being  made  f.r.s.  I  am  entirely  unable  to  do  so 
myself;  yet  it  must  be  the  case. 

When  a  provincial  naturalist  follows  up  some  definite  line 


of  study,  he  sooner  or  later  finds  himself  brought  up,  to 
use  an  expressive  nautical  term,  by  some  incidental  col- 
lateral problem  which  his  library  and  local  friends  are 
unable  to  surmount.  The  obvious  course  for  him  to  pursue 
is  to  submit  the  point  to  some  learned  society,  at  whose 
hands  he  may  either  obtain  the  desired  information,  or, 
what  may  prove  equally  useful,  ascertain  that  the  point  is 
undecided,  and  a  question  for  further  research.  If,  however, 
he  attempts  this,  the  probability  is  that  his  paper  will  be 
rejected,  as  being  either  immature,  controversial,  of  the  nature 
of  preliminary  notes,  or  as  constituting  only  a  single  phase  of 
a  long  discussion.  Papers  tainted  with  these  characters  have 
been  pronounced  by  the  highest  authority  undesirable  for  pre- 
sentation to  the  Geological  Society.8  And  yet,  as  every  theory 
depends  on  a  number  of  hypotheses,  any  one  of  which,  if  dis- 
proved will  wreck  it  like  a  house  of  cards,  the  most  elaborate 
theory  may  often  be  best  tested  by  attacking  these  hypotheses 
in  detail.  Take,  for  instance,  the  immense  problem  of  the 
Dartmoor  granite,  upon  which  volumes  might  with  advantage 
be  written.  The  chief  question  to  be  answered  is  this.  Is 
the  granite  older  or  newer  than  the  culm  slates  adjoining. 
Yes,  or  no?  Now,  this  question  might  be  conceivably  be 
answered  in  a  variety  of  ways.  It  might  be  proved  that  the 
Dartmoor  rock  presented  features  peculiar  to  post-Carbon- 
iferous granites ;  or  that  the  granite  altered  the  culm  rocks  at 
contact ;  or  that  it  injected  them  ;  or  that  it  caught  up  frag- 
ments of  these  rocks ;  or  that  it  overflowed  them.  A  long 
treatise  might  be  written  in  support  of  many  of  these  pro- 
positions, and  no  doubt  every  fact  should  be  given  its  due 
weight  in  an  exhaustive  treatise  on  Dartmoor.  But  the 
whole  theory  would  be  effectually  shaken  by  a  single  fact 
proving  that  the  granite  was  older  than  the  culm  rocks :  e.g., 
Dartmoor  granite  in  a  culm  conglomerate ;  or  culm  slate 
lying  in  sitil  on  the  granite,  absolutely  unaffected  thereby. 
Now,  our  provincial  might  very  well  have  the  opportunity  to 
collect  the  evidence  without  the  technical  skill  to  make  the 
most  of  it  Obviously,  his  better  course  would  be  to  state 
the  case  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  and  submit  it  to  a  grand 
jury  of  experts,  who  would  decide  whether  the  evidence 
justified  further  enquiry. 

Let  me  illustrate  my  meaning  by  one  example.  On  the 
road,  near  Yarner  Wells,  north  of  Heytor,  the  culm  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  the  main  mass  of  the  typical  porphyritic 
granite  is  apparently  unaltered ;  elsewhere,  when  in  contact 

3  Proc  OeoL  Soc.  1886-7,  p.  53. 


with  the  finer  grained  rock,  it  is  indurated.  In  a  slice  of  fine 
culm  sandstone,  from  Kamshorn  Down,  there  are  indications 
of  chlorides  in  the  detrital  quartz-grains.  These  are  clues 
which  call  for  further  investigation,  and  might  of  themselves 
lead  to  the  utter  rout  of  the  exclusively  post-Carboniferous 
theory :  just  as  the  induration  by  the  fine  intrusive  granite 
demolishes  any  exclusive  pre-Carboniferous  theory.  Then 
there  are  the  culm  conglomerates  awaiting  investigation,  a 
museum  of  pre-Carboniferous  rocks,  an  unworked  mine  of 
scientific  wealth.  But  what  inducement  is  there  to  dig 
therein  ?  Nay,  how  much  warning  is  there  to  desist  from 
any  such  attempt  ?  though,  probably,  not  one  geologist  in  a 
thousand  knows  where  these  culm  conglomerates  are. 

In  the  course  of  prolonged  work  on  different  subjects,  the 
student  has  often  to  leave  interesting  points  by  the  wayside, 
in  the  hope  that  they  may  be  returned  to  at  some  future 
time.  Vain  hope,  for  such  points  gather  like  snowballs  as 
time  runs  on.  In  conclusion,  I  propose  to  mention  a  few 
such  attractions  reluctantly  left  behind  on  my  own  path. 
For  brevity,  I  state  them  in  the  form  of  an  examination 

(1.)  Felspar-quartz-tourmaline  veins,  often  deposited  in 
that  order,  are  common  on  Dartmoor;  the  same  secondary 
minerals  often  pervade  the  ordinary  granite.  How  are  they 
all  related,  to  themselves  and  the  parent  rock  ? 

(2.)  Quartz-mica  concretions  occasionally  assume  the 
crystalline  outlines  of  felspar,  as  though  replacing  that 
mineral.  Of  this  there  is  no  evidence,  no  intermediate 
links.  May  not  these  forms  be  analogous  with  the  negative 
crystals  of  the  fluid  inclusions ;  determined  by  a  felspathic 
solution,  or  magma  ? 

(3.)  What  is  the  age  of  these  quartz-mica  concretions  ? 

(4.)  Quartz-tourmaline  concretions  are  common  in  connec- 
tion with  invading  granites,  just  as  the  quartz-mica 
concretions  are  common  in  the  main  masses;  what 
determines  these  different  accretions  ? 

(5.)  Does  tourmaline  ever,  strictly  speaking,  replace  either 
mica  or  felspar,  in  the  sense  that  silica  or  pyrites  replace 
the  carbonates  of  a  shell  ? 

(6.)  Compact,  typical  tourmaline,  often  breaks  up  into 
needles,  rods,  and  allotriomorphic  crystals.  What  are  the 
processes,  and  how  do  they  differ  in  each  case  ? 

(7.)  Describe  the  fluid  inclusions  of  all  the  chief  granite 
exposures  of  Devon,  Cornwall,  and  Brittany.  Mention  their 
points  of  resemblance  and  difference. 


(8.)  Describe  the  fluid  inclusions  in  the  secondary  quartzes 
of  certain  Devonian  diabasic  rocks,  e.g.  those  of  Winslade. 
Distinguish  them,  if  you  can,  from  inclusions  in  plutonic 

(9.)  State  clearly  the  points  of  difference  between  the  fluid 
inclusions  of  quartzes  connected  with  granites,  eruptive 
rocks,  and  sedimentary  rocks;  not  including  the  detrital 
quartz  of  sandstones. 

(10.)  Assuming  the  purely  post-Carboniferous  age  of  the 
Dartmoor  granites,  how  do  you  account  for  the  fact  that 
saline  and  fresh- water  fluid  inclusions  lie  side  by  side  in  well- 
nigh  every  cubic  foot  of  the  rock  ? 

(11.)  Assuming  that  the  granite  was  pre-Carboniferous,  ex- 
plain the  veins  and  intrusions  which  invade  the  culm  slates. 

(12.)  The  Dartmoor  granite  is  divided  roughly  by  three 
systems  of  joints,  in  addition  to  an  apparent  bedding,  which 
commonly  follows  the  contour  of  the  ground.  Explain  all 
four;  bearing  in  mind  the  luted  joints  seen  in  freshly- 
blasted  specimens,  and  the  tendency  of  the  rock  occasionally 
to  split  along  definite  planes. 

(13.)  Quartz  veins  in  the  carboniferous  rocks  near  the 
granite  often  contain  chloride  inclusions.  Discuss  the  rela- 
tion of  these  quartz  veins  to  the  granitic  quartzes,  more 
especially  with  regard  to  their  initial  temperatures. 

(14.)  Compact  characteristic  brown  tourmaline  crystallises 
sometimes  before  quartz.  Compact  green  tourmaline 
crystallises  sometimes  before  and  sometimes  after  quartz,  the 
two  inosculating.     Discuss  these  points  of  difference. 

(15.)  Quartz-mica  concretions  often  contain  porphyritic 
crystals  of  felspar,  sometimes  with  rounded  outlines;  are 
these  invariably  older  than  the  concretions  ? 

(16.)  The  felspar-quartz-tourmaline  rocks  of  Dartmoor  are 
often  entirely  free  from  mica :  whereas  the  ordinary  felspar- 
quartz-mica  rock  almost  invariably  contains  tourmaline. 
Suggest  a  working  hypothesis  to  cover  these  facts,  explaining 
the  origin  of  the  two  rocks. 

(17.)  Near  Bovey  Tracey  the  ordinary  granite  is  divided 
from  the  culm  slates  by  a  large  exposure  of  felsite,  which 
invades  the  culm.  At  Bottor  rock  is  the  well-known 
diabase.  Explain  the  origin  and  mutual  relations  of  the 
three  rocks. 

(18.)  South  of  Dartmoor,  towards  the  metamorphic  dis- 
trict, felsitic  and  basic  exposures  occur,  lying  between  the 
Channel  granites  and  the  Dartmoor  granites ;  to  which  are 
they  more  closely  related  ? 


(19.)  At  Erme  Mouth  crystalline  rocks  abound  on  the 
coast ;  to  what  extent  do  these  resemble  the  Dartmoor  rocks 
on  the  north,  and  the  Channel  rocks  on  the  south  ? 

(20.)  Assuming  the  metamorphic  rocks  to  be  Archaean, 
account  for  their  general  resemblance  as  a  series,  of  green 
rocks,  mica-schists,  and  quartz  schists  (the  latter  with  tour- 
malines), to  the  greenstones,  slates,  and  sandstones  (with 
tourmalines)  of  the  Devonians. 

(21.)  Assuming  the  schists  to  be  Devonian,  explain  the 
abruptness  of  the  metamorphic  boundary  line. 

(22.)  To  what,  if  any,  extent  is  the  absence  of  augite  in 
the  metamorphic  green  rocks  due  to  pressure,  taking  into 
consideration  the  fact  that  the  augite  has  completely  dis- 
appeared in  certain  of  the  Devonian  greenstones  ? 

(23.)  Trace  the  formation  of  the  secondary  albite  in 
the  metamorphic  green  rocks. 

(24.)  Discuss  the  presence  of  two  crystalline  erratics  on 
the  beach,  near  the  Prawle.  Describe  them  accurately,  and 
give  your  reasons  for  believing  them  connected,  or  otherwise, 
with  the  blocks  trawled  in  the  Channel. 

(25.)  On  the  assumption  that  the  Channel  blocks  are 
erratics,  how  do  you  explain  the  abundance  of  granitic 
gravel  and  sand  on  the  floor  of  the  English  Channel  ? 

(26.)  On  the  assumption  that  the  blocks  are  in  sitiX,  how 
do  you  explain  the  distinctness  of  the  crystalline  granitoid 
rocks  from  those  of  Devon  and  Cornwall  ? 

(27.)  Compare  the  Eddystone  gneiss  and  veins  with 
the  schists  and  veins  near  Salcombe,  with  special  regard 
to  the  microliths  in  the  Eddystone  felspar. 

(28.)  Compare  the  Lundy  granite  with  the  Dartmoor. 
Explain  why  the  Lundy  rock  is  invaded  by  basic  rocks, 
whereas  the  Dartmoor  rock  is  not  so.  Note  the  felspars 
and  fluid  inclusions  of  these  two  granites. 

(29.)  Chlorides  are  not  uncommon  in  the  quartz-sand 
of  Start  Bay.  No  chlorides  have  been  recorded  in  any  of 
the  Channel  blocks.     Why  is  this  so  ? 

(30.)  Compare  the  schorlaceous  rocks  of  Dartmoor,  the 
Teignmouth  breccias,  and  the  Budleigh  Salterton  pebble 
bed,  and  discuss  the  probability,  or  otherwise,  of  their 
being  related.    Note  particularly  any  differences. 

(31.)  Describe  the  sand  from  the  Skerries  Shoal,  in 
Start  Bay.  How  do  you  distinguish  remaniS  rolled  grains, 
remaniS  unrolled  grains,  felspars  and  quartzes  rounded 
in  their  parent  rocks,  and  sands  whose  rounding  is  entirely 
the  work  of  the  waves  ? 


(32.)  Distinguish  granite  river  sand  from  the  above. 

(33.)  What  are  the  special  characters  of  beach  sands, 
as  compared  with  sands  from  deserts,  shoals,  and  rivers? 

(34.)  The  Torbay  Raised  Beaches  are  proved  to  be  true 
beaches  by  their  stratification,  and  their  beach-platforms  cut 
out  of  the  rock.  Their  components  are  so  angular  and 
unwaterworn  that  some  geologists  have  denied  their  beach 
character.  Reconcile  these  apparently  conflicting  facta. 
Both  are  facts. 

(35.)  Certain  spheroidal  chert  pebbles,  common  on  the 
Chesil  Bank,  have  been  found  on  the  raised  beach  between 
Brixham  and  Berry  Head.  Cardium  edule,  a  brackish  water 
cockle,  is  abundant  on  the  Thatcher  Beach.  Restore  the 
coast-line  between  Berry  Head  and  Portland,  in  the  Raised 
Beach  era,  to  make  these  occurrences  possible. 

(36.)  A  bluish  schorlaceous  crystalline  rock,  apparently 
peculiar  to  the  Teignmouth  conglomerates,  has  been  dis- 
covered at  the  Berry  Head  Beach.  Discuss  the  presence 
of  this  stone  in  connection  with  the  chert  and  cockles 
referred  to  above. 

(37.)  Between  Trochus  zizyphinus  and  Trochus  granulatus 
there  seems  every  connecting  link,  both  as  to  the  granulated 
sculpture  and  the  profile.  Is  one  the  littoral,  and  the  other 
the  coralline  zone  representative  of  a  common  ancestor,  and 
which  is  the  older  form  of  the  two  ?  The  radulae  of  inter- 
mediate forms  should  be  examined. 

(38.)  Flat-fish,  lying  on  sand,  are  protected  by  form  and 
colour.     Against  what  enemies  does  each  of  these  protect  ? 

(39.)  Assuming  the  giant  sea-hares  of  Torbay  to  be  the 
ordinary  Aplysia  punctata,  how  do  you  account  for  their  un- 
precedented size;  their  extreme  rarity;  and  the  abnormal 
form  of  the  shells  ?  Assuming  them  to  be  a  distinct  species, 
A.  depilans,  how  do  you  account  for  their  regular  sequence 
from  molluscs  indistinguishable  from  A.  punctata,  both  as  to 
size  and  radulae;  also  for  the  fact  that  A.  depilans  and 
A.  punctata  have  been  taken  by  Mr.  Gwyn-Jeffireys,  breed- 
ing together  ? 

(40.)  Stalagmite  accumulates  in  three  distinct  ways — by 
evaporation  of  the  water  in  the  air ;  by  discharge  of  carbonic 
acid  in  a  saturated  atmosphere ;  and  in  a  third  manner  not 
explained.  The  stalagmite  of  the  Borness  Cave  and  the 
granular  stalagmite  of  Kent's  Cavern  are  examples  of  the 
first  two  processes.  Give  your  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
crystalline  stalagmite  of  Kent's  Cavern  represents  Arctic 
conditions,  in   which   the  surface  was  either  frozen  hard, 

IN  SOUTH   DEVON.  293 

with  no  circulation  of  water,  or  that,  when  not  frozen,  the 
temperature  of  the  cave  was  invariably  colder  than  the  outer 
air ;  whereas,  at  present,  the  temperature  is  the  mean 
temperature  of  the  district.  Discuss  this  question  in  con- 
nection with  the  nodule  and  flake-tool  men,  with  the  glacial 
epoch,  and  with  the  antiquity  of  man  in  general. 

The  foregoing  forty  thieves — for  they  have  stolen  a  deal  of 
time — are  all  that  occur  to  me  currente  ccUamo.  They  are 
all  questions  which  involve  principle ;  rungs  of  the  ladder 
which,  if  firmly  surmounted,  would  place  the  climber 
definitely  one  step  higher,  with  a  clearer  view  and  more 
extended  horizon.  It  is  doubtful  whether,  in  the  near 
future,  amateurs  would  be  allowed  to  attack  them  without 
the  passive  boycott  or  personal  insult  from  those  in  high 
places.  And  yet  these  questions  ought  to  be  grappled  with. 
Who  will  make  the  attempt  ?  Any  one  who  floors  the  paper 
would  deserve  a  and  an  f.r.s.,  though  he  would  not 
get  them.  However,  he  would  ensure  many  steps  in 
advance,  which  would  be  far  better. 

It  is  very  important  for  the  student  to  remember  that  the 
fret  object  of  all  the  publishing  scientific  societies  is  to 
avoid  plagiarism.  Truth  is  quite  a  secondary  consideration. 
It  is  a  necessary  inexorable  rule  that  no  alteration  should 
T>e  made  in  a  paper  after  reception.  This  would  not,  how- 
ever, be  necessary  could  scientists  be  trusted  not  to  pick 
each  other's  brains  without  acknowledgment.  The  procedure 
is  commonly  as  follows : — A  scientist  propounds  an  untenable 
theory,  which  is  more  or  less  torn  to  rags  in  the  subsequent 
discussion.  The  theory,  however,  is  published  without 
amendment,  to  the  discomfiture  of  the  unwary  student. 
Often,  if  the  discussion  could  be  published,  and  the  paper 
omitted,  science  would  be  the  better  gainer.  The  publica- 
tions of  the  Institution  of  Civil  Engineers  are  often  of 
extraordinary  value,  as  the  discussions  are  printed  at  con- 
siderable length.  Before  reading  a  paper  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Geological  Society,  it  is  advisable  to  read  the  brief 
comments  of  those  who  have  heard  the  paper.  The  student 
-will  usually  perceive  that  the  paper  is  but  an  essay  expound- 
ing the  views  of  the  writer,  from  which  scientists  of  equal 
or  greater  eminence  entirely  dissent.  In  the  case  of  original 
research  the  precept  must  be  taken  literally  — "  Believe 
nothing  that  you  hear,  and  only  half  that  you  see."  Nothing 
must  be  taken  for  granted,  every  step  must  be  retraced,  and 
every  assertion  verified.  No  opportunity  must  be  missed  of 
exposing  doubtful  points  to  criticism.     In  the  case  of  the 


Channel  blocks  (it  is  begging  the  question  to  call  them 
boulders),  an  early  paper  was  read  to  the  Torquay  Natural 
History  Society,  before  Mr.  Pengelly  and  Dr.  Sorby;  six 
times  was  the  question  submitted  to  the  Devon  Association, 
twice  to  the  British  Association,  and  once  introduced  to  the 
readers  of  the  Geological  Magazine,  The  upshot  of  the 
whole  being  that  on  this  question,  doctrine  seems  still  far 
from  crystallisation  into  dogma. 

In  conclusion,  I  may  mention  an  incident  which  made  a 
great  impression  on  myself.  Feeling  the  great  responsibilty 
of  the  search  for  truth,  even  in  comparatively  trivial  quests, 
I  was  startled  to  realise  myself  under  the  stimulus  of 
ambition.  I  prayed  God  to  deliver  me  from  such  tempta- 
tion. That  was  in  1882,  when  all  my  work  was  going  with 
a  swing.  At  once  the  tide  turned,  and  official  obstruction 
set  in ;  but,  strange  to  say,  private  assistance  and  encourage- 
ment was  multiplied.  If  any  evidence  was  wanted,  that 
precise  evidence  came  to  hand.  What  could  be  more 
unlikely  than  that  a  sailor,  unsolicited,  should  send  me  an 
old  bottle,  confirming  all  my  wave-work  ;  and  that  Sir 
George  Stokes  should  offer  to  calculate  the  wave  action  which 
would  produce  the  phenomena  it  displayed  ?  How  remark- 
able, again,  that  Mr.  Tawney's  executors  should  give  me  his 
microscope ;  that  Mr.  Teall  should  offer  to  show  me  the 
characteristics  of  tourmaline ;  that  Mr.  Somervail  should 
give  me  the  only  collected  specimen  of  the  Start  schist 
containing  tourmaline ;  that  I  should  cut  two  slices  of  that 
rock ;  and  that  it  should  occur  to  me,  one  night,  to  search 
the  duplicate  slice  for  tourmaline  the  next  day;  and  that 
the  slice  should  contain  but  a  single  identifiable  fragment, 
the  first  slice  containing  not  one !  Surely,  this  is  a  strange 
experience  for  a  student  who  had  no  interest  in  the  Archaean 
controversy,  and  would  never  have  purchased  a  petrological 
microscope?  The  search  for  truth  is  indeed  no  light  matter, 
not  one  to  be  sullied  and  degraded  by  personal  ambition. 
I  should  be  inclined  to  counsel  any  young  student  who 
believes  in  the  God  of  truth,  to  write  no  line  which  he 
cannot  lay  upon  the  altar  on  his  bended  knees;  and  if  he 
believes  in  no  such  God,  is  it  worth  while  writing  at  all  ? 
The  memory  of  the  greatest  fades  like  a  flower ;  "  Let  us  eat 
and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die." 



"Southwood,  Torquay,  10th  April,  1887. 

"Gentlemen, — I  have  been  collecting  materials  for  a  short 
paper  on  the  rolling  and  rounding  of  sea-sand  on  shoals,  and  intend 
to  publish  it  in  the  Trans.  Devon  Assoc. 4  But  as  it  is  intimately 
connected  with  a  paper  by  the  late  Mr.  Phillips  in  the  Q.J.G.S.,  I 
would  give  the  Geological  Society  the  refusal  of  it,  provided,  if 
accepted,  the  paper  may  be  illustrated  by  at  least  two  micro-photo- 
graphs of  sands.  I  understand  from  Messrs.  Waterlow  that  the 
cost  would  be  about  10s.  for  each  plate. 

"I  may  observe  that  I  have  no  intention  to  criticise  Mr. 
Phillips'  paper,  but  only  to  deal  with  a  cause  of  the  rounding  of 
sand-grains  which  had  not,  apparently,  been  brought  before  him. 

"  Yours  faithfully, 

"  Arthur  R.  Hunt,  f.o.s. 
"  The  Secretaries,  Geological  Society  of  London." 

To  my  surprise,  this  very  formal  communication  never  got 
farther  than  the  Assistant-Secretary  and  President,  as  the  fol- 
lowing letter  will  show :—  „  m  May^  1887# 

"Dear  Sir, — I  have  been  away  from  home  for  some  three 
•weeks,  so  the  subject  of  my  proposed  paper  has  been  in  abeyance 
"with  me.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you,  and  to  the  President,  for  con- 
sidering favourably  the  acceptance  of  my  paper,  but  that,  of  course, 
3nust  be  judged  on  its  merits  when  received.  I  have  no  wish  to 
press  the  paper  on  the  Society — far  from  it — but  I  only  desire 
^at,  should  the  illustrations  not  be  granted,  the  paper  may  be  also 
returned,  as  I  rely  greatly  on  the  facsimile  reproduction  by  photo- 
graphy of  my  sand  photographs.  I  will  let  you  have  both  paper 
«nd  photo,  as  soon  as  possible.         «  Yoxm  yery  ^^ 

"  W.  S.  Dallas,  Esq."  "  A.  R  HUNT. 

The  position  was  now  a  singular  one.  Instead  of  submitting 
any  paper  to  the  Council  of  the  Geological  Society,  as  anticipated, 
it  was  clear  that  a  special  research,  in  which  I  had  been  assisted 
"by  Eayleigh,  Stokes,  and  Sorby,  was  to  be  judged  by  Messrs. 
ZDallas  and  Judd,  men  for  whom  I  entertained  the  deepest  respect, 
Irat  who  had  never,  so  far  as  I  was  aware,  studied  my  special 
subject.     It  was  about  time  to  prepare  for  a  reverse. 

4  This  paper  was  never  even  read  to  a  meeting,  but  entirely  recast  for  the 
Devon  Association. 


"9th  May,  1887. 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  enclose  my  paper  on  the  rounding  of  sands  by 
waves,  for  the  consideration  of  the  President.  I  am  very  doubtful 
myself  whether  it  is  a  paper  exactly  suited  to  the  Geological 
Society,  and  if  you  and  the  President  share  my  doubts,  I  would 
suggest  your  returning  it  without  taking  any  formal  action.  It 
will  then  be  published,  in  all  probability,  by  the  Devonshire  Asso- 
ciation, as  a  Devonshire  paper.  u  your8  £aithfullv> 

"  W.  S.  Dallas,  Esq."  "  A.  R.  HUNT. 

The  receipt  of  paper  was  acknowledged,  but  fearing  it  had  been 
pigeon-holed,  I  wrote  : — 

"Southwood,  Torquay,  16th  May,  1887. 

"Dear  Sir, — Not  having  heard  from  you  since  yours  of  11th, 
acknowledging  receipt  of  paper,  I  just  write  to  say  that  up  to 
Friday  next  my  address  will  be  Fox  worthy,  Moretonhampetead ; 
after  that  date  I  hope  to  be  here  again. 

"  Yours  faithfully, 
"  W.  S.  Dallas,  Esq."  "  A.  R  Hunt. 

In  reply  to  the  above,  Mr.  Dallas  wrote  me  a  very  civil  letter  to 
the  effect  that  the  President  considered  the  paper  "scarcely  suit- 
able "  for  the  Geological  Society,  and  that  he  ventured  to  think  so 

The  whole  correspondence  was  amusing.  There  was  not  a 
single  Fellow  of  the  Geological  Society  whose  opinion  of  the  paper 
I  desired,  but  the  point  was  how  to  avoid  too  open  a  rebuff  Had 
I  sent  up  Sir  G.  G.  Stokes'  letter  as  an  appendix,  that  would,  pro- 
bably, have  ensured  acceptance.  But  that  was  reserved  as  a  bonne 
bouche  for  whatever  Society  welcomed  the  subject  The  doubt 
whether  the  paper  was  "  exactly  suited  "  for  the  Geological  Society 
was,  I  regret  to  say,  "wrote  sarcastic,"  with  the  Kent's  Cavern 
experience  in  mind;  my  feeling  being  that,  if  not  "exactly 
suited,"  it  ought  to  be. 

The  question  lay  in  a  nutshell.  The  then  President  of  Section 
C.,  Brit.  Assoc,  had  proclaimed  that  rounded  sand-grains  were 
good  evidence  of  ceolian  action.  My  paper  went  to  prove  that  this 
far-reaching  conclusion  was  unsound.  It  would  be  hard  to  imagine 
a  more  important  and  suitable  subject  for  the  Geological  Society 
to  consider  and  discuss. 


BY   R.   N.   WORTH,   F.O.8. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1805.) 

The  leading  features  of  the  geology  of  Okehampton  and  its 
neighbourhood  are  simple  enough.  The  town  itself  lies  in 
the  Gulmiferous  trough  of  central  Devon,  on  the  verge  of  the 
north-western  corner  of  the  Dartmoor  granite.  There  is  no 
question  that  all  the  stratified  rocks  of  the  immediate 
locality  are  Carboniferous,  by  no  means  rich  in  fossils,  and 
belonging  to  the  lower  portion  of  that  system.  They  are 
for  the  most  part  slates  and  shales,  though  a  few  grit  bands 
with  quartz  veins  occur,  and  many  of  the  beds  are  so 
massive  as  to  make  very  excellent  local  building-stone.  Slaty 
cleavage,  in  fact,  is  by  no  means  pronounced  in  the  district. 
Ji  special  feature  is  the  occurrence  of  Carboniferous  lime- 
stone at  Meldon. 

Traversing  these  Carboniferous  rocks,  contouring  and 
sweeping  round  the  granite  at  no  great  distance,  are  some 
"bands  of  "  greenstone  " — to  use,  for  the  moment,  the  familiar 
:£eld  term — and  other  rocks  of  igneous  origin;  and  all 
participate  in  the  general  northerly  dip  from  the  granite, 
"which  characterises  the  rocks  of  this  region. 

The  granite  of  Dartmoor  here  rises  to  its  highest  point — 
^t  Tes  Tor  and  High  Willhayes ;  and  there  is  a  wide  zone  of 
stratified  and  associated  rocks  next  the  granite,  which  have 
\>een  the  subject  of  contact  and  dynamic  alterations.  The 
changes  thus  induced  supply  some  of  the  most  interesting 
features  of  the  local  geology. 

Finally,  traversing  both  granite  and  Carboniferous  rocks, 
and  at  points  the  igneous  bands  included  in  the  latter,  we 
have  a  series  of  metalliferous  lodes  and  cross-courses — at 
Longstone  Hill,  Meldon,  the  Castle,  Halstock,  Belstone,  and 
South  Tawton,  more  particularly. 

VOL.  XXVII,  x 


Mr.  TJ88her,  f.g.s.,  places  the  stratified  rocks  of  the  vicinity 
of  Okehampton  in  the  lower  division  of  his  grouping  of  the 
Devonshire  Culm-measures,1  remarking :  "  On  their  northern 
outcrop,  the  beds  forming  this  series  occupy  a  very  much 
narrower  tract  than  that  to  the  south.  Their  northern  out- 
crop is  about  two  to  three  miles  in  breadth ;  their  southern 
outcrop  varies  very  considerably,  its  breadth  from  Dartmoor 
northward  through  Okehampton  being  about  five  miles,  whilst 
on  the  east  of  Dartmoor  it  is  about  fifteen  miles,  and  about  the 
same  on  the  west  of  Dartmoor  through  Lydford." 

The  general  succession  given  by  Mr.  Ussher  of  these 
Lower  Culms,  is  as  follows : 

"Dark  grey  shales,  with  grit  beds,  seldom  thick,  and  generally 
even,  slaty,  and  splintery  shales,  (type,  St.  David's  Hill,  Exeter). 
"  Even-bedded  cherty  shales  and  grits  (of  Coddon  Hill  type). 
"  Limestones  and  dark  grey  shales." 

These  limestones,  "from  their  local  development,  and  very 
partial  occurrence,  both  in  the  northern  and  southern  areas," 
Mr.  Ussher  regards  "  as  lenticular  masses  in  the  shales  and 

From  these  data,  the  Okehampton  Culm-measures  are  not 
only  to  be  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  lower  group  of  the 
series,  but  as  falling  into  place  in  the  lowest  division  of  that 
group — the  immediate  successors  in  time,  as  we  have  them, 
of  the  Upper  Devonians,  which,  however,  they  may  or  may 
not,  at  this  particular  point,  overlie.  Evidence  on  that  head 
is  wholly  wanting;  and  I  can  only  express  an  analogical 
belief  in  the  affirmative  view  of  the  proposition. 

These  Culm-measures  are,  in  my  view,  undoubtedly  the 
oldest  rocks  in  the  Okehampton  district 

An  important  paper  was  read  on  the  5th  June  last,  before 
the  Geological  Society,  by  Dr.  Hinde,  f.g.s.,  and  Mr. 
Howard  Fox,  f.g.s.,  which  is  very  suggestive  in  regard  to 
some,  at  least,  of  the  Carboniferous  rocks  of  this  locality. 
They  identify  what  have  been  generally  known  as  the  Coddon 
Hill  Beds  (though  not  including  in  the  series  all  the  beds 
referred  to  it  by  others)  as  radiolarian  beds,  wa  series  of 
organic  siliceous  rocks — some  of  a  very  hard,  cherty 
character,  others  flaky,  and  yet  others  of  soft  incoherent 
shales."  Beds  superficially  like  grits  have  been  found  to  be 
radiolarian.  These  Coddon  Hill  Beds  occur  along  a  com- 
paratively narrow  belt  of  country,  a  short  distance  within 

1  See  the  "  Culm-measures  of  Devonshire/'  in  the  Geological  Magazine  for 
January,  1887. 


the  northern  and  southern  boundaries  between  the  Car- 
boniferous and  Devonian  systems.  Starting  with  the 
northern  exposures,  they  are  developed  in  various  localities 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  Barnstaple,  past  Dulverton,  to 
Ashbrittle  in  West  Somerset.  On  the  south  the  beds  are 
traceable  from  Boscastle  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Tavistock, 
and  on  the  east  side  of  the  Dartmoor  granite  they  are  found 
near  Ghudleigh  and  Bovey  Tracey.  They  extend  also  from 
Barnstaple  to  Fremington. 

Forms  belonging  to  twenty -three  genera  of  radiolaria  have 
been  recognized,  included  in  the  orders  Beloidea,  Sphaeroidea, 
Prunoidea,  Discoidea,  and  Cyrtoidea;  in  addition  a  scanty 
but  significant  fauna  (twenty-five  species)  of  corals,  trilo- 
bites,  brachiopods,  and  cephalopods  is  present  in  some  thin 
shaly  beds  near  Barnstaple.  Nearly  all  the  forms  are 

These  fossils  are  held  to  tend  to  confirm  the  view  that  the 
Lower  Culm-measures  are  the  deep-water  equivalents  of  the 
Carboniferous  limestone  in  other  parts  of  the  British  Isles. 
There  is  good  work  to  be  done  by  any  local  geologist  in 
tracing  these  radiolarian  beds  in  this  area. 

Touching  the  age  of  the  Dartmoor  granite,  perhaps  I  need 
hardly  argue  that  it  is  more  recent  than  the  Carboniferous 
series  through  which,  so  far  as  Okehampton  is  concerned,  it 
rises.  It  is  self-evident  that  a  disturbed  rock  must  be  older 
than  the  disturbing  cause ;  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  this  was 
thoroughly  well  recognised,  some  fifty  years  ago,  by  Sir  Henry 
de  la  Beche,  who  says— 

"The  intrusion  of  the  Dartmoor  mass  was  certainly  after  the 
deposit  of  the  carbonaceous  series  of  North  Devon,  be  the  age  of 
that  series  what  it  may :  it  thrusts  the  southern  portion  of  this 
aeries  northwards  to  Okehampton,  cuts  off  the  ends  of  trappean 
bands  and  of  associated  beds  of  grit  and  shale  near  Christow  and 
Bridford,  and  sends  veins  into  it  in  the  valley  of  the  Dart."  2 

The  limit  on  the  other  side  is  equally  well  marked  by  the 
finding  of  Dartmoor  fragments,  identified  as  such  by  myself 
as  the  result  of  systematic  inquiry,  in  the  red-rock  breccias 
— once  deemed  Triassic,  now  generally  accepted  as  Permian — 
on  the  coast  from  Teignmouth  eastwards.  The  bricks  must 
be  older  than  the  house. 

The  age  of  the  "  greenstones  "  traversing  the  Carboniferous 
rocks  can  be  approximated  in  much  the  same  way.  They 
are  later  than  these  rocks,  because  they  are  intrusive  in 

1  Rep.  Corn,  Dev,  and  W,  Som.  165. 

x  2 


thein ;  but  they  are  older  than  the  granite,  because  it  meta- 
morphoses them.  This  cannot  indeed  be  seen,  as  a  matter  of 
direct  contact,  in  the  vicinity  of  Okehampton ;  but  the  two 
form  junctions  near  Tavistock,  and  there  the  evidence  is 
clear.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  that  the  intrusive 
greenstones  of  the  one  area  belong  to  the  same  series  as 
those  of  the  other.  The  great  distinction  recognised  between 
the  two  localities,  in  the  matter  of  igneous  activity,  is  that 
in  and  about  Tavistock  and  Brent  Tor,  we  get  interbedded, 
and  therefore  contemporaneous,  lavas,  ashes,  and  tuffs,  as  well 
as  the  intrusive  dykes,  in  large  variety.  Lieut.-Gen.  M'Mahon 
has  shown,  however,  that  this  distinction  is  not  so  complete 
as  it  once  seemed  to  be.     But  of  that  more  anon. 

Another  noteworthy  feature  of  difference,  as  connected 
with  the  granite  of  the  Okehampton  area,  is  the  almost 
entire  absence  of  the  dykes  of  felsitic  rock  known  as  elvans. 
These  are  a  later  phase  of  the  granitic  outburst,  for  they 
frequently  traverse  not  merely  the  bordering  rocks,  but  the 
granite  itself.  They  are  quite  common  on  the  northern  side 
of  the  Moor,  among  the  Devonian  rocks,  and  their  signifi- 
cant scarcity  among  the  Carboniferous  on  the  northern, 
points  to  the  more  urgent  character  of  the  deeper-seated 
activities  on  the  south,  to  which  I  elsewhere  allude.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  granulite  of  Meldon  is  a  phase  of  eruptive 
granitic  material  unknown  in  mass  elsewhere  in  Devon. 

The  last  series  of  great  earth-changes  affecting  the  district 
was  the  formation  of  the  mineral  lodes — the  result,  not  of 
one  operation,  but  of  a  series.  What  De  la  Beche  had  to  say 
thereon  can  hardly  be  bettered.3 

"The  lodes  upon  Dartmoor  approximate  considerably  to  east 
and  west  courses,  and  round  its  borders  on  the  north,  east,  and 
south,  where  mines  have  been  worked,  the  same  directions  in  the 
lodes  would  generally  appear.  The  chief  exceptions  seem  some  tin 
lodes  on  both  sides  of  Longstone  Hill,  near  Okehampton,  which 
would  appear  to  take  courses  about  W.  30°  S.,  and  £.  30°  N. 
Such  short  parts  of  these  lodes  were,  however,  worked  when  we 
visited  them,  that  these  exceptions  may  merely  have  been  some  of 
the  minor  irregularities  common  to  all  lodes.  [Thi*,  however,  is  not 
so.]  Some  eastern  and  western  lodes  between  Bel  stone  and  Oke- 
hampton [Halstock]  are  cut  by  a  N.  and  S.  cross-course ;  and  a 
cross-course,  in  which  lead  and  silver  ores  have  been  found,  tra- 
verses the  Okement,  near  the  Castle." 

To  this  it  need  only  be  added  that  the  Belstone  Consols 
and  South  Tawton  lodes  run  east  and  west. 

8  Sep.  Corn,  Dcv.  and  W.  Som.  302. 


The  minerals  enumerated  by  Mr.  Townshend  M.  Hall, 
F.G.s.,  in  his  Mineralogist's  Directory,  as  occurring  at  and 
near  Okehampton,  independently  of  the  mines,  are : — 
Amethyst,  andalusite,  axinite,  chiastolite,  hornblende,  jasper, 
opal,  rock  crystal,  and  tourmaline.  The  granite,  1  need 
hardly  explain,  is  essentially  a  mixture  of  quartz,  felspars, 
and  micas — the  second  chiefly  orthoclase,  and  the  third 
chiefly  muscovite,  but  with  biotite  largely  represented. 
Calcite  occurs  with  the  limestone  and  elsewhere.  The  mines 
add  considerably  to  this  total — Argentite,  cassiterite,  chalco- 
pyrite,  chalcocite,  bismuthinite,  galena,  garnets,  hematite, 
limonite,  marcasite,  malachite,  mispickel,  pyrrhotite,  semi- 
opal,  pyrites.  The  garnets  include  both  colophonite  and 
grossularia;  and  the  granulite  yields  fine  crystals  of  pink 
(rubellite)  and  green  tourmaline.  The  microscope  also  shows 
the  existence  as  constituents  of  various  rocks  among  other 
minerals  of  apatite,  apophyllite,  indicolite,  ilmenite,  magnetite, 
olivine,  sphene,  and  topaz  (in  the  granulite),  while  beryl  is 
also  said  to  occur. 

Among  the  mines  of  the  locality — none  now  working — 
are  Belstone  Consols,  Copper  Hill,  East  Wheal  Maria, 
Forest  Hill,  Fursdon,  Holstock,  Ivey  Tor,  Meldon,  Okehamp- 
ton, Sticklepath,  South-Zeal. 

Before  passing  on  to  a  brief  review  of  the  leading  features 
of  the  petrology  of  the  district,  it  may  be  well  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  importance  of  a  careful  examination  of  the  surface 
deposits  of  our  moorland  valleys,  especially  at  points  where, 
as  near  the  fork  of  the  ravine  above  Meldon  viaduct,  we 
find  large  accumulations  of  more  or  less  water-worn  stones, 
which  occasionally,  as  here,  suggest  the  former  existence  of 
moraines.  Whether  ice  had  any  share  in  the  formation  of 
such  deposits  or  not,  it  will  be  found  that  some,  at  least,  of 
their  contents  consist  of  rocks  which  cannot  now  be  traced 
in  situ,  and  which,  therefore,  must  represent  portions  of  the 
long-denuded  superincumbent  mass,  the  removal  of  which 
has  produced  our  present  Dartmoor.  A  careful  study  of 
these  deposits  would  be  of  the  highest  value  in  supplying 
material  for  a  more  than  hypothetical  reconstruction. 

The  Carboniferous  rocks  of  the  district  have  been  touched 
upon  in  sufficient  detail  already,  and  it  is  hardly  necessary 
— with  the  abundance  of  interesting  material  elsewhere — 
to  add  more  concerning  them,  than  to  say  that  they  exhibit 
every  mark  of  great  and  repeated  disturbance.  Some  very 
interesting  folds  and  contortions  of  the  slate  beds  may  be 


readily  seen,  as  in  the  quarry  near  the  Castle,  and  on  the 
right  of  the  road  to  Brightley. 

These  slates,  as  we  have  already  noted,  are  traversed  by 
bands  of  igneous  rocks,  which  bear  a  very  definite  relation 
in  their  course  to  the  contour  of  the  granite  massif.  These 
rocks  are  divisible  into  two  great  series  —  one  volcanic, 
formed  contemporaneously  with  the  slates  and  grits ;  and 
the  other,  intrusive,  which  has  broken  through  them  at  a 
later  date — the  familiarly  styled  "greenstones."  It  is  these 
intrusive  rocks  that  yield  the  curiously  fretted  honeycombed 
and  seamed  masses  which  it  is  the  wise  local  custom  of  the 
Okehampton  folk  to  employ  for  the  rustic  coping  of  their 
garden-walls.  They  vary  considerably  in  texture,  but  are 
mostly  dark-grey  in  colour.  Some  are  very  fine  and  even- 
grained,  the  only  mineral  distinguishable  by  the  naked  eye 
being  abundant  minute  specks  of  pyrites.  Others  again  are 
coarse;  while  some  show  what  is  called  "lustre  mottling " 
very  characteristically,  and  indicate  clearly  the  presence  in 
quantity  of  pyroxenic  constituents.  They  belong  unmis- 
takably to  the  same  group  as  the  so-called  "gabbros"  of  White 
Tor,  Cocks  Tor,  Smear  Down,  and  other  localities  near 
Tavistock,  generally  classed  in  the  present  day  as  epidiorites.4 

Lieut-General  M'Mahon,  f.g.s.,  in  a  paper  on  "Various 
Rocks  of  Igneous  Origiu  on  the  Western  Flank  of  Dart- 
moor," published  in  the  Journal  of  the  Geological  Society 
for  August,  1894,  deals  largely  with  the  "  greenstones  "  shown 
on  the  Geological  Survey  map  as  outcropping  on  Sourton 
Tors,  South  Down,  and  at  Meldon.  He  notes  the  presence 
of  felsite  and  trachyte  at  Sourton  Tors;  and  there  and  at 
Meldon  "the  occurrence  of  some  interesting  tuffs,  the 
matrix  of  which  has  been  converted  by  contact  -  meta- 
morphism  into  what  closely  resembles  the  base  of  a  rhyolite, 
and  which,  in  extreme  cases,  exhibits  fluxion  structure,  or  a 
structure  indistinguishable  from  it"  He  adds,  that  so  com- 
plete was  the  resemblance  of  the  matrix  to  the  base  of  an 
igneous  rock  that  he  was  "  for  long  doubtful  whether  the 
rock  was  not  a  lava  full  of  volcanic  ejectamenta"  The 
"extreme  abundance  of  the  fragments  —  pieces  of  six  or 
seven  kinds  of  lava  being  sometimes  visible  in  a  single 
slice," — with  the  extended  area  over  which  the  deposits  were 
found,  convinced  him,  however,  that  they  were  really  meta- 
morphosed tuffs. 

4  Vide  "The  Igneous  and  altered  rocks  of  S.  W.  Devon "  ;  and  " Geological 
Notes  on  the  South  Western  line  between  Lydford  and  Devonport. "  Trans. 
Dev.  Assoc,  xix.,  xxi. 


As  to  the  epidiorites  and  their  relations  to  the  volcanic 
rocks,  General  M'Mahon  notes  that  the  former  are  only 
altered  dolerites.  He  does  not  think  that  they  need  be 
regarded  as  of  very  deep-seated  origin ;  nor  did  he  find  any 
actual  evidence  in  the  area  embraced  in  this  paper  that 
the  epidiorites  are  intrusive.  My  own  impression  is  most 
decidedly  that  they  are ;  but,  as  he  points  out,  this  need  not 
necessarily  divorce  them  from  the  volcanic  eruptions  of 
the  period;  and  he  remarks  generally — "the  epidiorites  of 
the  west  of  Dartmoor  may  have  been  comparatively  deep- 
seated  offshoots  of  the  volcanic  forces  that  seem  to  have 
opened  up  numerous  volcanoes  in  this  region  during  the 
Carboniferous  age." 

This,  of  course,  is  in  absolute  practical  accord  with  the 
suggestion  made  by  me  several  years  previously,  that  these 
more  basic  rocks  are  the  result  of  the  earlier  stages  of  the 
igneous  activities  that  initiated  Dartmoor. 

The  volcanic  tuffs  and  associated  rocks  of  Meldon,  which 
General  M'Mahon  was  the  first  to  investigate  and  describe, 
may  be  found  under  and  near  the  viaduct,  and  on  the 
flank  of  Blackdown,  both  points  being  marked  on'  the 
Survey  map  as  "greenstone."  Specimens  from  the  out- 
crop near  the  viaduct  simulate  the  appearance  generally 
of  lavas,  but  are  really  composed  "  of  fragments  of  trachytic, 
felsitic,  and  other  lavas  of  somewhat  more  basic  character, 
cemented  together  in  what  now  looks  like  the  base  of  a 
felsite" — this  base,  moreover,  containing  large  quantities 
of  apophyllite.  In  some  cases  alteration  has  proceeded  very 
far  to  the  simulation  of  rhyolitic  characters,  the  profuse  for- 
mation of  mica  in  the  matrix,  and  a  general  appearance 
of  fluxion  structure.  These  are,  as  General  M'Mahon  says, 
very  beautiful  examples  of  the  effects  of  powerful  contact- 
metamorphisra.  The  structure  of  these  pyroclastic  rocks 
varies  considerably,  and  "  near  the  railway  viaduct  some 
of  the  agglomerate  beds  contain  quite  large  blocks  of  slaty 
and  felspathic  rocks." 

The  Blackdown  tuffs,  as  described,  are  chiefly  made  up 
of  fragments  of  trachyte  and  altered  sedimentary  rocks  in  a 
very  fine-grained  micro-crystalline-granular  matrix,  origi- 
nally a  fine  dust,  all  the  slices  containing  a  profusion  of 

It  may  seem  rather  venturesome  on  my  part  to  question 
the  conclusions  of  General  M'Mahon ;  but  I  am  bound 
to  say  that  while  I  accept  the  rock  at  Meldon  viaduct  as 


a  tuff,  and  do  not  doubt  that  there  are  tufaceous  outcrops 
elsewhere  in  the  locality,  I  think  there  is  equally  good 
evidence  of  the  occurrence  of  a  lava  full  of  volcanic  ejecta- 
menta,  and  that  if  in  this  particular  he  and  I  are  dealing 
with  the  same  exposure,  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  his 
original  idea  was  the  correct  one. 

I  have  nothing  to  add  to  his  description  of  the  viaduct 
tuff,  since  it  agrees  exactly  with  my  own  observation ;  still 
it  may  be  worthy  of  note  that  on  comparing  my  section 
with  those  of  several  other  Devonian  tuffs  in  my  collection, 
I  find  that  it  most  closely  resembles — though  at  a  consider- 
able distance — the  highly-altered  tuffs  and  volcanic  -grit 
which  I  obtained  several  years  since  from  the  detritus  at 
Cattedown ; 5  and  which  I  have  been  compelled  to  connect 
with  some  stage  of  the  long-vanished  volcanic  superstructure 
of  the  moorland.  Hence  these  tuffs,  which  lie  higher  up  in 
the  flanking  series  of  the  Dartmoor  borders  than  any  others, 
certainly  seem  to  lend  their  countenance  to  the  hypothesis. 

But  I  am  unable  to  regard  some  of  these  interbedded 
igneous  rocks  as  other  than  lavas,  charged  with  volcanic 
fragments.  Macroscopically,  some  specimens  are  not  only 
quite  rhyolitic  in  general  aspect,  but  have  in  parts  almost 
the  texture  of  pitchstone ;  and  although  I  am  only  too  well 
aware  of  the  danger  of  trusting  to  the  naked  eye  in 
these  matters,  still  the  broader  view  and  the  field  behaviour 
do  count  for  something  in  the  interpretation  of  cases  of 
doubt.  That  the  tuff  and  the  lava  are  of  the  same  period  is 
clear ;  but  under  the  microscope  their  characters  seem  to  me 
distinctive  enough ;  and  all  that  appears  needful  to  account 
for  these  allied  phenomena  is  that  at  intervals  during  the 
formation  of  the  tuffs  there  were  occasional  surface-lava  flows, 
which  took  up  such  tufaceous  material  as  they  found  in  their 
way.  And  since  the  volcanic  agencies  of  which  these  rocks 
are  a  vestige  were  active  during  the  earlier  part  of  the  Car- 
boniferous era,  they  may  very  well  have  been  practically 
in  continuity  with  those  with  which  we  are  familiar  in 
the  Devonians. 

One  of  the  slides  that  I  have  examined  consists  in  the  main 
of  a  doleritic  lava,  plentifully  bestrewn  with  lath-crystals 
of  plagioclase,  and  enclosing  derived  crystals  of  felspar  and 
quartz,  some  broken,  a  number  of  fragments  of  doleritic  rock 
of  various  types,  some  marked  by  hornblende,  and  a  few 
granules  of  olivine.  So  well  rounded  are  certain  of  the 
smaller  inclusions  that  they  at  first  suggest  an  amygdaloidal 

3  Trans.  Devonshire  Association,  xxi.  77. 


character,  but  others  of  the  same  kind  are  as  distinctly 
irregular  and  broken,  and  on  farther  examination  it  seems 
clear  that  these  regular  outlines  are  due  to  attrition  of  some 
kind  or  other.  There  is  a  strong  resemblance  in  many  of 
these  fragments  to  the  proterobases,  epidiorites,  and  amphi- 
bolites  of  White  Tor,  Wapsworthy,  and  Cocks  Tor — an 
important  point  as  bearing  upon  the  age  of  these  in- 
teresting rocks.  The  containing  rock  has  been  subjected  to 
great  pressure,  and  there  is  a  very  noteworthy  development 
of  secondary  mica  traversing  alike  matrix  and  inclusions. 

Of  course  it  is  quite  possible,  when  an  agglomeratic  rock 
consists  at  times  of  such  large  fragments  as  at  Meldon,  that 
It  slide  may  be  cut  from  an  inclusion,  rather  than  from 
the  mass,  so  that  we  could  not  depend  upon  microscopic 
evidence  alone.  If  so,  however,  we  merely  shift  the  origin 
one  term  back,  and  make  this  old  lava-flow  with  its  in- 
clusions one  of  the  parents  of  these  Meldon  agglomerates 
(hence  doubly  clastic  in  their  origin) — the  father  instead  of 
the  child.  The  point  is  one  of  no  little  interest  in  working 
out  the  local  geological  record. 

General  M'Mahon  also  notes  the  occurrence  of  a  mica 
diorite  on  South  Down — a  "  compact  igneous  rock  of  purple- 
grey  colour,  which  has  the  appearance  in  the  field  of  being 
a  contemporaneous  lava.  Under  the  microscope  it  is  seen 
to  consist  of  a  ground-mass  formed  of  a  meshwork  of  small  • 
plagioclase  prisms,  with  a  red  mica  next  in  abundance. 
Hornblende  is  not  prominent,  but  sphene  and  apatite  are 
abundant,  and  there  is  a  fair  amount  of  magnetite  or 
ilmenite."  I  agree  with  General  M'Mahon  that  this  rock 
is  probably  contemporaneous.  It  is  well  marked  and  dis- 
tinctive in  character. 

The  noted  Meldon  granulite  first  finds  record  in  the  pages 
of  De  la  Beche,  as  "  white  granite."  It  is  essentially  a  mix- 
ture of  quartz  and  felspar,  in  mass ;  but  fifty  years  since 
distinctions  were  comparatively  few.6    He  says : — 

"For  appearance  few  granites  can  exceed  the  white  variety 
found  up  the  valley  of  the  West  Okement,  near  Okehampton.  It 
occurs  as  an  isolated  patch  [patches]  amid  altered  carbonaceous 
locks,  greenstones,  and  limestones,  on  the  skirts  of  Dartmoor.  It 
is  a  beautiful  material,  and  may  be  obtained  in  large  quantities,  but 
we  believe  it  has  not  hitherto  been  employed,  except  by  the 
Hon.  Newton  Fellowes,  for  a  chimney-piece,  at  his  seat  at 
Eggeeford,  near  Chulmleigh,  in  North  Devon.  At  a  short  dis- 
tance this  granite  has  the  appearance  of  statuary  marble." 

6  Bcp.  Corn,  Dev.  and  IV,  Som.  501. 


The  Meld6n  granulite  is  likewise  referred  to  at  some  length 
by  General  M'Mahon,  and  as  an  unquestionable  instance 
of  intrusive  character :  "  It  not  only  cuts  obliquely  through 
the  bedding  of  the  slates  .  .  .  but  near  its  margin  it  sends 
numerous  veins  into  the  slates,  and  infolds  large  slabs  of 
them  in  its  arms.  The  slates  in  contact  with  the  dyke  are 
highly  altered."  That  is,  they  are  baked,  and  the  intruding 
rock  generally  behaves  itself  just  like  an  ordinary  elvan 
dyke,  only  that  the  contact  changes  are  greater. 

Mr.  J.  H.  Teall,  F.R.S.,  who  describes  this  rock  in  his 
British  Petrography,  was  the  first  to  observe  that  it  contains 
a  considerable  quantity  of  topaz,  in  addition  to  quartz, 
felspar  (largely  plagioclase),  and  white  mica.  Topaz  fe 
commonly  developed  in  our  griesens.  He  noted  also  the 
beautiful  green  tourmaline,  but  does  not  seem  to  have 
observed  the  pink  variety  of  that  mineral,  or  rubellite. 

Gen.  M'Mahon  notes  further,  as  a  striking  feature  in 
the  Meldon  granulite,  "that  the  leaves  of  mica  and  the 
prisms  of  felspar  are  sometimes  bent,  and  in  some  cases 
broken;  and  that  the  ground  mass  consists  of  a  mosaic  of 
quartz  and  felspar,"  which  is  sometimes  regarded  as  a  proof 
of  dynamo-metamorphism.  He  believes,  however,  these 
features  to  be  "  sufficiently  accounted  for,  by  supposing  that 
they  were  produced  either  when  the  granite  was  forced 
through  the  jaws  of  a  fissure  in  the  slates,  or  by  strains 
when  the  dyke  was  solidifying." 

That  seems  to  me  to  meet  all  the  necessities  of  the  case, 
for  the  chief  effects  of  alteration  here  are  of  a  contact 
character.  One  of  the  most  interesting  examples  is  that 
of  a  slate  baked  into  a  grey  semi-porcellanous  mass,  in 
which  spots  of  more  highly  vitrified  material  present  them- 
selves— no  doubt  the  precursors,  had  the  process  been  carried 
farther,  of  definite  crystallization. 

And  this  leads  me  to  consider  the  metamorphism  of  the 
district  generally. 

In  some  passing  notes  on  the  results  of  contact- 
metamorphism  on  the  west  side  of  Dartmoor,  read  at  Barn- 
staple in  1890,  I  said  I  should  be  inclined  to  generalise 
by  the  statement  that  the  principal  change  produced  in  the 
schistose  rocks  of  the  Okement  and  Lyd  valleys  was  one 
of  texture,  by  way  of  induration  and  banding.  In  fact, 
banding  is  one  of  the  most  common  characteristics  of  the 
altered  slates  of  this  region.  Next  the  granite,  the  Carbon- 
iferous shale  is  frequently  converted  into  a  massive  black 


rock  with  semi-conchoidal  fracture — really  a  form  of  hornfels 
— while  within  a  few  feet  we  may  have  the  lamination  fairly 
preserved  in  the  form  of  coloured  bands. 

One  of  the  best  spots  to  study  these  changes  is  at 
Meldon,  in  connection,  not  only  with  the  granulite,  but  th6 
granite.  The  immediate  contact  rock  is  of  this  massive 
hornfels  type,  graduating  into  a  dark-  and  light-grey  banded 
compact  rock  of  cherty  aspect — in  short,  a  schistose  hornfels. 

At  Meldon,  too,  may  be  studied  the  effects  of  contact- 
metamorphism  on  the  grit  bands  interstratified  with  the 
slates.  These,  which  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Lyd  at 
times,  become  essentially  quartzites,  may  here  be  found 
compacted  to  the  frequent  obliteration  of  all  traces  of 
original  bedding.  There  is  also  a  tendency  to  the  aggregation 
of  their  micaceous  constituents,  resulting  in  the  most 
extreme  type  of  change  in  the  production  of  banded 
tourmaline  quartzites,  closely  akin  to  the  Continental 
tourmaline  hornfels.  The  microscopic  examination  of  one 
such  Okehampton  example  shows  that  the  rock  now  consists 
essentially  of  granular  crystalline  aggregates  of  quartz  and 
tourmaline.  Here  there  has  been  a  double  change — first  the 
aggregation  of  the  mica,  and  then  the  transformation  of  the 
mica  into  the  tourmaline — the  original  rock  haying  been 
evidently  a  coarse-grained  micaceous  grit.  The  tourmaline 
is  mainly  more  or  less  crystalline,  in  bands,  commonly 
brown  in  colour  in  thin  section,  less  frequently  the  else- 
where more  characteristic  blue. 

The  changes,  however,  in  the  slates  of  the  altered  zone  at 
Okehampton  are,  with  one  notable  exception,  rather  in  the 
direction  of  induration,  than  the  development  of  new 
minerals.  We  find  nothing  approaching  the  production  of 
mica  schist,  still  less  of  pseudo-gneiss,  of  plentiful  andalusite 
and  chiastolite,  (with  the  exception  for  the  latter  of  one 
locality)  as  in  the  well-marked  region  from  Meavy  round 
to  Cornwood  and  Ivybridge.  At  first,  the  slate  is  merely 
made  more  compact  and  occasionally  gritty,  without  mate- 
rial gain  in  hardness;  then  it  is  porcellanized.  Finally,  it 
becomes  the  massive  cherty  or  flinty  rock  already  described, 
with  well-marked  conchoidal  fracture,  and  oftentimes  a  not- 
able development  of  pyrites  in  the  mass,  and  specially  on  the 
joint  faces,  occasionally  accompanied  by  chalcopyrite.  The 
most  curious  form  of  metamorphism  that  I  have  noticed  in  this 
connection,  is  in  a  massive,  somewhat  rough-textured,  black 
rock,  evenly  dotted  with  small,  dull-shining  patches,  which 
looked  much  like  augite.  Slicing,  however,  proved  that  I  was 


dealing  with  a  gritty  slate  highly  charged  with  carbon,  in 
which  the  schistose  texture  had  been  obliterated  by  pressure, 
save  on  the  margin  next  the  joint  face ;  and  that  the  polished 
mottling  had  been  produced  by  shearing  action,  in  which 
the  varying  hardness  of  the  rock  had  caused  its  particles  to 
undergo  unequal  pressure  as  they  slid  over  each  other. 
Quartz  grains,  more  or  less  crushed  and  broken,  were  thinly 
scattered  throughout. 

The  most  notable  feature  of  the  contact-metamorphism  of 
the  district  is  the  very  remarkable  development  of  garnets. 
Now  garnets  occur  elsewhere  in  the  contact  zone  of  Dart- 
moor as  a  product  of  metamorphism ;  but  this  particlar 
phase  is  nowhere  so  strongly  marked  as  at  Belstone  Consols 
and  Meldon.  The  lode  at  Belstone  Consols  is,  indeed, 
essentially  a  course  of  garnet  rock — the  common  brown 
garnet,  which  occurs  both  massive  and  crystallized.  In  like 
manner,  the  spoil-heaps  of  the  abandoned  mine  at  Meldon 
yield  the  green  garnet  or  grossularia,  which,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  is  found  nowhere  else  in  the  West  of  England. 
There  seems  a  greater  local  proneness  towards  the  produc- 
tion of  garnet  as  a  result  of  contact-metamorphism,  in 
Carboniferous  than  in  Devonian  rocks;  while  it  has  been 
found  elsewhere  that  the  production  of  garnets  by  metamor- 
phism is  very  commonly  associated  with  limestones.  Hence 
the  significance,  in  this  connection,  of  the  Carboniferous 
limestone  at  Meldon. 

Both  these  points — at  Belstone  Consols  and  at  Meldon — 
are  within  half-a-mile  of  the  granite;  and  the  former  was 
long  since  selected  by  the  late  Sir  Warington  Smyth,  F.R.S., 
as  one  of  the  most  typical  examples  of  contact-metamorphism 
on  this  side  of  the  Moor.  I  found  a  kind  of  garnet  schist, 
some  years  since,  at  Peek  Hill,  on  the  Meavy.  More  recently  I 
have  noted  veins  of  granular  garnet  in  a  much  altered-Carbon- 
iferous  slate,  now  massive  and  of  a  flinty  texture,  on  the 
flank  of  Ugborough  Beacon ;  and  garnet  (including  the  form 
known  as  melanite)  occurs  also  in  connection  with  "green- 
stone "  at  South  Brent.  Nowhere  in  Devon,  however,  do  we 
find  this  mineral  so  abundant  as  in  the  Okehampton  area. 

The  garnet  rock  at  Belstone  is  generally  more  or  less 
crystalline,  and  contains  numerous  well-formed  crystals,  so 
far  as  the  exterior  faces  are  concerned.  It  also  occurs  in 
a  massive  form  with  smooth  conchoidal  fracture ;  and  again 
at  times  puts  on  an  appearance  resembling  a  rough-textured 
chert,  which  is  frequently  associated  with  friable  aggregates 


of  imperfectly-cohering  small  irregular  crystals.  It  is  chiefly 
of  the  common  type,  and  of  a  brownish  hue,  but  passes  into 
grey-green  in  places,  and  thence  casually  into  grossularia. 
There  are  a  few  reddish  patches,  which  indicate  a  tendency 
to  vary  towards  the  red  or  almandine  variety,  but  it  is 
nothing  more  than  a  tendency.  I  have  also  found  a  few 
translucent  crystals  of  a  fairly  pronounced  oil-yellow,  which 
may  be  regarded  as  colophonite.  All  that  have  been  noted, 
therefore,  belong  to  the  iron-  or  lime-alumina,  or  lime-iron- 
alumina  groups. 

From  the  occurrence  of  a  yellowish-brown  rough-textured 
rock  in  which  garnets  are  imperfectly  and  casually  developed, 
and  which  also  shows  the  well-preserved  forms  of  what  were 
originally  crystals  of  hornblende,  there  seems  good  reason 
to  believe  that  this  Belstone  garnet  rock  is  the  product  of 
contact-alteration  on  an  igneous  band  of  trachytic  character, 
which  from  other  indications  was  well  charged  with  iron. 

The  altered  sedimentary  rocks  associated  with  it  are  either 
baked  and  semi-porcellanized,  or  else  compacted,  retaining 
traces  of  an  original  schistose  structure — clearly  they  have 
not  come  within  the  operation  of  the  metamorphic  force 
so  fully  as  the  parent  of  the  garnet  vein.  Copper  ore 
occurs  with  the  garnet  rock — chiefly  the  yellow  chalcopyrite, 
but  occasionally  the  grey  chalcocite — pseudomorphous  after 
the  garnet  crystals.  It  seems  most  probable,  therefore,  that 
the  metamorphosis  of  the  garnet  rock  and  its  mineralization 
were  fairly  contemporaneous,  and  that  the  action  on  the  ad- 
jacent sedimentaries  was  rather  of  a  secondary  character. 

The  fact  that  the  contact-metamorphism  of  the  Okehamp- 
ton  district,  while  differing  in  character,  is  not  so  pronounced 
as  on  the  southern  borders  of  the  Moor — nor,  indeed,  as  in 
the  valley  of  the  Lyd — implies,  of  course,  that  the  contact 
forces — mainly  heat  and  pressure — must  have  acted  with 
greater  vigour  in  one  area  than  in  the  other.  There  are 
points  near  Shaugh  and  Meavy  where  the  slates  in  im- 
mediate contact  with  the  granite  have  been  fused  into 
felstone,  to  the  almost  entire  extinction  of  their  original 

Such  a  contrast,  however,  is  precisely  what  we  might  have 
expected,  &  priori.  The  Devonian  rocks  underlying  the 
Carboniferous,  the  erupting  granite  in  contact  with  them 
would  be  nearer  the  original  source  of  heat,  while  the 
dynamic  action  would  be  much  greater  in  consequence  of 
the  higher  resistile  force  at  such  an  increased  depth.    At 


Okehampton  the  molten  mass  would  be  much  nearer  the 
surface,  the  rocks  underlying  the  Culm  series  having  been 
already  traversed  by  it.  Hence  the  lessened  influence,  both 
of  heat  and  pressure. 

All  this  has  a  very  important  bearing  upon  the  hypothesis 
which  I  put  forward  in  1888,  and  since  then  have  seen 
no  reason  to  modify  or  abandon,  only  to  hold  the  more 
firmly:  tbe  hypothesis  that  our  modern  Dartmoor  is  but 
the  basal  wreck — the  mere  stump — of  a  volcano  which  once 
towered  some  18,000  feet  into  the  air ;  and  which  has  been 
gradually  wasted  and  denuded  by  the  forces  of  Nature, 
until  the  scattered  vestiges  of  its  higher  regions  are  to  be 
found  only  in  the  breccias  of  the  red-rock  conglomerates 
of  the  east  and  south-east  of  the  county ;  or  perchance  here 
and  there  in  some  ancient  detritus,  as  at  Cattedown ;  or  even 
casually  in  the  valleys  of  the  Moor  itself. 


Part  I. 

BT    T.    N.    BRU8HFIBLD,    M.D. 
(Read  at  Okehampton,  July,  1895.) 

The  student  of  the  social  history  of  this  country  has  long 
been  familiar  with  the  circumstance  that,  from  a  compara- 
tively early  period,  and  on  the  authority  of  a  document 
termed,  during  the  last  three  centuries,  a  Brief,  authority  has 
been  frequently  granted  to  individuals  as  well  as  to  com* 
munities,  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  charitable  throughout 
the  land,  on  account  of  calamities  of  various  kinds,  such  as 
losses  by  fires,  storms,  wrecks,  plagues,  pirates,  &c;  to 
aid  in  the  ransom  of  prisoners  and  captives,  especially  those 
taken  by  the  rovers  of  the  African  coast;  and  to  assist 
in  carrying  out  objects  of  great  public  utility,  such  as 
the  construction  and  repair  of  harbours,  and  (especially 
in  later  times)  the  erection  and  repair  of  churches. 

It  is  only  within  a  recent  period  that  the  subject  has 
received  any  special  attention,  although  lists  of  collections 
made  in  this  manner,  and  occasional  comments  and 
notices,  are  to  be  found  in  literary  and  antiquarian  periodi- 
cals. The  earliest,  and  still  the  most  complete  and  impor- 
tant work  upon  it,  is  that  of  the  late  Cornelius  Walford, 
entitled,  "  Kings'  Briefs :  their  purpose  and  history,"  first 
read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Historical  Society,  and 
published  subsequently  in  their  Transactions  in  1882.1  In  it 
he  embodied  an  important  article  on  "Some  Early  Briefs/'  by 
S.  R  Bird,  printed  in  the  Antiquary  of  1881. 2 

1  x.  1-74.  With  the  addition  of  a  short  preface,  it  was  re-issued  in  a 
separate  form  daring  the  same  year.  A  short  article,  under  the  heading 
of  "  Brief,"  appeared  in  the  Insurance  Cyclopaedia  of  the  same  author. 

a  iii.  167-9,  218-20. 


In  the  present  paper,  no  pretensions  are  claimed  to  give 
a  complete  history  of  the  subject.  It  may  rather  be  con- 
sidered as  a  supplement  to  that  of  Mr.  Walford,  some  of  the 
gaps  in  which  are  filled  up.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  purposed 
to  give  a  list  of  all  recorded  briefs  relating  to  Devonshire 
persons  or  objects,  together  with  any  desirable  particulars, 
especially  in  the  instances  of  the  few  examples  at  present 
known,  of  those  that  are  dated  prior  to  the  Restoration.  Also 
a  general  account  of  collections  made  within  the  county  for 
out-county  purposes ;  references  to  any  miscellaneous  .briefs 
desirable  to  be  noticed;  and,  as  a  good  example  of  the 
numerous  applications  made  to,  and  contributions  by  a 
Devonshire  rural  parish,  a  list  of  the  brief  collections  from 
the  period  of  the  Restoration  to  their  cessation  in  1828, 
contained  in  the  Churchwardens'  Account  Books  of  East 
Budleigh,  will  be  given. 

The  term  "  Brief,''  in  the  sense  of  its  employment  in  this 
paper,  is  thus  defined  in  the  New  Oxford  Dictionary : — 

"A  letter  patent,  issued  by  the  Sovereign  as  Head  of  the 
Church,  licensing  a  collection  in  the  churches  throughout  England 
for  a  specified  object  of  charity ;  called  a  Church  Brief,  or  King's 

The  term  "letter  patent"  appears  to  be  more  strictly 
applicable  to  the  original  Warrant,  or  Authority ;  and  that 
of  "  Brief "  to  the  copies  of  this  Warrant  that  were  circu- 
lated throughout  the  country,  and  on  which  the  col- 
lection was  made.  The  following  corroborate  this  state- 
ment : — 

1589 — "The  ymprintinge  of  the  Brief es  of  all  letters  Patentes, 
&c."  * 

1625,  Aug.  11 — "To  be  printed  so  many  Briefs  of  these  our 
Letters  Patent,  as  may  suffice,  &c."  4 

1628 — "And  you  the  said  parsons  .  .  .  deliberatly  publish 
and  declare  the  tenour  of  these  our  letters  patents,  or  the  coppy  or 
briefe  thereof."  5 

Before  proceeding  further,  and  in  reply  to  any  question  that 
may  be  raised  as  to  the  utility  of  describing,  or  giving  any 
details  of  them,  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  ordinary  notices 
of  Briefs  in  parish  books  record  many  occurrences  in  the  life- 
history  of  a  parish,  of  which  no  other  report  exists,  and 
even  all  memory  of   them   may  have   passed  away,  the 

3  Beg.  Stationers1  Co.  ed.  Arbkr,  iiu  463. 

4  Procl.  Charles  I.     Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1625-6 ;  v.  83. 

6  Maldon  Church  Brief,  in  Wright's  History  of  Essex,  it  648. 


amounts  required  to  repair  losses  by  fire,  &c,  for  repairs 
of  churches,  &c,  being  frequently  stated.  Moreover,  where 
a  copy  of  the  Brief  itself  has  been  preserved,  many  im- 
portant details  are  noted  at  length.  It  is  by  the  gradual 
accumulation  of  these  small  facts,  hitherto  neglected,  that 
many  gaps  in  the  histories  of  parishes,  especially  of  rural  ones, 
are  filled  up.  The  two  following  examples  show  the  infor- 
mation derived  from  the  customary  short  notices  of  collec- 
tions in  parochial  books. 

1.  There  are  no  local  accounts,  or  even  tradition,  of  a  fire 
that  took  place  in  the  parish  of  East  Budleigh  late  in  the 
17th  century ;  and  yet,  judging  from  the  many  collections 
made  throughout  England,  a  very  extensive  one  occurred  in 
it  about  the  year  1681.  Of  these  collections  the  following  is 
an  example : — 

Stanton  St.  John,  Oxfordshire.     (Par.  Keg.) 

"  1681.  Nov.  27.  Collected  by  a  Brief  for 
a  Fire  at  East  Budley,  in  ye 
County  of  Devon .  .         .       0     4     2."  • 

2.  A  great  fire  took  place  at  Ottery  St.  Mary,  in  1715,  not 
mentioned  in  any  County  or  local  history,7  but  it  finds  record 
in  notices  of  collections  on  Briefs  made  on  behalf  of  the 
sufferers;  e.g. 

Drayton  Beauchamp>  Bucks. 

"1716.  Jan.  6.  Ottery  St.  Mary,  in  com. 
Devon,  losse  by  fire  £4466  and 
upwards.     Collected  .         .01     6.,,s 

Walford  gives  the  following  list  of  names  by  which  they 
have  been  known  : — "  Kings'  Briefs  .  .  .  Kings'  Letters, 
Orders  in  Council,  Patents  of  Alms,  Letters  Patent,  Fire 
Briefs,  Church  Briefs,  Charity  Briefs,  Commissions,  Boyal 
Letters,  &c,  &c."  (1,  2.)  At  the  present  time  it  is 
customary  to  call  them  "Church  Briefs,"  but  the  term  is 
not  strictly  correct.  In  by  far  the  greater  number  of 
instances,  it  is  true,  they  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Ecclesiastical  Authorities,  and  the  document  was  read  in  the 
Church;  but  exceptional  cases  occurred  as  far  back  as  the 
16th  century ;  and  at  a  late  date,  long  before  Briefs  were 

6  Reliquary,  x.  11.  Except  where  otherwise  stated,  the  quotations  from 
Parochial  Records  are  always  taken  from  Churchwardens'  Accounts. 

7  The  Rev.  Dr.  Cornish,  in  his  History  of  the  Church,  <fcc.,  of  Ottery  St. 
Mary  (30),  describes  three  great  fires  in  that  town  in  1604,  1766,  and  1866, 
but  omits  mention  of  that  of  1715. 

8  Reliquary,  xvii.  23. 



abolished  by  Statute,  collections  upon  them  were  made  in 
Nonconformist  Chapels.9 

The  employment  of  the  word  "Brief,"  in  our  restricted 
sense,  is  traceable  to  about  the  middle  of  the  16th  century. 
The  earliest  example  given  in  the  New  Oxford  Dictionary  is 
dated  1588,  but  the  Registers  of  the  Stationers9  Company 
mention  one  of  1578.1  Another  term  —  "Protection" — 
preceded  it  in  the  same  century,  and  continued  to  the 
middle  of  the  next  one.  In  1511,  the  Prior  of  the 
Monastery  of  Kirkby  Beler,  in  Leicestershire,  was  granted 
"Protection  and  licence  to  declare  indulgences  and  collect 
alms  and  donations  for  the  monastery,  being  in  great  decay."2 
Without  multiplying  examples,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  notice 
the  latest  known.  The  Yeovil  Brief  of  1640  is  thus  headed : 
— "The  Protecion  for  losses  by  fire  graunted  unto  the 
Inhabitants  of  Yeovill,  in  the  County  of  Somersett"8 

Although  we  have  evidence  that,  from  about  the  13th 
century,  collections  for  various  charitable  purposes  were 
occasionally  authorised  to  be  made  by  Boyal  authority,  yet 
we  know  but  little  about  them ;  probably,  they  were  com- 
paratively infrequent  up  to  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  but  from 
that  period,  and  excepting  during  the  time  of  the  Civil  War 
and  of  the  Commonwealth,  their  numbers  rapidly  increased, 
and  many  Briefs  were  issued  annually  until  their  abolition 
by  Statute  in  1828. 

Our  knowledge  of  such  collections  is  derived  from  several 
sources,  but  owing  to  the  circumstance,  that  until  the  18th 
century  it  was  not  obligatory  to  keep  any  register,  or 
preserve  any  account  of  them,  our  information  of  Briefs 
issued  during  the  16th  and  17th  centuries  (especially  of 
those  of  the  period  of  James  I.  and  Charles  I.)  is  very 
meagre  and  imperfect.  State  papers,  local  histories,  munici- 
pal records,  copies  of  Briefs  that  have  been  preserved,  have 

9  As  a  word  of  caution,  it  must  be  noted  that,  even  in  parochial  records, 
the  term  "  Brief"  was  sometimes  employed  in  an  entirely  different  sense, 

e-9-  :  ration. 

"  1559.     Payde  for  drawyng  the  Koppye  of  the  bryfes  of  the 

stattutes  .  ....     xijd." 

(Som.  Hcc.  Soc.  iv.  (1890),  171.) 

St.  Dunstan's,  Canterbury. 

"1569.     Item  payed  for  a  breafe  consearnynge  the  nombers 

of  the  comunycantes  and  abelle  men  .        .    ijd." 

{Hist,  of,  J.  M.  Cowper,  85.) 

1  Ed.  Arbkr,  iii.  334. 

2  Cal.  S.  P.  Letters,  &c,  of  Hen.  VIII.  i.  1504-1514,  p.  285. 

3  Som.  and  Dors.  N.  and  Q.  i.  70. 


yielded  a  certain  number  of  examples,  but  the  principal 
number  have  been  obtained  from  parochial  records.  In  these 
latter,  and  especially  from  the  period  of  the  Restoration, 
entries  of  the  amounts  so  collected,  and  for  what  purposes, 
are  to  be  found  recorded  in  the  Parish  Registers  by  the  clergy- 
men, or  in  the  Parish  Account  Books  by  the  churchwardens. 
In  some  places  such  entries  (not  repetitions)  are  found  in  both 
the  Registers  and  the  Churchwardens'  Accounts,  as  at  Appleby 
Magna,4  and  at  Goostrey.5  After  the  Act  of  4  and  5  Anne, 
c.  24,  s.  7,  requiring  "  a  Register  ...  of  all  monies  collected 
by  virtue  of  such  Briefs  "  to  be  kept,  a  separate  Brief  Book 
was  instituted  in  some  places,6  but,  as  a  rule,  the  majority  of 
parishes  continued  the  practice  of  recording  the  amounts 
gathered  in  the  Registers  or  in  the  Churchwardens'  Books. 

These  sums  so  registered  were,  in  the  case  of  the  Parish 
Registers,  invariably  those  obtained  by  voluntary  contribu- 
tions, and  generally,  also,  those  in  the  Wardens'  Books. 
Some  of  the  items  in  the  latter  show  that  the  amount  was 
defrayed  out  of  the  Ordinary  Church  Rate  Account,  but  the 
particulars  are  then  rarely  given,  e.g. : 

"1635.     for  a  briffe  for  fier 7 6d." 

"1638.     to  a  briefe  by  a  general  consent 8  0     0     6." 


"1706.     Laid  out  to  fower  Breefs     .         .         .036 

Laid  out  to  one  Breefe        .         .         .02     6." 9 

In  some  parishes  the  Brief  money  was  invariably  paid  out 
of  the  Church  Accounts.  This  was  the  practice  at  Bicton, 
from  1763  to  1828,  and  the  payments  were  customarily  at 
the  rate  of  3d.  per  Brief,  increased,  during  the  last  few  years, 
to  6d.1    Also  at  Otterton,  on  the  only  three  occasions  when 

4  Reliquary,  xii.  140  ;  ziii.  112. 

*  Eabwaker'h  History  of  Sandbach,  246-7. 

8  Brief  Books  were  used  at  Canons  Ashby,  commencing  in  1707  (Inf.  of 
Sir  H.  Diyden,  Bart.) ;  St.  John's  Church,  Margate  (Oumerod's  Cheshire, 
ii.  18S2,  54,  145) ;  and  Marat  on,  Yorkshire  [Antiquary,  viii.  249). 

7  Arehccologia,  xxxv.  444. 

8  Annals,  106. 

9  The  extracts  relating  to  East  Budleigh,  Littleham,  Woodbury,  and  other 
parishes  in  their  vicinity,  are  transcripts  from  the  MS.  Parochial  Books. 

1  At  Ash  more,  Dorset,  "  no  collections  were  made  in  the  parish,  but  a  sum 
of  one  shilling  was  given  out  of  the  Church  rate.  The  object  of  the  Briefs 
is  never  entered."    (Hist,  of,  by  Rev.  E.  W.  Watson,  1890,  91.) 

Y  2 


any  payments  on  account  of  them  are  recorded,  all  three 
belonging  to  the  present  century,  of  which  this  is  the  first:— 

"1811-2.     Paid  for  Breefs        .         .         .         .0     2     0." 

Sometimes  the  sole  evidence  of  a  Brief  rests  on  some  item  of 
expense  incurred  in  obtaining  or  distributing  the  donations. 

Pittington>  Durham. 

"  1596.     Item  given  our  expenses  the  xvij.  day 

.     of  Fabruarie,  when  we  wer  in  with 

the    letter    concernynge    the    men 

which   lay   in   bondage    under  the 

Turke2 iiyd." 

Houghton-le-Spring,  Durham. 

"  1604.         when  I  caryed  in  the  collection  for 

Geneva iiyd. 

"  1680-1.     For  riding  about  the  parish  with  a 

breif 2s. 

for   carrying   the    briefe    money   to 
Durham3 Is." 


"  1679.  Our  charges  in  going  to  Prestbury  and  * 
Alderley  to  send  away  ye  Collection 
money  towards  Chester  for  Redemp- 
tion of  the  English  prisoners  in 
Turkey  and  lost*  by  exchanging  bad 
groats  in  that  money  4     .         .         .Is.       4d." 


"  1770.  To  Postage  of  a  Letter  directed  to  the 
Churchwardens  for  the  fire  in  Honi- 

While  great  national  calamities  would,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  be  reported  to  the  King  and  Privy  Council,  minor 
evils  calling  for  charitable  assistance,  would  be  represented  to 
them  through  various  channels.  In  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1547-80, 
we  find  this  entry : — 

"  1567.  July  13,  Bp.  Grindall  to  Cecill.  Begs  him  to  further 
the  suit  of  the  bearer  for  a  licence  to  make  a  collection  for  certain 
Englishmen,  captives  in  Algiers." 

Sometimes  a  Brief  was  obtained  through  the  petition  of 
the  Municipal  Authorities,  as  at  Lyme  Regis  in  1548.  In 
several  of  1591,5  the  certificate  of  two  Justices  of  the  Peace 

2  Surfers  Soc.  (1888)41. 
'  Ibid.  282,  340. 

4  J.  P.  Earwaker,  East  Cheshire,  i.  116. 

5  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1591-4,  p.  128,  etc 


was  apparently  sufficient.  A  brief,  on  account  of  the  fire  at 
Tiverton,  in  1612,  was  granted  on  a  representation  made 
by  the  inhabitants,  together  with  a  certificate  of  several 
Justices  of  the  Peace.  From  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  a 
certificate  from  Quarter  Sessions  appears  to  have  been 
necessary.  When  the  Church  of  All  Saints,  Derby,  needed 
extensive  repairs,  the  Vestry,  on  Dec.  26, 1713, 

"Ordered  that  ye  psent  Churchwardens  of  ye  Parish  of  All 
Su  do  proceed  to  obtain  a  certificate  for  a  Briefe  The  next 
Generall  Quarter  Sessions  of  ye  peace  for  ye  County  of  Derby 
for  ya  rebuilding  of  ye  Church  of  All  Su" 

The  Brief  was  obtained,  and  realised  about  £ 500.6 
They  were   at   first  issued   under  the   direct  authority 
and  control  of  the  King,  "  but  later  under  the  authority 
of  the  Council,  through  the  Lord  Chancellor"   (Walford, 
2),  or  by  the  latter  alone.7 

Difficulties  must  have  occasionally  arisen,  in  the  person  or 
persons  who  were  to  be  benefited  by  the  collections  to  be 
made  on  a  Brief,  being  able  to  defray  the  customary  charges 
of  the  letter  patent.  The  following  copy  of  a  Bishop's  letter 
to  the  Clergy  of  the  London  diocese  is  very  curious,  inasmuch 
as  it  was  the  authority  for  collections  to  be  made  in  churches, 
in  1586,  for  funds  wherewith  to  defray  these  charges : 

"  Ihon  [Aylmer]  by  the  Prouidence  of  God  Bishop  of  London. 
To  all  Parsons,  Vicars,  Curates  and  Churchwardens  within  the 
Cittie  of  LondoD,  and  the  Counties  of  Middlesex  and  Essex, 

"  Whereas  this  bearer  Thomas  Butler  of  the  towne  of  Colchester, 
within  the  Countie  of  Essex  aforesaid,  Gunpowder  maker,  being  at 
worke  for  the  making  of  Gunpowder  in  the  Countie  of  Kent,  about 
fine  yeeres  now  past,  by  sudden  misfortune  was  pittifully  burnt 
and  spoyled  of  his  Eyes  and  Armes  apparant  yet  to  behold,  then 
losing  all  that  he  had,  and  since  brought  greatly  indebted,  and 
where  also  the  Byaliffes  [sic]  of  the  said  towne  of  Colchester 
tenderly  respecting  his  wofull  and  diseased  estate,  directed  their 
certificate  to  the  right  honorable  the  Lord  Chauncelor  of  England, 
thereby  beseeching  his  Lordship  to  graunt  vnto  him  her  Maiesties 
lycense  vnder  the  greate  Seale  of  England,  to  aske  the  charitie  of 

•  Hist,  of  All  Saints'  Church,  61. 

7  "An  Order  to  the  Lord-Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  to  grant  Licences  for 
Collection*  to  be  made  through  the  Realm,  for  certain  Petitioners  his  Subjects, 
who  had  suffered  much  by  Fire,  Shipwreck,  etc.,  and  for  Christians  of  other 
Nations  forced  to  fly  hither  on  account  of  their  Religion.  'Tis  dated  the  5th 
of  February,  1626  1l  (Ada  Xegia,  1732,  691.)  In  1771  a  Royal  Warrant 
delegated  "  full  power  and  authority  "  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  to  grant  them. 
(P.R.O.  Warrant  Book,  1770-1773,  xxxiii.  137,  138.) 


well  disposed  people  in  seuerall  Counties,  to  which  the  Lorde 
Chauncelor  of  his  wonted  clemencie  graunted,  but  now  the  saide 
Thomas  Butler  by  reason  of  extreeme  pouertie,  is  fane  vnable  to 
compasse  the  chardge  of  getting  out  the  said  Seale.  Therefore 
these  are  to  request  you,  and  euery  one  of  you,  to  whome  these 
presentes  shall  come,  that  you  reade  this  and  publish  this  in  your 
Churches,  and  other  places  of  assemblies,  moouing  the  people  to 
extend  their  beneuolence  and  charitie  vpon  this  poore  man,  that  he 
may  the  better  be  able  to  obtayne  his  sayd  request.  And  this 
present  writing  to  continue  for  the  space  of  one  whole  yere  next 
ensuing  after  the  date  hereof. 

"  In  witnesse  whereof :  I  haue  set  to  my  hand  and  Seale  the  xv 
of  September,  in  the  xxviij  yere  of  her  Maiesties  most  gracious 
reigne  that  now  is.  „  God  ^  the  Queene.»  s 

In  the  Hist,  of  St.  John  Baptist  Church,  Chester,  by  Rev. 
S.  C.  Scott  (1892),  128,  it  is  stated,  that  in  1718,  the  parish 
authorities  were  required  to  take  "  an  oath  before  the  Master 
in  Chancery,  which  was  desired  by  the  Lord  Chancellor 
towards  obtaining  a  brief."  That  one  was  obtained,  is 
shown  by  this  entry  in  the  Parish  Register  of  St.  Larvrente, 
Beading : — 

"1719-20.     March  13.    Repairing  St. 

John  Baptist's  Church, 
Chester,  Charge  .  £3269  15s.  0d."  (212.) 

Whatever  the  form  of  this  licence  might  be,  it  was  usually 
addressed  to  the  Archbishop  and  Clergy,  but  that  granted  to 
Lyme  Regis  in  1545  was  directed  to  the  Mayor,  who  acted 
upon  it.  Probably  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  a  copy  of  this,  accompanied  by  a  circular  letter 
of  the  Bishop  of  the  diocese,  was  supplied  to  every  Church, 
or  to  all  included  in  the  counties  and  towns  mentioned  in  it. 
The  more  definite  form  of  letter  patent  instituted  by  the 
Stuarts,  would  scarcely  need  the  additional  authority  of  the 
Bishop  (except  in  the  reign  of  James  I.,  when  a  reversion 
to  the  form  of  a  letter  from  the  Privy  Council  was  sometimes 
employed),  although  a  letter  from  the  latter  occasionally 
accompanied  it,  under  exceptional  circumstances,  down  to 
a  comparatively  late  date.9 

8  Coll.  of  Broadsides,  <kc.  (No.  52),  Soc.  of  Antiq. 

9  A  great  fire  took  place  at  Inniskilling  in  Ireland,  in  1705,  and  nearly 
500  of  the  Briefs,  on  which  the  Collections  were  made,  are  preserved  in  the 
City  of  London  Library.  Amongst  them  are  two  printed  circular  letters 
(the  contents  of  each  similar)  of  the  Bishops  of  London  and  of  Peterborough 
to  the  Clergy  of  their  respective  dioceses,  calling  attention  to  the  urgent 
nature  of  the  appeal. 


In  the  earlier  licences,  the  Clergy  were  directed  to  use  their 
endeavours  "  to  farther  soe  charitable  and  necessarie  a  pur- 
pose." (Nantwich  Brief,  1583.) 

In  the  Tiverton  Brief  of  1612,  the  clergy  were  urged  to 
exhort  and  persuade  their  congregations  "to  extend  their 
liberal  contributions  in  so  good  and  charitable  a  work."  In 
the  Bishop  of  London's  letter  of  1622  (given  in  extenso,  post), 
the  Clergy  were  requested  "  upon  some  Sabbath  day,  in  the 
time  of  Diuine  Service,"-  to  prevail  upon  their  parishioners 
"  to  extend  their  bountifull  liberality "  in  aid  of  the  Brief. 
The  collection  was  to  be  made  "after  the  due  and  usuall 
manner  from  seate  to  seate,  and  such  of  the  Parishioners 
as  shall  be  then  absent,  to  collect  their  gratuities  at  their 
houses."  The  amount  so  gathered  was  to  be  endorsed  on  the 
Bishop's  printed  document  "  in  letters,  and  not  in  figures." 
This  is  the  earliest  record  yet  found  containing  these  three 
specific  directions.  The  customary  mode  of  collection  was 
"  either  in  the  Church  or  from  house  to  house." *  The  inser- 
tion of  the  amount  collected  on  the  back  of  ordinary  Briefs, 
in  letters  at  length,  dates  from  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  The 
Collectors  were  usually  the  Churchwardens  (and  were  so 
named  in  the  Briefs),  but  it  was  the  practice  after  the 
seventeenth  century  to  delegate  that  office  to  the  Clerk, 
except  in  the  house  to,  house  visitation.  The  document 
always  stated  to  whom  the  money  collected  was  to  be 

The  Patent  of  Alms  may  be  briefly  alluded  to  here.  Walford 
(3)  describes  it  as  "  another  form  of  brief  intended  to  be 
used  personally,  and  without  the  organized  machinery  used 
in  the  case  of  ordinary  briefs."  It  was  the  subject  of  many 
abuses,  and  in  a  great  many  instances  was  employed  as 
an  instrument  for  ordinary  begging;  probably,  in  some,  it 
passed  from  the  original  holder  to  others,  to  be  used  in 
a  similar  manner.     Here  are  some  Devonshire  examples : 


"1588.         Item    paide   to    one   that    col- 
lected with  the  broad  seale    .     vjd  "  2 


" 1593-4.     pd  to  a  bocher  of  Torinton  that 

had  the  Quena  brod  seale     .     vjd" 

1  Tbifl  ifl  the  form  used  in  "The  Breefe  for  ye  Towne  of  Cambridge 
greeuously  visited  with  ye  plague,"  on  which,  in  1630,  collections  were  to 
be  made.  (Col.  S.  P.  Dom.  1629-31,  vol  clxix  No.  36.) 

9  Onus's  Mag.  1830,  i.  410. 



"  1597-8.     Geven  to  a  poors  man  that  had 

a  licence  under  the  Great 
Seale  to  begg    .         .  vjd 

1617.  Paid  a  Gloster  man  who  had 
his  house  burnt,  he  having  a 
briefe  to  gather  the  countrey    xviijd  "  8 

Plymouth  Municipal  Records. 

11 1611-2.     paid  to  a  lame  Captayne  that 

had  Ires  pattente       .  .     vjB" 4 


"1665.         Laid    out   for    a   woman    that 

brought  a  breefe        .  .     00.     01.     00" 

East  Budleigh. 

"  1665-6.     to  foure  soldiers  with  the  Kinges 

broad  seale  to  a  gentle  woman 
with  a  briefe  [sic]      .  .     00.     01.     00." 

It  was  sometimes  known  as  a  "  letter  of  request/'  thus : 


"  1733.         Gave  to  John  Friend,  who  had 

a  letter  of  request,  for  loss 
sustained  by  Thunder  and 
Lightning  .  .     6d"5 

The  following  transcript  of  a  petition,  evidently  for  a 
patent  of  alms  under  the  Great  Seal,  belongs  probably  to 
the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  is  interesting 
for  relating  to  a  Plymouth  man : 

"Unto  oure  highe  and  mooste  reverent  fader  in  God  and 
graciouse  lord  Archbishop  of  Cawnturbury  and  Chaunceller 
of  Engeland. 

Bisechith  mekely  youre  poure  orator  and  perpetuell  bedeman 
Richard  Harrolde  dwellynge  in  Plummouthe  that  it  wolde  please 
unto  youre  graciouse  lordshipp  to  knowen  how  that  youre  saide 
bisechere  is  ifalle  into  grete  poverte,  standynge  in  grete  age,  and 
he  may  not  helpe  hymselfe,  for  as  moche  as  he  hathe  ispende  his 
tyme  in  ye  Kynges  werres  by  yende  see,  there  beynge  in  prison 
of  longe  tyme  durynge,  to  his  grete  undoynge  for  evermore 
withoute  ye  helpe  and  ye  socoure  of  good  mennes  almes; 
Wherefore  please  it  unto  youre  full  reverent  faderhod  and 
graciouse  lordshipp  that  ye  wolde  fowchesaffe  atte  the  reverens 
of    God    and    of    his  dereworth    passion  to    have    compassion 

8  Fifth  Rep.  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  572-3.  *  Ed.  R.  N.  Worth,  147. 

5  Registers,  dec.  of  Calverley  Church,  S.  Margetson  (1888),  ii.  18.  Cf.  List 
of  Briefs,  Bottesford,  Lincoln,  in  Church  Furniture,  by  E.  Peacock  (1866), 


and  pitee  oyer  hym  for  ye  pite  that  Criste  hadde  over  Mary 
Mawdeleyne  graciously  to  grawnte  to  youre  saide  bisechere  your 
lettre  of  pardon  under  youre  graciouse  seale,  as  he  evere  more 
desyreth  effectually  to  pray  for  yow  graciouse  lorde,  and  for  alle 
youre  full  noble  worthy  a  unset  res,  atte  the  reverens  of  God  and  in 
werke  of  charitee."6 

In  addition  to  Briefs  granted  by,  or  under  the  direction  of 
Royalty,  others  were  issued  by  Ecclesiastical  Authorities, 
by  Municipal  Corporations,  and  by  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
but  they  were  restricted  to  the  localities  over  which  the 
respective  bodies  had  jurisdiction,  and  probably  were  all  of 
the  nature  of  patents  of  alms.  They  appear  to  have 
disappeared  at  the  Restoration. 

Although  "the  Church  exercised  the  right  of  issuing 
them,  not  only  prior  to,  but  apparently  coeval  with  the 
Sovereign  at  one  period  "  (Walford,  2),  yet  it  is  difficult  at 
the  present  day  to  cite  many  examples,  after  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century.     Here  is  one : 


"1640-1.     Gave    to  a    man   who    had    a 

collection     under    the    Lord 
Bishop  of  Exon's  hand  (574) .       2s.  6d." 

As  it  was  the  province  of  the  Archbishops  and  Clergy  up 
to  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  to  issue  the 
necessary  instructions  for  collections  to  be  made  on  ordinary 
Briefs,  it  is  probable  that  entries  like  the  following  referred 
to  this  class:  Wing,  Bucks. 

"1576.     F1  for  two  breves  that  came  from 

the  bishoppe  of  Cawnterbury   .  iijd  "  7 


" 1602.     for  a  brieffe  directed  from  my  L. 

Byshoppe     ....       iij,,>8 

The  following  were  probably  granted  by  Justices  of  the 

I^06 :  Woodbury. 

"  1575-6.     It.  to  William  Herman  that  had 

his  howse   burned    wth  fyer 
that  fel  from  heven        .         .       iij8    iiijd 
To  John  Winter  that  had  his 
Howse  burned  to  withecom 
in  the  More  .         .         .  viijd" 

•  Quoted  from  the  "Early  Chancery  Proceedings,  Richard  II.  to  Henry  VI." 
by  S.  E.  Bird,  f.s.a.,  in  "Some  Early  Briefs,"  in  Antiquary  iii.  168. 
7  Arehcsologia,  zzzvi.  238.  8  Ibid.  xxxv.  438. 


A  good  example  of  a  patent  of  alms  sanctioned  by  a 
municipal  body,  is  preserved  in  the  Chester  City  Records  : — 

"11  October,  W.  Elizabeth  [=1586].  .  .  Whereas  Robart 
Huntingeton  Baker  lately  by  Casualtie  of  fyer  had  parte  of  his 
howse  burnte  and  consumed  for  recovery  of  suche  his  losses 
beinge  A  very  poore  man  hathe  exhibited  his  eupplicacon  to  this 
Assembly  to  have  A  gatherings  within  every  Churche  and 
Chappell  within  the  same  Citie  And  albeit  such  Maner  of  gather- 
inge  is  restrained  by  former  orders,  yet  for  releefe  of  the  said 
poore  man  It  is  nowe  ordered  that  it  shalbe  Lawfull  for  him 
ether  by  him  selfe  or  by  certen  his  frendes  shall  [sic]  have  A  purse 
and  therewith  to  repaire  to  all  place  and  places  within  the  said 
Citie  excepte  within  the  Churches  and  Chapells  therof  to  collect 
and  receive  suche  some  and  somes  of  money  As  it  shall  please 
the  good  and  God  lie  of  there  free  wills  to  bestowe  upon  the  said 
poore  man  towards  his  losse."9 

Another,  from  the  authorities  of  a  small  town : 

Wilmslow,  Cheshire. 
"1612.     Gyven  to  a  poore  man  of  Knots- 
ford   that   had    a    certyfycat 
from  the  Townesmen  that  his 
smythy  was  brenned     .         .     xijd " * 

It  is  probable  that  the  holders  of  patents  of  alms  were  not 
permitted  to  make  a  "gathering"  in  churches  and  chapels, 
and  which  restriction  R.  Huntington  sought,  unsuccessfully, 
to  have  removed.  Although  this  is  not  alluded  to  in  the 
majority  of  entries  in  parochial  records,  here  is  an  excep- 
tional one  :—  st  Martin>8i  Leicester. 

"1592-3.     Pd  to  a  pore  mann  that  hadd 

the  queenes  brod  Seale  y*  did 
not  gather  in  the  church        .     viijd  "  * 

As  a  rule,  a  Brief  was  granted  for  one  year,  but  if  the  sum 
gathered  was  inadequate,  and  especially  at  a  late  period,  a 
new  one  was  issued,  and  in  some  few  instances  a  third.  In 
exceptional  cases  a  longer  period  was  permitted  at  first ;  for 
Chard  fire  (1578),  Nantwich  fire  (1583),  and  for  Tiverton 
fire  (1612),  it  was  extended  to  two  years,  and  to  seven  years 
for  Bath  Church  and  Hospital.3  The  allotted  time  having 
expired,  was  a  sufficient  reason  for  no  collection  being  made, 

9  Chester  in  the  Plantagenet  and  Tudor  Reigns,  by  Rot.  Canon  Morris 
(1894),  358-9. 

1  J.  P.  Earwakeb,  East  Cheshire,  i.  105. 

8  Ch.  W.  Accts.  T.  North,  135. 

•  Strype's  Life  of  Abp.  Orindal  (1823),  358-9  ;  Harding's  Tiverton,  ii 
Appx.  21  ;  Cheshire  Sheaf,  i  346. 


although  the  Brief  was  read  in  the  Church,  as  shown  in  the 
singular  entry  taken  from  the  Parish  Eegister  of  Ormsby 
St.  Margaret,  Norfolk  : 

"October  19,  1701.  I  published  a  Briefe  for  a  fire  at  Hor- 
monden  in  ye  County  of  Kent,  ya  loss  being  above  1000u,  and 
being  after  ye  expiration  of  ye  time  for  gathering,  there  was 
nothing  given  to  it."  4 

There  is  no  allusion  in  the  early  Briefs  to  the  area  within 
which  collections  were  to  be  made,  but  in  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, although  a  gathering  was  permitted  "  throughout  the 
Bealme  of  England"  for  the  Bath  Brief  of  1579,  the  area  was 
usually  limited  to  certain  specified  shires  and  towns ;  thus, 
the  Basingstoke  fire  brief  of  1601  was  limited  to  "London 
and  vij  shires."5  Under  the  Stuarts,  with  few  exceptions 
(that  for  Capt.  Whitbourne,  in  1622,  and  the  one  for  Cam- 
bridge in  1630,  being  two  of  the  most  notable),  the  limited 
area  was  the  rule,  of  which  the  following  extract  from  the 
Tiverton  Brief  of  1612  will  sufficiently  illustrate.  The 
"  charitable  benevolence  "  was  to  be  restricted  to : 

"Our  counties  of  Southampton,  Wilts,  and  Dorset,  with  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  and  in  our  cities  of  Winchester  and  Salisbury, 
with  our  towns  and  counties  of  Pool,  Somerset,  Devon,  Corn- 
wall, Gloucester,  and  Oxon.,  with  the  university,  and  in  our  cities 
of  Bristol,  Bath  and  Wells,  Exon.  and  Gloucester  .  .  .  and  not 
elsewhere."  6 

In  the  Domestic  State  Papers  of  1625-6  (vol.  xxxv.  no.  35) 
is  a  document  entitled,  "  An  Abstract  of  the  seuerall  Ires 
Patents  for  Collections,  graunted  betweene  the  30th  of  Oc- 
tober 1625,  and  the  22th  of  September  1626."  They  are 
eighteen  in  number,  all  granted  "upon  Certific*  from  the 
Judges  and  Justices  of  the  peace,  made  at  the  Assises.1'  In 
some,  the  gathering  area  is  extended  to  twenty-one  towns 
and  counties ;  in  others,  is  limited  to  two.  Of  the  eighteen 
collections,  only  four  were  authorised  to  be  made  in  Devon, 
and  none  were  for  objects  connected  with  this  county. 

In  1591  thirteen  Protections,  or  Briefs,  are  recorded  to 
have  been  granted,7  eleven  for  poor-houses,  and  seven  to  indi- 
viduals (one  for  losses  by  sea,  and  six  by  fires).  In  each  case 
(other  than  for  two  individuals  belonging  to  this  county, 
who  had  suffered  losses  by  fire)  the  collection  was  limited  to 
two  counties.    Of  the  two  local  examples,  one  was  "  for  the 

4  JV.  and  Q.  2nd  S.  ii.  224. 
8  Harl.  MS.  368,  No.  3. 

6  C.  Harding,  Op.  tit.  ii  Appx.  24. 

7  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  1591-4,  vol.  ccxL  pp.  128,  et  seq. 


poor-house  of  St.  Catharine's,  St.  Martin's  parish,  Exeter  .  .  • 
to  gather  in  Dorset  and  Somerset " ;  the  other  is  thus 
entered : — 

"Protection  for  the  poor-house  of  Plymton  St.  Mary,  co. 
Devon,  granted  to  Rob.  Chyvere,  guider  there,  to  gather  in  coe. 
Devon  and  Somerset;  certified  by  Thos.  Southcott  and  Thos. 
Bidgeway,  justices  of  peace." 

We  may  fairly  assume  that  a  similar  protection,  licence,  or 
brief,  was,  in  the  early  part  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  granted 
under  like  certificates,  such  as  in  the  following  local 
notices :—  Woodbury. 

"  1572-3.     Itm.    p.    to    a    pardoner    that 

gaythered  to  saynt  Katheryns 

yn  excetor    ....     viijrt 
"1573-4.     to  a  p[ardoner]  yfc  gathered  to 

the  hosptall  of  plimtone         .     xijd 
to  the  pore  howse  in  excetor     .     riijd 
to  the  pore  howse  of  totnes        .     xijd 
to  the  pore  howse  of  toryntone  .     xijd 
"  1574-5.     to  the  power  osspytall  of  Teng- 

mouthe         .         .         .         .     vjd 
to     the     power     osspytall     of 

pylton  ....     viijd 

to  the   power  howse   of  Saint 

Anne    without    eastgate    in 

exff8 viijdw 

A  "  Docquet  of  Bills  that  ....  passed  the  Great  Seal  in 
1578-9  (21  Eliz.),"  includes  eleven  protections  for  gathering 
in  various  counties  (limited  to  two  in  each),  five  being 
repeated  for  the  same  objects  in  1591,  but  in  other  counties 
than  those  specified  in  the  latter.  The  following  is  the  only 
Devon  example : — 

"  Protection  for  the  Poor  House  of  St.  Anne  in  Exeter,  granted 
to  Christopher  Streamer,  proctor,  to  gather  in  Cornwall  and 

In  his  account  of  the  Cambridge  Brief  of  1630,  Mr.  Bird 
remarked,  "it  appears  to  be  the  earliest  specimen  of  a 
printed  Brief  on  record,"1  a  belief  that  was  shared  by  Mr. 

8  The  hospitals  were  for  lepers,  and  Mr.  Brooking  Rowe  informs  me,  that 
the  Plympton  one  was  occupied  by  that  class  down  to  the  middle  of  the  last 
century.     In  the  Tavistock  Records  is  the  item,  under  1573-4  : — 

"  ffor  the  lazar  howse  of  pylton      ....    iiijd" 

(30)  Cf.  Plymouth  Municipal  Records  (1588-9)  129. 
Col.  MSS.  Hatfield  House,  pt  ii.  (1888)  237,  246,  248. 
Antiquary,  iii.  218. 


Walford  (17).  Probably  it  was  the  earliest  one  that  came 
tinder  his  notice,  but  that  they  had  been  issued  in  the  printed 
form,  far  back  in  the  previous  century,  is  undoubted.  The 
Registers  of  the  Stationers*  Co.  contain  numerous  entries 
relating  to  them,  of  which  this  is  the  earliest : — 

"  1578.  iiy  *°  Die  Augusti,  Thomas  Wood- 
cock, Reseyued  of  him  for 
printinge  a  brief       .         .         .     iiijd " 2 

Many  others  are  recorded  in  them  during  the  reigns  of 
Elizabeth  and  of  James  I.,  and  copies  of  printed  Briefs  in  the 
reign  of  the  latter  will  be  described  in  a  later  part  of  this 
paper.     Here  is  an  example  from  a  parochial  record : — 


"  1604.     to  Gregory  (apparitor)  for  a  breffe 

in  printe  ....     iiijd  " 8 

We  may,  however,  go  back  to  a  much  earlier  date.  In 
Staveley's  History  of  Churches  in  England  (1773),  99-101, 
there  is  an  account  of  a  Brief  granted  in  1511  to  the  Prior 
and  Convent  of  Kirkby  Beler,  in  Leicestershire,  to  enable 
them  to  obtain  money  for  repairing  their  buildings,  "  a  grant 
of  Indulgence "  being  " obtained  of  Pope  Leo  the  Tenth"  and 
a  letter  patent  "  under  the  Broad  Seal "  from  Henry  VIII. ; 
" one  of  which  Briefs"  remarks  Staveley,  "  I  have  now  in  my 
Hands ;  it  is  one  large  Sheet  of  Paper  Printed,  on  the  Top 
thereof,  the  Pictures  of  St.  Paul  and  St.  Peter,  with  the 
Popes  Arms  on  the  right  Hand,  and  the  Kings  Arms  on  the 
left"    Two  long  extracts  are  then  given.4 

Briefs  (and  the  letters  patent  of  which  they  were  copies) 
may  almost  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  offsprings  of  the 
^Reformation,  for,  although  they  were  not  altogether  unknown 
before  that  period,  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  flourished 
until  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  (when  the  term  "Brief"  was 
first  used).  Moreover,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  they 
were,  to  a  great  extent,  the  substitute  for  the  measures 
adopted  by  the  Clergy  of  the  old  form  of  religion,  to  obtain  the 

f  Ed.  Arbkb,  iii  384.  '  Archccologia,  xxxv.  439. 

4  The  Pope  must  have  been  Julius  II.,  as  Leo  X.  was  not  elected  till 
March  11,  1513.  That  1511  was  the  year,  is  corroborated  by  the  following 
extract  from  Letters,  &c.,  Hen.  VIII.  l  1504-1514,  p.  285  :— 

"  1511  Oct  8.  For  the  Prior  and  Convent  of  St  Peter  and  St.  Paul  of 
Kirkeby  on  Wrethik,  co.  Leic,  dioc.  Line. 

"Protection,  and  licence  to  declare  indulgences  and  collect  alms  and 
donations  for  the  monastery,  being  in  great  decay,  and  the  buildings  belong- 
ing to  it  having  been  destroyed  by  fire.    Tutbury  Castle,  28  Aug.  3  Hen. 



charitable  aid  of  the  public  in  behalf  of  objects  of  all  kinds. 
The  Registers  of  the  Bishops  of  Exeter,  record  many  grants 
of  indulgences  to  those,  who  rendered  pecuniary  assistance 
on  such  occasions.  That  of  Bp.  Bronescombe  (1257-1280) 
contains  several6  Many  are  enumerated  in  that  of  Bp. 
Stafford,  to  those  who  aided  in  works  connected  with  this 
county,  such  as  the  reconstruction  of  Holne  and  Woodford 
Bridges,  the  repair  of  Buckland  Brewer  Church,  the 
reconstruction  of  roads  in  the  vicinity  of  Plymouth,  &c.6 
In  1449  a  large  part  of  the  town  of  Yeovil  was  destroyed  by 
fire,  and  "  forty  days  of  indulgence  were  granted  to  charitable 
contributors  on  this  occasion."7  But  simultaneously  with 
the  assistance  derived  through  the  Clergy,  aids  from  private 
sources,  grants  out  of  county,  municipal  and  other  public 
funds,  levies  on  parishes,  &c,  were  common  at  all  periods  of 
our  history,  even  after  the  introduction  of  Briefs,  and  without 
their  expensive  machinery  and  delay  in  execution. 

The  subject  is,  however,  too  wide  to  enter  upon  here. 
Two  varieties,  however,  may  be  noticed.  Gifts  were  made 
to  extra-parochial  individuals  out  of  the  parish  funds  by 
general  consent,  where  the  case  was  known  to  be  an 
exceptionally  deserving  one,  and  without  needing  a  brief 
or  a  certificate  of  any  kind,  of  which  this  is  probably  an 
example :  Morton,  Derbyshire. 

"1634.     Item  given  to  a  poore  woman  of 

Duffield  upon  Trenitie  Sunday 
at  the  Chapel],  by  the  consent 
of  the  p'shners  there,  which 
had  her  house  burnt  away     .     28."8 

The  Churchwardens'  Accounts  (MS.)  of  St.  Martin-in-the- 
Fields,  London,  contain,  from  about  1614,  a  number  of  entries 
annually,  of  sums  given  to  poor  travellers,  to  those  who  had 
suffered  losses  by  fire,  &c,  u  out  of  the  moneys  collected  and 
gathered  at  the  Monethly  Comunions."  Here  are  two  items 
relating  to  this  county : 

"1610-1.     A  poore  woman  of  plimmouth 

that  had  two  children  burnde 
[sic]       •  .  .         .     ijB 

1613-4.     to   Thomas   Sant    travelling    to 

Plymmouth       .  .         .     vjd" 

8  E<i.  Preb.  Randolph,  36-7. 

6  Ibid.  42,  133,  294,  371.     There  is  a  long  list  in  the  Devon  Churchman, 
II.  1,  2.     Cf.  D.  A.  xxii.  257. 

7  Quoted  from  Bp.  Bekynton's  Register,  in  Collinson's  Hist,  of  Somerset, 
iii.  204.  8  Rdiquary,  xxv.  23. 


The  following  is  copied  from  the  same  Accounts : 

"1603-5.     Itm  paid  to  a  poore  man  that 

gathered  for  fire  by  wch  meanes 
we  avoyded  the  collection  in 
the  Church        .  .         .     ij«" 

Sometimes  the  amount  collected  in  the  Church,  was 
supplemented  by  a  grant  out  of  the  Church  fund. 

"1634.     Item  given  by  the  consent  of  the 

parish  to  a  breefe  for  the 
ministry  of  the  Palatine,  to 
make  it  up  5s.  .  .Is.  3d."  fl 

Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  substitute  for  a  Brief  is 
recorded  in  Cox's  Churches  of  Derbyshire,  iv.  83.  Funds 
being  required  to  complete  the  tower  of  All  Saints'  Church, 
Derby,  much  assistance  was  obtained  through  the  medium 
of  Church  Ales  in  various  parts  of  the  county.1 

We  now  pass  on  to  describe  Briefs  in  chronological  order, 
and  it  will  be  convenient  to  do  so  under  each  separate  reign, 
from  the  sixteenth  century  to  the  period  of  the  Eestoration, 
but  not  beyond,  and  to  notice  them  under  three  different 

L  Briefs  for  objects  connected  directly  with  Devonshire, 
whether  the  collections  were  made  in  this  or  in  other  counties; 
and  as  very  little  is  known  of  them  prior  to  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  it  is  intended  to  give  as  full 
details  as  possible. 

IL  Briefs  for  collections  within  the  county,  for  out-county 

III.  Miscellaneous  Briefs. 

The  earliest  mentioned  in  a  list  given  by  Mr.  Walford 
(7-11)  is  "in  connection  with  the  Redemption  of  Christian 
Captives,"  under  date  1206,  a  subject  which  has  been  the 
occasion  of  a  greater  number  of  collections  throughout  this 
country,  in  each  succeeding  century  to  the  present  one,  than 
any  other  that  can  be  named.  Down  to  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth  he  enumerates  very  few  (less  than  ten),  the 
majority  of  them  being  patents  of  alms. 

Henry  VIII.  The  important  one  of  Kirkby  Beler,  issued 
in  1511 — important  in  the  history  of  printed  Briefs — has 
already  received  notice. 

9  Vestry  Book  of  Pittington,  Durham  (Surt  Soc.  1888),  98. 
1  One  example  will  suffice  to  show  the  large  sums  gathered  in  this 
manner:—  1532.     "The  Aell  at  Brayllsford. 

Made  by  Edmund  Torner,  Ric.  plesley,  whoos  sm  mownteth  to 
xiu.  iijs.  iiijd.    The  sm  spended  there  xiiij*.  v*1." 


The  only  other  in  this  reign  possessing  local  interest, 
although,  strictly  speaking,  it  does  not  properly  belong  to 
this  county,  was  issued  for  the  repair  of  Lyme  Cobb,  in 
1545.  Its  site  being  close  to  the  Devonshire  boundary, 
was  of  especial  importance  to  the  seafaring  population  of 
this  county,  especially  during  the  war  with  France,  then  in 
progress.  It  was  this,  probably,  that  caused  the  King,  on 
June  23,  1545,  to  issue  a  Brief  for  obtaining  contributions  in 
aid  of  the  repair,  or  more  probably  of  the  reconstruction,  of 
the  Lyme  haven,  whose  origin  dated  back  to  about  the  13th 
century.  The  Archives  of  the  Town  contain  a  letter  from 
the  Mayor  ("  John  Tanner  al  Mopaige  ")  of  that  year,  record- 
ing that  "  The  Kynges  grace  .  .  .  hath  graunted  unto  us  his 
gracious  licence  under  the  great  seale  for  the  terme  of  one 
yere,  to  send  into  divers  shires  of  this  his  reyelme  of 
England,  our  lawfull  proctoures  and  messengers  to  collect 
and  gather  the  devocion  of  well-disposed  people,"  &c.2 

Elizabeth.  The  reigns  of  Edw.  VI.  and  of  Mary,  yield 
us  no  information  on  this  subject,  but  with  that  of  Elizabeth 
it  is  re-entered  upon.  As  in  her  father's  time,  the  construc- 
tion of  havens  and  their  efficient  repair  was  assisted  by 
collections  on  Briefs  and  other  aids  during  her  time.8 

About  1574  or  1575,  letters  patent  were  issued  for  a 
general  gathering  to  be  made  on  Briefs  throughout  England, 
for  the  re-construction  of  a  haven  at  the  mouth  of  the  Axe 
river  in  this  county.  From  time  immemorial  a  large  and 
important  one  had  existed  there;  but  prior  to  the  commence- 
ment of  the  sixteenth  century  it  had  gradually  silted  up,  fuid 
the  river  entrance  had  become  narrowed  by  the  extension  of 
the  pebble-ridge.  In  his  Itinerary,  written  between  1534 
and  1543,  Leland  gives  the  following  account: — 

"Ther  hath  beene  a  very  notable  Haven  at  Seton;  but  now 
ther  lyith  betwen  the  2  Pointes  of  the  old  Haven  a 
mighty  Rigge  and  Barre  of  pible  Stones  in  the  very 
Mouth  of  it  .  .  .  The  Town  of  Seton  is  now  but  a  meane 
Thing,  inhabited  with  Fischar  Men.  it  hath  bene  far 
larger  when  the  Haven  was  good  .  .  . 

3  Roberts'  Social  History  (1856),  64.  Henry's  attention  to  the  defences  of 
the  sea-coast  had  been  an  early  feature  of  his  reign,  for  in  1512-3  was  passed 
"An  acte  concerning  makyng  of  bulwarkes  on  the  sea-side,"  in  which 
"every  landyng-place,"  or  places  where  "the  frenchemen  oure  auncient 
ennemies"  are  likely  to  land,  are  to  be  protected  by  "bulwarkes,  braies, 
walls,  diches,  and  al  other  fortificacions,  from  Plymmouth  westward  to  the 
landes  end,"  as  well  as  "  by  the  sea  costes  Estward."  These  were  directed  to 
be  constructed  at  the  expense  of  the  various  counties,  in  public  or  private 
grounds  without  compensation,  and  by  forced  labour. 

8  Vide  Remarks  on  a  new  haven  for  Chester ■,  by  Rev.  Canon  Morris,  op.  cil. 



The  Men  of  Seton  began  of  late  Day[es]  to  stake  and  to  make 
a  mayne  Waulle  withyn  the  Haven  to  have  divertid  the 
Course  of  Ax  Ryver  .  .  .  But  this  Purpose  cam  not  to 

The  following  extracts  from  parochial  records,  will  show 
that,  in  the  16th  century,  collections  were  made  all  over  the 
country,  and  probably  a  very  large  amount  of  money  was 
obtained  towards  its  restoration. 

St.  Michael,  Cornhill  (Vestry  Book). 

"1575,   June   29.      Thomas   Garrett    and 

John  Bowltynge  to  gather 
the  collectyon  ffbr  a  Haven 
to  be  byldedd  in  the  weste 

Eltham,  Kent. 

"1575.      paid  for  makinge  the  bookes  of 

the  collections  toward  the 
makinge  of  Colliton  haven, 
and  for  carying  the  said 
bokes  two  severall  days  to 
London         .         .         .  ij*"6 

St.  Michael's,  Bishop's  Startford. 

"  1578.  pd  for  ye  making  of  ij  by  lis  In- 
dented one  for  Collington 
haven  and  j  for  Thomas 
Browne         ....       viijd"7 

Cvlworthy  Northamptonshire. 

"  1576.     It.   payd  for  the  caryage  of  the 

money  for  Collyngton  haven 

to  Northampton    .         .  iiijd 

1580.     It.  for  a  leter  that  was  brought 

from  Collyngtone  aven .  .  ijd 
1583.     Itm.     received    of     ye    collection 

money  of  Colliton  haven       .       ys  ijd  "  8 


"  1578-9.     to  the  mayntenance  of  Colyton 

haven       ....       ij8" 9 

Wardington,  Oxford  (Par.  Keg.). 

"  Anno  Dni  1576  the  first  yeare.  A  true  note  and  certificate 
of  suche  men  dwelling  wth  in  ye  towens  of  Werdenton,  Williams- 

«  Ed.  of  1769,  Hi.  71-2. 

•  Ch.  W.  Accts.  &c  A.  J.  Waterlow,  238. 

•  Archceologia,  xxxiv.  61. 

1  Ch.  W.  Accts.  J.  L.  Glasscock  (1882),  59. 
»  MS.  9  Ch.  W.  Accts.  48. 

vol.  xxvu.  £ 


cote  and  Cowton  p]  as  have  geven  their  money  towardes  ye 
repairynge  of  Collington  haven  in  Devonshire.  Ano  Kegine 
Elizabeth  Decimo  Octavo. 

The  money  geven  the  27  of  May  1576.  The  first  yeare  payd 
Werdenton.       Sume  totalis  is  .     ix« 

The  second  yeare  for  Collyngton  heaven  in  Devonshire  Ano 
Regine  Elizabeth  decimo  novo. 

ye  monye  geven  ye  xxvitb  daie  of  May  1577  ano 

Sunle  totalis  is  vjs 

The  third  yeare  for  collingto  haven  in  Devonshire  in  ye  xi 
yeare  of  Elizabeth. 

the  money  geven  ye  xix  day  of  October  Ano  dni  1578 

Same  totalis     iiij8  vd         for  writing      ijd 
The  fourth  yeare  Ano  dni  1579  ye  xxi**  yeare — "  [sic] 

The  first  three  years  are  certified  by  "Sr  Aleyn  Towe, 
curat,"  and  the  Churchwardens.1 

In  connection  with  this  matter,  the  following  is  of  too 
interesting  a  character  to  be  omitted : — 

"  1576.  The  Queen  made  use  of  our  Archbishop  [E.  Grindal] 
also  in  one  particular  more  this  year.  Colliton  haven  at  Seton  in 
the  county  of  Devon  wanted  repair.  The  Queen  had  sent  her 
letters  to  Matthew  [Parker],  late  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  [he 
died  on  May  17,  1575],  for  that  purpose,  who  gave  a  mandate 
to  the  Bishops  and  others  within  his  province  to  have  contribu- 
tions made  severally  within  their  dioceses.  And  the  sums  of 
money  so  raised  were  to  be  delivered  to  Thomas  Weston  and 
William  Morris,  merchants,  of  London,  appointed  by  her  Majesty's 
letters  patents  to  be  general  receivers.  These  receivers  were 
charged  to  have  received  greater  sums  than  they  gave  in  by 
their  particular  accounts.  To  find  out  the  truth  whereof,  and 
that  such  frauds  of  charity  might  not  go  undiscovered,  the  Lords 
sent  to  this  our  Archbishop,  to  despatch  his  letters  to  all  the 
Bishops,  that  forthwith  they  send  notes  of  all  such  sums  of  money 
as  had  been  severally  collected,  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
said  Weston  and  Morris.  And  this  the  Archbishop  accordingly 
did."  2 

This  is  the  earliest  notice  yet  found,  of  any  suggested  fraud 
practised  by  the  collectors  of  Brief  money. 

The  continuation  of  these  contributions  over  so  many  suc- 
cessive years,  points  out  the  importance  that  was  attached 

1  My  especial  thanks  are  due  to  Sir  H.  Dryden,  Bart.,  of  Canons  Ash  by  ; 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Wood,  of  Cropredy,  near  Leamington  ;  and  the  Rev.  C.  Hul, 
of  Cul worth,  near  Banbury,  for  extracts  from  parish  records,  and  other 
information,  respecting  Colyton  Haven. 

2  Life  of  Archbishop  Grinded,  by  J.  Strype  (1821),  838,  889. 


to  this  haven.  The  foregoing  extracts  show  that  they 
extended  to  1583,  and  probably  longer.  Within  this  period, 
Drake  had  circumnavigated  the  globe,  the  enmity  of  Spain 
had  been  gradually  increasing,  and  "  in  1584  the  first  vessels 
of  an  armada  which  was  destined  for  the  conquest  of  England 
began  to  gather  in  the  Tagus."  8 

The  following  requires  mention  here,  whether  it  relates  to 
Colyton  or  to  some  other  haven : — 

St.  Man/8,  Heading. 

"  1589-90     It'm  payed  to  bonamy  for  carry- 

inge  of  the  mony  to  Oxford 
gathered  for  the  haven  towne    iiijd.w     (70.) 4 

It  is  uncertain  whether  the  work  at  the  haven  prosecuted 
by  Thomas  Erie,  Esq.,  and  his  son,  Sir  Walter,  as  recorded 
by  Sir  W.  Pole,  refers  to  the  same  undertaking  or  not,  but 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  author  refers  to  it  in  the 
following  passage : — 

"  Seaton  .  .  .  About  lx  yeeres  past  theire  was  a  colleccion 
over  England,  by  authority,  to  collect  moneys  for  the  makinge 
of  an  haven  in  this  place,  but  the  money  was  converted  to 
worse  use." fi 

The  estuaries  of  the  rivers  Axe,  Sid,  and  Otter  at  one  time 
formed  natural  harbours,  and  were  much  used  by  shipping, 
but  the  enormous  amount  of  earth,  gravel,  etc.,  brought  down 
from  the  land  traversed  by  them,  and  deposited  in  their  beds, 
have  gradually  rendered  them  incapable  of  being  similarly 
employed  at  the  present  date. 

The  learned  Nathanael  Carpenter,  a  Devonian,  and  one  of 
the  leading  scientific  men  of  his  day,  thus  alludes  to  the 

*  J.  R.  Green,  Hist,  of  Bag.  People,  ii.  433. 

4  That  other  havens  were  receiving  attention  about  this  period,  is  shown 

by  the  following  item  in  the  Accounts  of  the  Stationers'  Co. : — 

"Receaued  this  yeere  of  Clement  Draper  and  Henri 

Clitheroe  in  parte  of  paiemente  of  Tenne 

poundes  heretofore  Lente  towarde  the  re- 

paireinge  of  Yarmouth  Haven,  ye  somuie 

OI       ....*•  «1   • 

(Ed.  Arber,  i.  489.) 

•  Devonshire,  123,  139-40.  Risdon  (Survey  of  Devonshire,  1714,  ii.  59) 
remarks  : — "  Of  which  Work  there  remaineth  no  Monument,  only  a  remem- 
brance of  such  a  Place  among  Strangers  that  know  not  where  it  stands." 
The  attempt  of  the  Erles  may  have  been  made  after  the  earlier  one  had  been 
abandoned.  Of  the  Erie  family  and  their  labours,  vide  Rogers'  Memorials 
of  the  West,  379-81.  It  is  singular  that  there  is  no  allusion  in  Pulman's 
Book  of  the  Agse  to  the  Brief- Collections. 

z  2 


silting-up  of  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  of  Devon  in  the  six* 
teenth  century : 

"  By  the  heaping  up  of  sand  and  earthly  nihhish,  the  mouthes 
of  great  Riuers  are  in  time  choaked  vp  .  .  .  and  for  present 
instance  need  to  goe  no  farther  then  diuerse  Townes  in  Deuon, 
which  (according  to  the  Relation  of  ancient  men)  haue  heretofore 
heen  faire  hauens,  able  to  receiuo  great  ships,  to  which  notwith- 
standing at  this  time  a  small  boat  cannot  arriue  except  in  a  full 

The  next  Brief  relating  to  Devonshire  is  thus  entered  in 
the  Woodbury  Accounts : 

"  1583-4.     Ite.  by  the  Justes   Comaunde- 

ment  to  the  Repearinge 
Agayne  of  the  howses  y* 
were  burned  at  Samford         .     x8 " 

We  have  evidence  that  this  was  Sampford  Peverell,  near 
Tiverton.  At  first  sight,  it  would  appear  as  though  it  were 
an  example  of  a  benevolence,  directed  to  be  gathered 
throughout  the  county,  by  an  order  of  Justices  of  the  Peace. 
Unfortunately,  in  this  instance,  the  County  Records  afford  us 
no  information,  as  they  do  not  date  farther  back  than  1592.7 

Considerable  light  is,  however,  thrown  upon  it,  by  the 
account  of  a  great  fire,  which  occurred  shortly  before  at 
Nantwich,  in  Cheshire  (Dec.  10,  1583),  when  the  greater 
part  of  the  town  was  consumed.  A  Brief  was  issued  on 
March  11,  1584,  and  a  sum  of  £3224  6s.  9£d.  was  obtained.8 
A  sum  of  £20  16s.  7d.  was  contributed  by  the  Clergy  of  the 
diocese  of  Exeter,  and  a  letter  (of  which  the  following  is  a 
transcript)  was  sent  by  Bp.  Woolton  to  Sir  F.  Walsingham, 
explanatory  of  the  reason  why  the  amount  was  not  greater, 
the  Clergy  having  had  so  recently  to  contribute  to  the  losses 
by  fire  at  Sampford : — 

"  After  my  hartie  commendacons,  According  vnto  the  tenor  of 
Ires  sent  vnto  me  from  the  lies  of  her  Ma*6-  most  honourable 
pry  vie  counsaile  of  the  last  of  Marche  and  deliuered  me  aboute 
ye  last  of  Aprill  then  followinge  I  appointed  vr**1  as  muche 
expedition  as  I  mighte  learned  and  honeste  men  to  collecte  the 
deuocon   of  all   the  Clergie   wthin  my  Dioces  for   the  relief   of 

6  Geographic  (1635),  bk.  2,  ch.  10,  p.  177. 

7  Such  orders  were,  however,  made  by  them,  vide  p.  20  of  Mr.  Hamilton's 
work.     Here  is  an  example  from  another  county  : — 

Bere  Regis,  Dorset.  "  In  1634,  an  order  of  sessions  passed  that  this  town, 
lately  consumed  by  fire,  should  receive  50/  out  of  the  county  stock,  and  a 
petition  for  a  brief  was  ordered,  the  loss  being  7000/."  (Hutchins'  Hist,  oj 
Dorset,  1861,  i.  158). 

8  Hall's  History  of  Nantwich  (1883),  104-  9  ;  Cheshire  Sheaf t  L  845-8. 


Namptwiche.  And  hauing  vsed  persuasions  and  all  other  good 
Meanes  for  the  better  speding  therof  cannot  bringe  the  same  to 
that  proporcon  wch  I  earnestlie  wished  theye  pretending  manie 
excuses  as  namelie  theire  pouertie  and  like  colleccons  proposed 
unto  them  for  the  soucourringe  of  Sampforde  Peuerell  latelie 
burnte :  a  Borowe  Towne  in  Devon.  I  assure  yor  Lo.  I  haue 
done  my  beste  in  expedicon  and  in  diligence  aboute  the  same. 
Presentlie  I  haue  sent  by  a  trustie  Messenger  John  Dunscombe 
draper  of  London  to  be  deliuered  to  the  handes  of  Thomas 
Alderseye  and  Thomas  Braseye  men  nomynated  for  that  purpose 
in  the  said  Ires.  The  some  of  xx1  xvj8  vijd  and  if  I  can  gather 
any  more  (wch  I  feare  will  not  be  niuche)  I  will  also  send  it. 
Vnderncath  is  specified  from  whome  this  some  hath  bene  receyued. 
And  so  I  comend  you  to  the  blessed  proteccon  of  Almightie 
Exeter  the  xvijth  of  Julie  1584. 

Yor  Lo.  assured  f  rende 

John  Exon. 

Imprimis  of  the  Buishoppe  of  Exon   . 
Item  ye  Deane  and  chaptre  there  cosisting 

of  12  Canons  residensarics 
Item  of  the  Clergie  wfchin  Tharchdeaconrie 

of  Exeter 

Item  of  the  Clergie  wthin  Tharchdeaconrye 

of  Tottones  , 

Item  of  the  Clergie  wthin  Tharchdeaconrye 

of  Barum 

Item  of  the  Clergie  wthin  Tharchdeacorye 

of  Cornwall         ..... 

Sunia  total xx1    xvj8    vijd 

[Addressed]   To  the   righte    honourable   my  good   frende    Sr 
ffraunces  Walsingham  Knighte  her  Ma*68  Principall  Secre 
tary  deliuer  theise."9 

Sir  William  Courtenay  and  others,  Justices  of  Devonshire, 
contributed  £35  to  the  Nantwich  fund.1  The  Bishop's  letter 
shows  that  the  money  gathered  for  Sampford  was,  upon  a 
Brief,  equally  with  that  of  Nantwich. 

On  several  occasions  Tiverton  suffered  from  the  effects  of 
fire.  One  of  the  most  severe  outbreaks  occurred  in  April  9, 
1598,  when,  according  to  particulars  related  in  TJie  true 
lamentable  discourse  of  the  burning  of  Teverton,  a  pamphlet 
published  in  the  same  year,2  "400  houses,  with  all  the 
Money  and  goods  that  was  therein:   and   Fyftie  persons 

•  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  clxxii.  No.  26. 

1  Ibid.  vol.  clxxiii.  No.  67. 

8  Reprinted  at  length  in  Harding's  Hist,  of  Tiverton,  ii.  appx.  7-16.     . 



....  1 


iij1       v* 






[were]  burnt  aliue."  According  to  Dunsford,8  the  number 
who  perished  was  33  (all  of  whose  names  are  recorded  in  the 
Parish  Register),  and  the  property  destroyed  was  valued  at 
£150,000.  On  July  2,  the  Queen  issued  letters  patent 
directing  collections  to  be  made  for  the  inhabitants.4 
The  following  local  example  may  be  noticed  here : — 


"1573-4.     'One    of    Wythecomb*  had   4d  his   house   being 
brent."  • 

By  collections  obtained  through  the  medium  of  Briefs,  the 
English  Protestants  were  enabled  to  render  material  assist- 
ance to  their  co-religionists  in  foreign  countries,  or  to  those 
who  had  sought  a  refuge  in  England.  Such  charitable  aid  in 
favour  of  those  who  had  been  persecuted  and  impoverished, 
was  a  new  feature  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  and  met  with 
general  support  The  earliest  notice  yet  found  is  the  follow- 
ing, and  was  occasioned  by  the  establishment  of  the 
Inquisition  in  Flanders  by  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  and  by  the 
Huguenot  troubles  in  France,  four  years  prior  to  the  massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew  : — 

1568.  Feb.  28.  Bp.  of  Lincoln  and  others,  to  Sir  W.  Cecill, 
"  Have  issued  letters  for  collections  for  relief  of  those  persons 
who  have  fled  out  of  France  and  Flanders  to  avoid  persecu- 
tion for  religion."6 

At  a  later  date,  the  sympathy  and  practical  support  of  the 
English  was  extended  to  Geneva.  It  was  within  living 
memory,  that  it  had  been  the  city  of  refuge  to  many  of  the 
Reformed  faith  during  the  troublous  times  of  Queen  Mary ; 
it  was  the  stronghold  of  Calvinism  ;  and  had  been  "  brought 
into  great  extremity  and  need  of  relief,"  owing  to  the 
intrigues  and  the  repeated  attempts  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
in  1581  and  1582,  to  gain  possession  of  the  place,  and 
if  successful,  it  was  felt  that  it  implied  a  return  to  the 
old  religious  forms.  A  letter  from  the  Privy  Council,  on 
January  29,  1583,  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  directed 
that  contributions  should  be  gathered  throughout  his  diocese, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabitants  of  Geneva.7 

8  Hist.  Mem.  of  Tiverton  (1790)  179. 

4  Strype's  Life  of  Whitgift  (1822),  ii.  404-5. 

5  Records,  30.  6  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  (1547-80),  vol.  xlvi.  No.  37. 

7  A  transcript  of  the  Letter  of  the  Privy  Council,  taken  from  Earl.  MS. 
787,  No.  101,  will  be  found  in  Ellis's  Letters  Illustrative  of  English  His- 
tory, 2nd  S.  ii.  83-5.  Another,  but  imperfect  copy,  with  one  of  the  circular 
letters  of  the  Abn.  of  Canterbury  [Grindal],  and  much  other. information 
on  the  same  subject,  are  printed  in  Strype's  Life  of  Grindal  (1821), 
412  420. 


The  amount  obtained  in  Devonshire  is  thus  recorded 
by  Dr.  Oliver,  in  his  short  memoir  of  John  Woolton, 
Bishop  of  Exeter: — 

"During  his  episcopacy,  viz.  in  1581  [should  be  1583],  a 
collection  was  made  in  Exeter  for  the  relief  of  Geneva,  to  the 
amount  of  591.  6$.  Sd.  From  the  clergy  of  the  diocese  of 
Exeter,  144/.  3*.  2d.  Total,  203/.  9s.  lOd.  wa3  received:  both 
sums  were  forwarded  by  Bishop  Woolton  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  to  be  remitted  to  Geneva,  and  duly  acknowledged, 
as  the  '  Act  Book '  shows. "  8 

The  following  is  an  example  of  the  gatherings  made 
in  this  county :-  chudleigh. 

"  1583.     Paid    to    Mr.    Richard    Wichalse    for    Geneveye — 
1.  3.  4"9 

The  Plymouth  Municipal  Records  contain  these  entries : — 

"1582-3.     Itm  paide  towarde  the  helpe  of 

Geneva  this  yere  .         .         .     xiiij1  n 

"  1589-90.    6s.  paid  to  Minterne  for  a  benevolence  graunted  for 

Geneva  of  the  Clergie  of  this  pishe."  * 

In  addition  to  those  already  noted,  the  following  is  the 
only  other  entry  yet  found  of  a  collection  made  in  a  Devon- 
shire church  during  this  reign  : — 


"1593-4.     pd.  to   one   y*    gathered   to    a 

towne      called      Marelbowre 
[Marlborough]       .         .         .     iij8     iiijd" 

It  is  certain  that  many  Briefs  were  issued  during  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  both  in  Devonshire,  as  well  as  in  the 
country  generally:  although  neither  the  State  papers  nor 
parochial  records  yield  much  direct  evidence.  When  we 
turn  to  the  Registers  of  the  Stationers'  Co.,  we  find  some 
highly  important  information  on  this  subject,  and  to  which 
attention  does  not  appear  to  have   been  hitherto  directed. 

8  Bishops  of  Exeter,  141 ;  and  collated  with  the  entry  in  the  Bishop's  Act 

9  Letters,  &c.  by  Dr.  F.  Halle  (1851),  96. 

1  Ed.  R.  N.  Worth  (1893),  124,  130.  Several  references  will  be  found  in 
Col.  S.  P.  Dora.,  between  1583  and  1590.  Here  is  one :— "  1583,  June  (?). 
The  contribution  of  the  Clergy  and  Laity,  within  the  Diocese  of  Canterbury, 
towards  the  relief  of  the  town  of  Geneva ;  specifying  the  names  of  the  con- 
tributors, and  the  amount  given  by  each."  {Ibid.  vol.  clzi.  No.  21.)  Parti- 
culars of  the  sums  gathered  in  Lyme  Regis,  are  given  in  Roberts's  Social 
History,  250. 


All  the  entries  of  the  sixteenth    century  (except  that  of 
1578,  already  quoted)  are  here  given  in  extenso: — 

"1587.  Die  Saturn  [a]  e.  xxviij.  January.  Thomas  Purfoote. 
Allowed  vnto  Thomas  Purfoote  the  ymprintinge  of  the 
Briefes  of  all  letters  Patentes  to  be  graunted  tmder  the  great e 
seale  of  England  for  gatheringe  by  reason  of  casualty es  and 
losses  happenynge  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land.  The  printinge 
of  whiche  Briefes  is  aucthorised  to  the  said  Thomas  vnder 
the  Lord  Archebyshoppe  of  Canterbury  e  his  hand  and  bothe 
ye  wardens,  viz.,  master  Byshop  and  master  Denham.    iiijd 

"1590.  xj°  Decembris.  Thomas  Purfoote.  Entred  vnto  him  for 
his  Copies,  vnder  th[e  hlandes  of  the  Bisshopp  of 
London,  the  maister  and  Wardens,  tlie  Abstractes  and 
Copies  of  all  such  Briefes  and  Leitres  TestymoniaU  as  tlie 
saide  Bisshopp  shall  here  after  subscrybe  or  sealle  for  the 
gathering  of  the  devosions  of  her  rnaiesties  lovinge  sub- 
jectes,  for  the  relief  of  anye  person  or  persons  that  shall 
happen  to  fall  in  decaye  by  losses  or  casualties,  [vj4  in- 
serted and  then  deleted.] 

"  1590.  25to  Junij.  Robert  Robinson.    Yt  is  agreed  that  he  shall 
paye  ij8  for  a  fine  :  for  printing  a  brief  Disorderlye.  ij'  paid." 
[i.e.,  for  printing  a  brief  without  a  licence.2] 

We  cannot  doubt  that  to  many  of  the  objects  for  which 
these  Briefs  were  circulated,  Devonshire  was  called  upon  to 
contribute  her  share,  especially  towards  any  of  a  national 
character,  such  as  the  repairs  of  S.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  1561 
and  1584  An  Order  of  the  Privy  Council  (dated  June  26, 
1563)  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  for  him  to  levy 
Contributions  "for  the  reparations  needful  to  'Paule's 
Church/"  is  entered  in  Index  to  MS.  Vols,  in  the  Library 
of  Dawson  Turner  (1851),  161. 

Dean  Milman  states  "there  were  collections  in  every 
diocese,  and  gives  many  particulars  relating  to  the  various 

The  following  refers  to  the  second  date : — 

S.    Christopher '«,    London. 

"  1583-4.     Payde  for  Certaine  Articles  Rd. 

at  Christchurch  concerning 
the  Collectionn  for  Powles 
with  the  Aunswer  of  them 
and  the  Ordenary  Articles     .     xvjV 4 

3  Ed.  Arber,  iii.  463,  569,  862. 

B  Annals  of  S.  Paul's  Cath.  (1569),  282. 

4  Churchwardens*  Accounts,  Ed.  E.  Freshfield  (1885),  14. 


Towards  the  effects  of  the  great  fire  at  Chard,  circ.  1577, 
and  for  the  "  building  of  a  church  and  hospital "  at  Bath  in 
1579,  Briefs  were  issued,  extended  in  the  former  to  two,  and 
in  the  latter  to  seven  years — Devonshire,  no  doubt,  con- 
tributed to  each.5  "Tenne  yeres"  later,  the  Bath  authorities, 
in  a  petition  to  the  Queen,  stated  "  there  was  collected  .  .  . 
the  some  of  xij  or  xiijc11,  wherof  thone  halfe  was  spent  in 
gathering  of  the  said  some/1  and  the  remainder  being 
insufficient,  they  asked  her  Majesty  to  detain  all  the  spiritual 
preferments  in  her  hands  "but  one  halfe  yere  longer  towardes 
the  accomplishment  of  so  famous  a  worke  "  !6  Probably  this 
was  not  acceded  to. 

That  the  collection  of  Briefs  in  this  reign  was  very  costly, 
either  from  mismanagement  or  from  some  other  cause,  is 
proved  by  the  experience  of  the  Bath  one,  as  well  as  of 
that  of  Basingstoke,  for  on  the  occasion  of  a  great  fire  in  the 
latter  town  on  Sept.  16,  1601,  "the  Queene  graunted  Lycens 
vnder  the  greate  Seale  to  gather  the  Charytp  of  well-disposed 
Persons  in  London,  and  vij  Shires,  whereof  London  was  most 
bountyfull  and  lyberall :  but  by  the  badd  Consiences  of  the 
Collectors  litle  benifitt  came  to  the  Partyes  most  Damnifyed 
by  that  fyre." 7  We  have  evidence  that  Devonshire  was  one 
of  the  "  vij  Shires,"  in  the  following  extract  from  the  Order 
Book  in  the  County  Becords  : — 

"At  the  Chapter  House  (Exeter  Cathedral)  the  7th  October, 
1602,  Mr.  Sparry e  for  the  south  division,  Mr.  Thomas  Browne 
and  Mr.  Anth.  Copleetone  for  the  north  division,  and  Mr.  John 
Drake,  Mr.  William  Poole,  and  Mr.  Wm.  Walrond  for  the  east 
division,  are  contented  to  take  notyce  and  informacon  of  all  the 
money  collected  in  every  parish  for  the  relieff  of  Bazingstoke, 
latelie  damnified  by  fier,  and  to  certifie  the  same  at  the  next 
Sessions."  8 

On  April  6th,  1580  (repeated  on  May  1st),  a  great  wave 
of  earthquake  passed  across  England,  and  gave  rise  to  many 
pamphlets  and  ballads.9  Mr.  Walford  (70)  includes  the 
following  in  his  list  of  Briefs : 

"  1580.  In  the  Parish  Register  of  Ecclesfield  (S.  Yorks.),  this 
year,  there  is  an  entry :  '  For  ye  bookes  of  ye  earthquake. 
xiiijd.'  " 

*  Stbypk's  Life  of  Q rinded,  358-9.     «  Harl  MS.,  368,  4.     *  Ibid,  368,  3. 

8  Communicated  by  Mr.  A.  H.  A.  Hamilton,  to  Baioent  and  Millard's 
Hist,  of  Basingstoke  (1889),  78-9. 

8  An  interesting  account  of  it  is  related  by  Stow  (Annates,  687).  It 
formed  the  subject  of  twelve  pamphlets  and  four  ballads,  licensed  by 
the  Stationers'  Co.  How  eagerly  the  ballad  writers  of  the  day  seized 
upon  any  unusual  occurrence  is  shown  by  the  circumstance,  that  on  the 


The  inventory  list  of  St.  Oswald,  Durham,  in  1605, 
includes  "  the  booke  of  the  earthquake."1 

James  I. — Up  to  the  time  of  the  accession  of  James  I., 
there  appears  to  have  been  no  settled  form  of  letter  patent, 
warrant,  or  licence,  under  which  authority  was  given  to 
seek  the  aid  of  the  charitably  disposed,  in  favour  of  the 
specific  object  named.  Although  at  first  issued  under  the  direct 
command  of  Royalty,  it  assumed,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
the  form  of  a  letter  from  the  Privy  Council,  and  signed  by 
all  the  members  present  (e.g.,  Nantwich  Brief,  1584,  Geneva 
Brief,  1583) ;  but  with  the  advent  of  James  an  alteration 
was  made,  and  the  general  form  then  commenced  has  been 
continued  with  but  little  interruption  to  the  present  century. 
(In  some  few  instances,  of  which  the  Whitbourne  brief  of 
1622  was  one,  a  letter  of  the  Privy  Council  was  substituted.) 
This  form  recorded  that  the  letter  patent  was  issued  by 
command  of  the  reigning  Sovereign.  (Vide  the  fac-simile 
of  brief  of  1640,  post.) 

Mr.  Walford  (5,  6)  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  "during 
the  reign  of  Charles  I.  that  the  sole  prerogative  of  authorizing 
the  issuing  of  Briefs  was  assumed  by  the  Crown,"  but  there 
is  a  greater  probability  that  it  was  the  act  of  James  I., 
simultaneously  with  the  altered  form  of  licence,  and  that 
it  was  under  him  that  these  letters  patent  first  became  "  a 
prolific  source  of  Crown  revenue." 

There  are  several  Devonshire  Briefs  to  notice  as  being 
granted  in  his  reign.  In  the  Hartland  Accounts  is  the 
following  item : 

"  1606-7.     Given  towards  the  building  of 

the  Steeple  of  St.   Sidwell's 
neere  Exon.  .         .         .     iij*  iiij*1  **  (573). 

Dr.  Oliver  makes  no  allusion  to  this,  but  Izacke  has  this 
entry  respecting  it : 

day  after  the  earthquake  (Ap.  7)  there  was  licensed,  "a  godly  newe  ballat 
moving  us  to  repent  by  ye  example  of  ye  e[a]rthqnake  happened  in  London 
ye.  6.  of  April!  1580."  Another  was  entitled,  "quake,  quake.  y*  is  time 
to  quake  when  towers  and  townes  and  all  Doo  shake."  (Ed.  Arber,  ii. 

1  Ch.  W.  Accounts  of  PiUingion,  kc  (Surtees  Soc.  (1888),  141.) 
It  is  noteworthy  that  in  a  letter  issued  by  the  Queen  in  1580,  urging 
liberal  contributions  to  some  of  "the  relligion  in  the  Towne  of  Mont- 
pellier,"  this  earthquake  is  alluded  to  as  "  an  extraordinary  admonition  and 
suche  as  dothe  foretell  some  greeuous  and  extraordinary  punishment,  &c." 
{S.  P.  Dom.  vol.  cxxxviii.  No.  37.)  The  Devonian,  N.  Carpenter, 
remarked,  "  an  earthquake  hath  no  small  consideration,  being  oftentimes 
a  meanes  which  God  vseth  to  shew  some  great  and  extraordinary  judgment." 
(Geographic  (1635),  bk.  2,  ch.  12,  p.  198) 


"  1605.  A  considerable  sum  of  money  was  raised,  as  a 
voluntary  contribution  made  by  the  Inhabitants  hereof  towards 
the  erecting  of  St.  Sydwel's  Tower."2 

Although  not  alluded  to  in  County  Histories,  a  very  ex- 
tensive fire  took  place  at  Cullompton  in  1602,  thus  recorded 
in  Mr.  Hamilton's  work  : 

"In  October,  1602,  the  justices  met  to  take  measures  for 
the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cullompton,  whose  loss  by  fire 
was  estimated  at  8000/.  For  their  immediate  necessities  the  sum 
of  50/.  was  voted  out  of  the  hospital  money,  and  the  justices 
present  individually  advanced  certain  small  sums  by  way  of  loan, 
to  be  repaid  at  the  next  sessions.  Only  two  advanced  5Z.,  the  rest 
only  40*"  (20.) 

This  was  simply  to  relieve  the  immediate  necessities  of 
those  who  had  been  burnt  out.  The  rebuilding  of  the 
place  was  evidently  assisted  by  collections  on  one  or  more 
Briefs,  as  the  following  point  out : 


1606-7     Geven   towards   the    re-edifying 

of  Collompton  .         .  .     xvd  (573.) 

Morton,  Derby. 

"  1611  (?)    Towards  the    buildinge   of    the 

Market  Towne  of  Collampton 
in  Devonshire  being  burned 
by  fire      ...  .     Is."8 

On  Aug.  5,  1612,  Tiverton  was  again  the  scene  of  a  great 
fire,  which  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  town,  with  goods 
and  merchandise  to  the  value  of  £200,000.  A  full  account 
of  it,  in  pamphlet  form,  with  a  woodcut  of  the  fire  on  the 
title-page,  was  published  in  the  same  year,  under  the  title  of 
Wofvll  Newts,  from  the,  West-parts  of  England,  Being  the 
Lamentable  Burning  of  the  Towne  of  Teverton,  &c*  As  also 
after  the  fire  of  1598,  a  ballad  was  issued  by  the  printer. 
The  loss  must  have  been  very  keenly  felt  by  the  inhabitants, 
as  they  could  barely  have  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the  great 
fire  that  had  taken  place  fourteen  years  before.  An  appeal 
'was  made  to  the  King  by  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  by  the 
County  Justices,  and  on  Nov.  9  of  the  same  year  he  directed 
a  letter  patent  to  be  issued,  for  collections  to  be  made  upon 
Briefs  "  in  our  counties  of  Southampton,  Wilts,  and  Dorset, 
with  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  in  our  cities  of  Winchester  and 

2  Antiq.  of  Exeter  (1677)  143. 

*  Reliquary,  xvi.  22-3. 

4  Reprinted  by  Harding,  ii.  appx.  22-32. 


Salisbury,  with  our  towns  and  counties  of  Pool,  Somerset, 
Devon,  Cornwall,  Gloucester,  and  Oxon,  with  the  University, 
and  in  our  cities  of  Bristol,  Bath  and  Wells,  Exon  and 

The  Brief  of  1612  (from  which  this  extract  is  made),  is 
given  in  extenso  in  the  works  of  Dunsford  (408-10)  and 
Harding  (ii.  Appx.  18-21),  and  is  the  earliest  example  yet 
found  of  the  new  form,  that  was  first  employed  in  the  reign 
of  James  I.6 

No  entry  has  yet  been  found,  in  any  of  the  parochial 
accounts  that  have  been  examined,  of  collections  made  on 
account  of  this  fire.6 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  and  unique  uses  which  a  brief 
had  to  serve  as  an  instrument  for  obtaining  the  contributions 
of  the  public,  formed  a  singular  episode  in  the  life  of  Capt. 
K.  Whitbourne,  of  Exmouth,  in  1622.  Born  in  Exmouth, 
or  in  the  adjoining  parish  of  Withecombe,  he  comes  first 
under  notice  in  1583,  when  he  and  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert 
were  in  Newfoundland  together,  the  latter  "  as  the  Queen's 
representative,  and  Whitbourne,  as  a  common  sailor." 7  His 
circumstances  must  have  improved  very  rapidly,  as,  accord- 
ing to  his  own  account,  he  served  under  Lord  Howard,  as 
captain  of  his  own  ship,  in  the  attack  on  the  Spanish 
Armada  in  1588.  In  1615  he  was  sent  by  the  Admiralty 
to  Newfoundland,  to  hold  a  Court  there,  to  enquire  into 
abuses,  &c,  and  returning  to  England  he  published  a  work,  in 
1620,  bearing  the  following  title : — 

"A  Disco vree  and  Discovery  of  New-found-land,  with  many 
reasons  to  proove  how  worthy  and  beneficiall  a  Plantation  may 
there  be  made,  after  a  far  better  manner  than  now  it  is.  Together 
with  the  Laying  open  of  Certaine  Enormities  and  abuses  com- 
mitted by  some  that  trade  to  that  Countrey,  and  the  meanes 
laide    downe    for   reformation    thereof.       Written    by    Captaine 

*  In  The  Practice  of  Piety,  by  Lewis  Bayley,  Bp.  of  Bangor  (one  of  the 
most  popular  works  of  its  class  ever  published,  the  59th  edit,  having 
appeared  in  1735),  the  Tiverton  fires  of  1598  and  1612  are  recorded  as 
"examples  of  God's  Judgments  ...  for  their  horrible  prophanation  of 
the  Lord's-day,  occasioned,  chiefly,  by  their  Market  on  the  day  following." 
(55th  Ed.  1723,247.)  An  anecdote  is  related  by  L' Est  range/ that  on  the 
occasion  of  another  fire,  a  Brief  having  been  procured,  "  and  a  Devonshire 
man  collector,  the  very  memorie  of  the  probable  occasion  of  the  former 
flames  cooloth  the  charitie  of  many  that  remembered  the  storie,  and  was 
objected  to  the  collector,  who  replyed  that  ( there  was  no  truth  in  it,  and  The 
Practice  of  Pietie  had  done  them  much  wrong' — which  words,  bearing  a 
double  sense,  occasion 'd  much  laughter.0  (Anecdotes  and  Traditions,  Ed.  by 
W.  J.  Thoms.     Camd.  Soc  1839,  60  ) 

6  Tiverton  was  aided  in  other  ways,  vide  Hamilton's  work,  90. 

*  D.  W.  Prowse,  HisL  of  Newfoundland  (1895),  62. 


Whithourne  of  Exmouth,  in  the  County  of  Devon,  and  published 
by  Authority.  Imprinted  at  London  by  Felix  Kyngston,  for 
William  Barret.     1620." 

Other  editions,  published  in  1622  and  1623,  are  in  the 
British  Museum  Library.  The  original  edition  (1620)  of 
the  work,  in  the  same  collection,  contains  copies,  printed  on 
paper  of  the  same  size  as  that  of  the  volume,  in  which  they 
appear  to  be  subsequent  insertions,  of  a  letter  of  the  Privy 
Council,  dated  June  30,  1621,  and  one  written  by  direction 
of  the  King  "at  Theobalds,  the  12  of  Aprill  1622."  (They 
are  included  in  the  edition  of  1623,  but  not  in  that  of  1622.) 
There  is  also  inserted  in  it  a  circular  letter,  printed  as  a 
broadside,  of  the  Bishop  of  London ;  with  the  date  of  Sept 
16,  1622. 

Whitbourne's  work  was  licensed  for  printing  on  April  26, 
1620,  the  author's  name  appearing  as  "  Whitmore,"  and  this 
name  is  repeated  on  April  3,  1625.8  Notwithstanding  the 
date  of  this  license  and  that  on  the  title-page  being  1620, 
the  work  was,  apparently,  not  issued  till  1622,  when  the 
letters  of  the  King  and  of  the  Privy  Council  were  added,  as 
well  as  the  letter  of  Dedication  to  the  King,  commencing, 
"Most  Dread  Soveraigne,"  as  the  following  extract  will 
show : — 

"  The  following  discourse  .  .  .  was  presented  vnto  your 
Maiestie  at  Huntingdon  in  October  last ;  since  which  time,  it  hath 
pleased  such  of  the  Lords  of  your  Maiesties  most  Honourable 
Priuy  Councell,  at  Whitehall,  the  24  of  July  last  then  present,  to 
give  mee  incouragement  with  their  good  approbation  thereunto ; 
and  ordered,  that  the  booke  should  be  printed  .  .  .  to  be  re- 
commended to  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  rest 
of  the  Lords  Bishops,  to  be  distributed  to  the  seuerall  Parishes  of 
your  Maiesties  Kingdome,  &c." 

The  three  documents  above-mentioned  are  now  transcribed 
in  extensOy  partly  owing  to  their  importance  in  the  history  of 
Briefe,  and  partly  to  their  interest  as  Devonshire  documents, 
and  being  comparatively  unknown. 9 

I.     Letter  op  Privy  Council. 

"  After  our  very  hearty  Commendations  to  your  good  Lordships, 
whereas  Captaine  Richard  Whitbourne  of  Ifamouth,  in  the  County 
of  Deuon,  Gentleman  hauing  spent  much  time  in  New-found  land 

8  Reg.  StaL  Co.  ed.  Abber,  iv.  40, 158. 

9  They  have  been  copied  from  the  originals  in  Whitbourne's  work.  The 
first  two  are  reprinted  in  T.  Whitburn's  Westtoard  Hot  for  Avalon 
(1870),  82-4.  Trie  Bishop's  circular  letter  is  believed  to  be  a  unique  copy  ; 
probably  one  similar  to  it  was  sent  by  the  other  Bishops  to  the  Clergy  in 
each  of  their  respective  dioceses. 


(whither  he  hath  made  sundry  voyages,  and  some  by  expresse 
Commissions)  hath  set  down  in  wryting  diuers  good  observations 
and  notes  touching  the  state  and  condition  of  that  Country,  and 
the  plantation  there,  which  being  by  order  from  vs  now  printed : 
It  is  desired  to  be  published  throughout  the  Kingdome,  for  the 
furthering  and  aduancement  of  the  said  plantation,  and  to  giue  in- 
couragement  to  such  as  shalbe  willing  to  aduenture  therein,  and 
assist  the  same,  either  in  their  persons  or  otherwise,  to  which  we 
thinke  the  publication  of  this  Booke  may  much  conduce  :  And  we 
doe  giue  good  approbation  to  his  good  indeauours  and  purpose.  So 
haue  we  thought  fit,  earnestly  to  recommend  him  vnto  your  Lord- 
ships good  fauours,  both  for  the  distribution  of  his  Books  within 
the  Prouinces  of  Canterbury  and  Yorke,  vnto  the  seuerall  Parishes 
thereof,  and  also  for  your  Lordships  helpe  and  furtherance,  that 
after  his  great  trauels  and  charges,  wherein  he  hath  spent  much  of 
his  time  and  meanes,  hauing  long  time  been  a  Merchant  of  good 
estate,  he  may  reape  by  your  Lordships  assistance  some  profit  of 
his  labours,  and  towards  the  printing  and  distributing  the  said 
Bookes  by  such  a  voluntary  contribution,  as  shalbe  willingly 
giuen  and  collected  for  him  within  the  seuerall  Parish  Churches 
of  the  said  Prouinces :  which  will  be  both  a  good  incouragement 
vnto  others  in  the  like  indeuours  for  the  seruice  of  their  Country, 
and  some  reward  to  him  for  his  great  charge,  trauels,  and  diuers 
losses  at  Sea  which  he  hath  receiued,  as  we  are  credibly  certified. 
And  so  commending  him  earnestly  to  your  good  Lordships,  We 
bid  your  Lordships  very  heartily  farewell. 

"From  Whitehall  the  last  day  of  Iune  1621." 

IL     Letter  of  the  Kino. 

"At  Theobalds,  the  12  of  Aprill,  1622. 

"  His  Majesty  is  graciously  pleased,  That  the  Lords  Archbishops 
of  Canterbury  and  Yorke,  doe  in  their  seuerall  Prouinces  proceed 
according  to  the  Letters  of  the  Lords  of  the  Councell,  bearing 
date  the  last  of  Iune,  1621,  as  well  in  recommending  Captaine 
Whitbournes  discourse  concerning  New-found-land,  so  as  the  same 
may  be  distributed  to  the  seuerall  Parishes  of  this  Kingdome,  for 
the  incouragement  of  Aduenturers  into  the  Plantation  there;  As 
also  by  furthering  (in  the  most  fauorable  and  effectual  manner 
they  can)  the  collections  to  be  thereupon  made  in  all  the  said 
Parishes,  towards  the  charge  of  printing  and  distributing  those 
Bookes,  and  the  said  Captaine  Whitbournes  good  indeuours,  and 
seruice,  with  expence  of  his  time  and  meanes  in  the  aduancing 
of  the  said  Plantation ;  and  his  seuerall  great  losses  receiued  at 
Sea  by  Pyrats  and  otherwise,  of  which  his  Maiesty  hath  beene 
credibly  certified.  And  further  his  Maiesties  pleasure  is,  that  the 
said  Captaine  Whitbourne  shall  haue  the  sole  printing  of  his  booke 
for  one-and-twenty  yeares.  «  Qod  8ave  the  King» 


III.    Circular  Letter  op  the  Bishop  of  London. 

"  George,  by  the  diuine  prouidence,  Bishop  of  London  :  To  all 
and  singuler  Archdeacons,  Deanes,  and  their  Officials, 
Parsons,  Vicars,  Curates,  Churchwardens ;  and  to  all  other 
Ecclesiastical  1  Officers  and  Ministers  within  my  Diocesse 
of  Winton1  [sic],  and  the  seuerall  Parishes  thereof, 

"  Whereas  Letters  haue  been  lately  addressed  vnto  vs  from  the 
most  Reuerend  Father  in  God,  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
burie  his  Grace,  recommending,  according  vnto  speciall  directions 
by  him  receiued  from  his  Maiesty  and  the  Lords  of  the  most 
Honourable  Priuie  Councell,  the  publication  of  a  Discourse 
written  by  Captaine  Richard  Whitbourne,  concerning  New- 
found-land, and  a  Collection  to  be  thereupon  made  in  all  the 
seuerall  Parishes  within  this  Kingdome  of  England.  And  that 
by  my  selfe  and  my  Officers  I  would  giue  my  best  furtherance 
thereunto.  Now,  forasmuch  as  the  publication  of  the  said  Dis- 
course tends  principally  to  the  aduancement  of  his  Maiesties 
Plantation  already  there  begun,  by  inciting  Aduenturers  there- 
unto, as  well  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospell  in  that  Countrey, 
as  also  for  many  great  benefits  that  may  be  there  gotten  to  all  such 
as  will  be  Aduenturers  therein  ;  and  likewise  for  the  generall  good 
and  inriching  of  the  whole  Kingjdome,  and  not  be  any  way 
burdensome,  or  hurtfull  to  any  of  his  Maiesties  subiects,  as  by 
the  Discourse  it  selfe,  herewith  sent  vnto  you,  doth  more  at  large 
appeare ;  And  for  that  his  Maiesty  and  the  Lords  of  the  Councell 
haue  so  well  approoued  the  said  Captaines  good  endeuours  herein, 
as  to  recommend  him  in  an  extraordinary  manner;  That  towards 
his  great  trauels,  charge,  and  expence  of  time,  with  seuerall 
Commissions,  and  otherwise  in  this  businesse ;  and  towards  the 
Printing  and  free  distributing  his  Bookes,  and  his  seuerall  great 
losses  receiued  at  Sea  by  Pirate  and  otherwise,  in  aduenturing 
to  further  the  said  Plantation,  and  partly  discouering  the  good 
which  may  come  therby  vnto  all  his  Maiesties  subiects;  The 
voluntary  bounties  of  all  his  Maiesties  subiects  should  be  collected 
to  his  vse  and  behoofe,  as  by  their  Lordships  Letters,  and  his 
Maiesties  pleasure  thereupon  signified,  which  is  Printed  in  the 
forepart  of  the  Booke,  doth  appeare.  These  are  therefore  to 
pray  and  require  you  my  Brethren  of  the  Ministery,  in  your 
seuerall  Parish  Churches  and  Chappels,  thorowout  my  Diocesse 
of  London  ;  That  within  one  Moneth  next  after  the  said  Captaine 
Whitbournes  Booke,  with  this  my  Letter,  which  I  doe  allow  to  be 
Printed,  shall  be  by  him,  his  Assignee  or  Assignes,  brought 
vnto  any   of   you,   you  signifie  vnto  your  Parishioners   in  so 

1  This  mistake  of  "Winton"  for  London,  confirms  the  probability  of  the 
form  and  contents  of  tho  Bishops'  Letters,  being  similar  in  each  diocese. 


friendly  and  effectuall  manner  as  possible  you  can,  vpon  some 
Sabbath  day,  in  the  time  of  Diuine  Service,  and  when  no  other 
Collection  is  to  be  made,  this  my  Letter,  and  the  scope  and  intent 
of  his  Discourse,  and  seriously  stir  up  and  exhort  them  to  extend 
their  bountifull  liberality  herein;  which  you  the  Churchwardens 
are  to  collect,  after  the  due  and  vsuall  manner  from  seate  to  seate, 
and  such  of  the  Parishioners  as  shall  be  then  absent,  to  collect 
their  gratuities  at  their  houses,  and  ioyntly  with  the  Minister 
endorse  the  summe  and  place  where  it  is  collected,  in  letters,  and 
not  in  figures,  vpon  these  Letters,  and  then  speedily  returne  both 
the  Money  and  Letters,  vnto  Mr.  Robert  Christian,  Gent,  at  his 
house  in  Knight-rider-street,  neere  the  Cathedrall  Church  of 
S.  Paid  in  London,  whom  the  said  Captaine  Whitbourne  hath 
intreated  to  receiue  the  same  to  his  vse;  that  all  such  money 
and  Letters  may  be  speedely  redeliuered  ouer